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THE 


SOUTHERN REBELLION: 


BEING 


A HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES 


FROM THE 


COMMENOEMENT OF PRESIDENT BUOHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION THROUGH THE WAR 
FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE REBELLION. 


CONTAINING 


A RECORD OF POLITICAL EVENTS, MILITARY MOVEMENTS, CAMPAIGNS, EXPEDITIONS, 
BATTLES, SKIRMISHES, ETC. 


PREPARED FROM OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS AND OTHER AUTHENTIC SOURCES. 
By W. A. CRAFTS. 


ILLUSTRATED WITH ELEGANT STEEL ENGRAVINGS, 


FROM ORIGINAL DESIGNS AND PHOTOGRAPHS, EXECUTED EXPRESSLY FOR THE WORK. 


BOSTON: 
PUBLISHED BY SAMUEL WALKER. 
1862. 


Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1862, by 
SAMUEL WALKER, 


In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 


TO THE 


DEFENDERS OF THE UNION, 
ON THE LAND AND ON THE SEA, 


THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED. 


“Get. ete a | i re oon A ririte | 


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HEtrue his- 
tory of the 
Southern 
‘Rebellion 
hould, per- 
haps, com- 
mence many years before the 
< actual breaking out into open 
- resistance in 1861. After the 
suppression of nullification in 
South Carolina, in 1832, Gen- 
eral Jackson wrote, in effect, 

that there was a settled deter- 
mination on the part of the leaders of that 
movement to establish a “southern confed- 
eracy” —that the tariff was then made the 
pretext for their resistance to the authority of 
the United States, but that the next pretext 


would be the slavery question. There are 
various evidences that the keen observation 
of President Jackson was not at fault. The 
language of the aiders and abettors in the nul- 
lification movement indicated that there was a 
fixed purpose in some quarters to bring about 
a division of the United States, and to establish 
a separate government at the south, under 
which the material, political, and social inter- 
ests of that section should be promoted, better 
than they could be by association with the 
different interests of the north. The secret 
history of the movement has not been written, 
but occasional glimpses have been had through 
all the period, from 1831 to the final breaking 
out of rebellion in 1861, which revealed the 
purposes of the leaders of the ultra southern 


party, while a consideration of the public his- 
(5) 


6 INTRODUCTION. 


tory of the country, in relation to those matters 
having a bearing upon the interests, or supposed 
interests, of the south, confirm the observer in 
the belief that this purpose of separation has 
been, to some extent, constantly entertained, 
and that the action of certain parties has tended 
constantly and consistently to such a result. 

The structure of southern society is such as 
might naturally lead to the desire for the 
establishment of a government on a different 
theory from that of the United States, as inter- 
preted by the more democratic society of the 
north. <A privileged class, accustomed to lead 
and control in social life, and having such a 
community of interest as makes it expedient 
and necessary for them to act together in their 
local politics, and withal based upon an institu- 
tion which at once magnifies their importance, 
both social and political, and renders them 
jealous of their privileges, could hardly be 
expected to be content with the control of 
their own local politics, or with their social 
superiority in their own community, if beyond 
these they had other political relations, and 
were part of a larger community. Such a 
privileged class are the southern planters and 
_slaveholders — an aristocracy without titles, but 
with as much power, socially and _ politically, 
and with as many privileges, practically and 
legally, in their own states and communities, 
as, perhaps, any nobility of the old world. 
They have all the influence which wealth can 
give; all the distinction which freedom from 
labor, and the absolute control over the great 
laboring class, can afford; all the power which 
common interest and united purpose can secure 
by means of wealth, leisure, ability, and social 
influence. The local governments are theirs, 
the local laws are especially for them and their 
property, and the whole political system hinges 
upon their rights and interests. 

These things are facts, entirely independent 
of any moral or political question in relation 
to slavery. Such is the class which has neces- 


sarily grown up at the south under the influ- 
ence of institutions and ideas constantly ex- 
tending in that one direction, and which so 
rules as to give the tone and character to that 
portion of the country. At home, in their own 
community and states, their power and their 
position have been sufficiently established, their 
interests sufficiently protected. But in the 
United States— the whole country — they were 
not paramount and absolute. By the constitu- 
tion southern institutions were recognized ; but 
ever since the establishment of the govern- 
ment, and especially since the culture of cotton 
has given increased importance to the land- 
holder and slaveholder of the south, there has 
been a contest between the north and the south 
respecting the extent to which this recognition 
was intended to be carried in the constitution, 
and how it was to be carried out by the laws 
and practices, and assent, of the whole country ; 
and almost as continually there have also been 
other contests, of a more temporary character, 
in relation to policy affecting more or less the 
interests of the privileged class at the south. 
A review of the history of the country will 
show that in a majority of these contests, and 
for a long time, the south ultimately prevailed, 
or secured some substantial gain, if not all that 
it desired. 

It is not to be inferred from this that the 
privileged class of the south were always united 
and contending against a united natural oppo- 
sition at the north. Parties were divided, both 
at the north and the south, on other great 
questions and measures, and partly on the tra- 
ditional distinctions of the early days of the 
republic. The questions before the whole 
country which affected the interests of the 
dominant power at the south were for a long 
time incidental or temporary, and such as might 
naturally be viewed differently among them- 
selves. But that power, for the most part, 
affiliated with the party at the north which 
most nearly supported its interests and ideas 


INTRODUCTION. 7 


By degrees, in the lapse of time, old issues dis- 
appeared, and every new question that arose, 
or was forced upon the country, involved more 
and more the interests or privileges of the in- 
stitution on which the southern power was 
based. As these interests and privileges came 
directly in question, the power of the ruling 
class among its own people became manifest, 
by the union of the greater part of the south- 
ern voters. In former years, and under the old 
issues, their efforts had been mainly not to lose 
any advantages. But as the social and polit- 
ical institutions of the south became more 
compact and firmly established, and the privi- 
leges and power of the aristocratic part of the 
community consequently increased, the efforts 
were not simply defensive or protective, but 
were directed to the control of the general 
government. In these efforts they succeeded 
until the last election, because in the more 
democratic north parties are not so easily con- 
solidated, and the interests involved in such 
contests, being too remote to be personally felt, 
as at the south, were in part controlled or 
modified by other and local interests. Thus 
the southern party have always found at the 
north a party which acted with them, partly 
from traditional associations, and partly from 
the various motives of interest, feeling, sympa- 
thy, and opposition to other men, parties, or 
measures. And thus they gained an influence 
in the general government, and gradually 
brought it, or sought to bring it, into a position, 
with regard to their social institutions, as near 
as possible to that of their local governments, 
and in opposition to the principles and institu- 
tions of the north. 

This was the policy of the more extreme 
party at the south; that party which, from 
its positive character and determined course, 
shaped the policy of that section. There were 
others, a majority of whom were probably 
not so deeply interested in the peculiar institu- 
tions of the south, who were disposed to a 


more moderate policy. But m the course of 
time the latter class grew smaller or less influ- 
ential, while the extreme party gained, as every 
such party must, when its leaders are composed 
of the ablest men, its measures are positive, 
and its success is probable. Northern opposition 
to slavery, especially to the extension of sla- 
very into new states, served also to consolidate 
the south. 

As before remarked, the efforts of the south- 
ern party had at first been not to lose any 
advantages, and they succeeded in maintaining 
an equal power in the national senate by the 
admission of a new slave state whenever a new 
free state was admitted. But the rapid increase 
of the free states in population with each dec- 
ade reduced the direct influence of the south 
in the popular branch of Congress. So long, 
however, as the people of the north were 
divided, and a considerable portion of them 
and their representatives could, by interest or 
sympathy, be attached to the ruling party of 
the south, it could still control the government. 
But the Missouri compromise secured to the 
north a larger territory for new free states than 
was open to the south for new slave states; and 
the rapid settlement of that territory indicated 
that the free states would soon predominate in 
the,senate. Such a result was dreaded by the 
extreme southern party, for by it they saw the 
sceptre would pass from their hands. And it 
was no less plain to the more far-seeing that 
the institution on which their social and polit- 
ical superiority was based could flourish only 
by expansion in the cotton and sugar-growing 
regions. The annexation of Texas was then 
accomplished; and though that measure was 
brought about by the aid of the north, it was a 
southern measure, and for the strengthening 
of the south and its institutions. The Mexican 
war followed, with its conquest of vast addi- 
tional territories. It was hoped that this terri- 
tory, adjoining the slave states and the territory 
conceded to slavery, would secure the continued 


8 | INTRODUCTION. 


equality, if not preponderance, of the slave 
states. 
in consequence of the discoveries of gold, by a 
population of working men, mostly from the 
free states, disappointed the hope. Then came 
the agitation in 1849-50, consequent upon this 
result in California and other questions con- 
nected with the settlement of the condition of 
the conquered territory. Power was passing 
from the hands of the south. The extreme 
party talked of secession, and demanded new 
guaranties for slavery as a condition for remain- 
ing in the Union. At that time, there is reason 
to believe, the doctrine of secession was widely 
spread among the ruling class of the slave 
states. Social meetings and associations pecu- 
liar to them gave it many advocates and sup- 
porters. The doctrine of “state rights,” which 
had always been one of the pillars of their 
political faith, and the more so because it was 
a protection to their cherished institution, was 
asserted more strenuously than since the period 
of nullification, and to the extent of justify- 
ing secession. But the storm passed then. 
Through the efforts of some of the ablest men 
of both sections the compromise measures 
were adopted, some new guaranties were con- 
ceded to slavery, the country acquiesced, and 
peace was restored for a time. 

But the compromise measures were not sat- 
isfactory to the extreme southern party. They 
saw that the power of the south was not secured 
in the future, and could only wane under the 
existing condition of the territories and the 
comparative growth of the two sections of the 
country. New schemes were originated for 
extending slavery and its consequent political 


power. The conquest and ultimate annexation 


But the rapid settlement of California, || of Central America were projected by some of 


the wildest spirits, and signally failed. The 
next movement was the abrogation of the 
Missouri compromise, advocated by the south 
with a view of opening to slavery territory 
from which it was excluded by that act, and by 
a portion of the north as a settlement of the 
whole question on general principles. Then 
came another agitation, both at the south and 
at the north. The evident purpose of the 
southern party excited a counter purpose at 
the north, and the north, after a long contest, 
triumphed, by securing Kansas as a free state. 

It is at about this period — the commencement 
of Mr. Buchanan’s administration — that the 
present volume opens, thus forming a continua- 
tion of the History of the United States from 
the time at which it was left in a former work. 
Besides the advantage of thus giving a con- 
tinuous history of the country, there is a pro- 
priety in commencing the narrative of the 
Rebellion with the administration during which 
the scheme of secession was matured and finally 
carried into effect. The record of that admin- 
istration in its ordinary phase, occupied with 
other cares, or unwittingly —on the part of 
some of its members — aiding the secret 
movements for secession, which it proved too 
weak to oppose, will show how suddenly the 
apparent calm was disturbed by the storm. 
Giving, therefore, as in a previous volume, the 
history of events as they occurred, the writer 
will enter upon the narrative of the rebellion 
in due course, believing that the events so 
presented will give a more faithful picture of 
the times. 


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CHAPTER I. 


President Buchanan. — Inauguration and Inaugural Address. — 
Cabinet. — The Dred Scott Decision. — Policy with regard to 
Kansas. — Course of Governor Geary. — State Legislature. — 
Resignation of Governor Geary. — His Farewell Address. 


James Bucuanay, the fifteenth president, was 
born at Stony Batter, in Franklin County, 
Pennsylvania, April 22, 1791. He graduated 
at Dickinson College, in 1809, and was ad- 
mitted to the bar in 1812, at the age of 
twenty-one. He was very successful in his 
practice, and was enabled to retire from the 
profession at the age of forty. He entered 
public life, as a member of the Pennsylvania 
legislature, at an early age. Although a Fed- 
eralist, he advocated a vigorous prosecution of 
the war with England in 1812, and enlisted as 
a private in a company of volunteers. Mr. 
Buchanan entered Congress in 1820, where he 
took a high position as a debater and states- 
man. In 1828 he advocated the election of 
General Jackson to the presidency, and was a 
zealous supporter of the administration of that 
president, who, in 1831, selected him as min- 
ister at the Russian court. Upon his return 
from Russia, in 1833, he was elected to the 

1 


senate, when he was again the stanch supporter 
of General Jackson’s administration. At this 
time he strenuously opposed the slavery agita- 
tion, then in its infancy, and advocated strin- 
gent measures to suppress it. Mr. Van Buren’s 
administration also found in Mr. Buchanan a 
firm supporter, and he earnestly advocated the 
great measure of that administration, the in- 
dependent treasury. The annexation of Texas 
was warmly supported by Mr. Buchanan, when 
that measure came up under the administration 
of President Tyler. Mr. Buchanan’s senatorial 
career closed with the inauguration of Pres- 
ident Polk, who appointed him secretary of 
state, and while he held this position, the north- 
western boundary, between the United States 
and the British possessions, was settled. At 
the close of Mr. Polk’s administration, Mr. Bu- 
chanan retired to private life; but upon the 
accession of President Pierce he was appointed © 
minister to England, where he remained until 
April, 1856, when he returned, to be elected 
president. 

The inauguration of Mr. Buchanan was at- 
tended by a large concourse of people, gath- 


ered from all parts of the country, many from 
(1) 


2 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


a desire to witness the simple ceremonies of 
the occasion, but more from a desire to pay 
court to the new administration and those havy- 
ing influence with it,—courtiership being as dil- 
igently followed, though under different forms, 
in our republic, as in some of the monarchies of 
the old world. From the eastern portico of the 
Capitol, which usage has assigned for this pur- 
pose, before taking the oath of office, Mr. 
Buchanan delivered his inaugural address. 
About him were the judges of the Supreme 
Court, the members of Congress, the diplomatic 
corps, and high military and civil officers; 
before him were the people, representing the 
immense constituency by whom he had been 
chosen. He addressed them as follows :— 

“ Fellow-Citizens: I appear before you this 
dey to take the solemn oath that I will faith- 
fully execute the office of president of the 
United States, and will, to the best of my abil- 
ity, preserve, protect, and defend the constitu- 
tion of the United States. In entering upon 
this great office, I most humbly invoke the God 
of our fathers for wisdom and firmness to ex- 
ecute its high and responsible duties i such a 
manner as to restore harmony and the ancient 
friendship among the people of the several 
states, and to preserve our free institutions 
throughout many generations. Convinced that 
I owe my election to the inherent love for the 
constitution and the Union which still animates 
the hearts of the American people, let me ear- 
nestly ask their powerful support in sustaining 
all just measures calculated to perpetuate 
these, the richest political blessings which 
Heaven has ever bestowed upon any nation. 
Having determined not to become a candidate 
for reélection, I shall have no motive to influ- 
ence my conduct in administering the govern- 
ment, except the desire ably and faithfully to 
serve my country, and to live in the grateful 
memory of my countrymen. 

“We have recently passed through a pres- 
idential contest in which the passions of our 


fellow-citizens were excited to the highest de- 
gree by questions of deep and vital importance ; 
but when the people proclaimed their will, the 
tempest at once subsided, and all was calm. 
The voice of the majority, speaking in the 
manner prescribed by the constitution, was 
heard, and instant submission followed. Our 
own country could alone have exhibited so 
grand and striking a spectacle of the capacity 
of man for selfgovernment. What a happy 
conception, then, was it for Congress to apply 
this simple rule, that the will of the majority 
shall govern to the settlement of the question 
of domestic slavery in the territories! Con- 
gress 1s neither to legislate slavery into any 
territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, 
but to leave the people thereof perfectly free 
to form and regulate their domestic institutions 
in their own way, subject only to the constitu- 
tion of the United States as a natural conse- 
quence. Congress has also prescribed, that 
when the territory of Kansas shall be admitted 
as a state, it shall be received into the Union 
with or without slavery, as their constitution 
may prescribe at the time of their admission. 
A difference of opinion has arisen in regard to 
the time when the people of a territory shall 
decide this question for themselves. This is, 
happily, a matter of but little practical impor- 
tance; and besides, it is a judicial question, 
which legitimately belongs to the Supreme 
Court of the United States, before whom it is 
now pending, and will, it is understood, be 
speedily and finally settled. ‘T’o their decision, 
in common with all good citizens, I shall cheer- 
fully submit, whatever this may be, though it 
has been my individual opinion that, under the 
Nebraska-Kansas act, the appropriate period 
will be when the number of actual residents in 
the territories shall justify the formation of a 
constitution with a view to its admission as a 
state into the Union. But, be this as it may, it 
is the imperative and indispensable duty of the, 
government of the United States to secure to 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 3 


every resident inhabitant the free and inde- 
pendent expression of his opinion by his vote. 
This sacred right of each individual must be 
preserved. This being accomplished, nothing 
can be fairer than to leave the people of a 
territory free from all foreign interference, to 
decide their own destiny for themselves, sub- 
ject only to the constitution of the United 
States. The whole territorial question being 
thus settled upon the principle of popular sov- 
ereignty, — a principle as ancient as free gov- 
ernment itself,—every thing of a practical 
nature has been decided, and no other question 
remains for adjustment, because all agree that, 
under the constitution, slavery in the states is 
beyond the reach of any human power, except 
that of the respective states themselves where- 
in it exists. May we not, then, hope that the 
long agitation on this subject is approaching 
its end, and that the geographical parties to 
which it has given birth, so much dreaded by 
the father of his country, will speedily become 
extinct? Most happy will it be for the coun- 
try when the public mind shall be diverted 
from this question to others of more pressing 
and practical importance. 

“Throughout the whole progress of this agi- 
tation, which has scarcely known any intermis- 
sion for more than twenty years, while it has 
been productive of no positive good to any 
human being, it has been the prolific source of 
great evils to the master, to the slave, and to 
the whole country; it has alienated and es- 
tranged the people of the sister states from 
each other, and has even seriously endangered 
the very existence of the Union. Nor has the 
danger yet entirely ceased, Under our system 
there is a remedy for all mere political evils in 
the sound sense and sober judgment of the 
people. Time is a great corrective. The po- 
litical subjects which, but a few years ago, 
exasperated the public mind, have passed away, 
and are now nearly forgotten; but this ques- 
tion of domestic slavery is of far greater im- 


portance than any mere political question, 
because, should the agitation continue, it may 
eventually endanger the personal safety of a 
large portion of our countrymen where the 
institution exists. In that event, no form of 
government, however productive of material 
benefits, can compensate for the loss of peace 
and domestic security around the family altar. 
Let every Union-loving man, therefore, exert 
his best influence to suppress this agitation, 
which, since the recent legislation of Congress, 
is without any legitimate object. 

“Tt is an evil of the times, that men have 
undertaken to calculate the mere material 
value of the Union. Reasoned estimates have 
been presented of the pecuniary profits and 
local advantages which would result to dif 
ferent states and sections from its dissolution, 
and of the comparative injuries which such an 
event would inflict on other states and sections. 
Even descending to this low and narrow view 
of the mighty question, all such calculations 
are at fault. The bare reference to a single 
consideration will be conclusive on this point. 

“We at present enjoy a free trade through- 
out our extensive and expansive country, such 
as the world never witnessed. This trade is 
conducted on railroads and canals, on noble 
rivers and arms of the sea, which bind together 
the north and the south, the east and the 
west of our confederacy. Annihilate this 
trade, arrest its free progress by the geograph- 
ical lines of jealous and hostile states, and you 
destroy the prosperity and onward march of 
the whole and every part, and involve all in 
one common ruin. 

“But such considerations, important as they 
are in themselves, sink into insignificance when 
we reflect on the terrific evils which would 
result from disunion to every portion of the 
confederacy — to the north not more than to 
the south, to the east not more than to the 
west. These I shall not attempt to portray, 
because I feel a humble confidence that the 


4 


kind Providence which inspired our fathers 
with wisdom to frame the most perfect form of 
government and union ever devised by man, 
will not suffer it to perish until it shall have 
been peacefully instrumental, by its example, 
in the extension of civil and religious liberty 
throughout the world. 

“ Next in importance to the maintenance of 
the constitution and the Union, is the duty of 
preserving the government free from the taint, 
or even the suspicion, of corruption. Public 
virtue is the vital spirit of republics; and_his- 
tory proves that when this has decayed, and 
the love of money has usurped its place, 
although the forms of free government may 
remain for a season, the substance has departed 
forever. Our present financial condition is 
without a parallel in history. No nation has 
ever before been embarrassed from too large a 
surplus in the treasury. This almost necessa- 
rily gives birth to extravagant legislation. It 
produces wild schemes of expenditures, and 
begets a race of speculators and jobbers, whose 
ingenuity is exerted in contriving and promot- 
ing expedients to obtain the public money. 
The party, through its official agents, whether 
rightfully or wrongfully, is suspected, and the 
character of the government suffers in the 
estimation of the people. This is, in itself, a 
very great évil. The natural mode of relief 
from this embarrassment is to appropriate the 
surplus in the treasury to great national ob- 
jects, for which a clear warrant can be found in 
the constitution. Among these, I might men- 
tion the extinguishment of the public debt, a 
reasonable increase of the navy, which is at 
present inadequate to the protection of our 
vast tonnage afloat,— now greater than that 
of any other nation,—as well as the defence 
of our extended sea coast. It is, beyond all 
question, the true principle, that no more rev- 
enue ought to be collected from the people 
than the amount necessary to defray the ex- 
penses of a wise, economical, and efficient 


HISTORY OF THE 


| 


UNITED STATES. 


administration of the government. ‘To reach 
this point, it was necessary to resort to a modi- 
fication of the tariff; and this has been accom- 
plished in such a manner as to do as little 
injury as may have been practicable to our 
domestic manufactures, especially those neces- 
sary for the defence of the country. Any dis- 
crimination against a particular branch, for the 
purpose of benefiting favored corporations, 
individuals, or interests, would have been un- 
just to the rest of the community, and incon- 
sistent with that spirit of fairness and equality 
which ought to govern in the adjustment of a 
revenue tariff; but the squandering of the 
public money sinks into comparative insignifi- 
cance, as a temptation to corruption, when 
compared with the squandering of the public 
lands. 

“No nation in the tide of time has ever been 
blessed with so rich and noble an inheritance 
as we enjoy in the public lands. In adminis- 
tering this important trust, while it may be 
wise to grant portions of them for the improve- 
ment of the remainder, yet we should never 
forget, that it is our cardinal policy to reserve 
these lands as much as may be for actual set- 
tlers, and this at moderate prices. We-shall 
thus not only best promote the prosperity of 
the new states, by furnishing them a hardy and 
independent race of honest and industrious 
citizens, but shall secure homes for our chil- 
dren and our children’s children, as well as for 
those exiles from foreign shores who may seek 
in this country to improve their condition, and 
to enjoy the blessings of civil and religious lib- 
erty. Such emigrants have done much to pro- 
mote the growth and prosperity of the country. 
They have proved faithful, both in peace and 
in war. After becoming citizens, they are en- 
titled, under the constitution and laws, to be 
placed on perfect equality with native-born 
citizens, and in this character they should ever 
be kindly recognized. 

“The federal constitution is a Ee from 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 9) 


the states to Congress of certain ‘specific 
powers, and the question whether this grant 
shall be liberally or strictly construed, has, 
more or less, divided political parties from the 
beginning. Without entering into the argu- 
ment, I desire to state at the commencement 
of my administration, that long experience and 
observation have convinced me, that a strict 
construction of the powers of the government 
is the only true, as well as the only safe, theory 
of the constitution. Whenever, in our past 
history, doubtful powers have been exercised 
by Congress, they have never failed to produce 
injurious and unhappy consequences. Many 
such instances might be adduced if this were 
the proper occasion. Neither is it necessary 
for the public service to strain the language of 
the constitution, because all the great and use- 
ful powers required for a successful administra- 
tion of the government, both in peace and in 
war, have been granted, either in express terms 
or by the plainest implication. While deeply 
convinced of these truths, I yet consider it 
clear that, under the war-making power, Con- 
gress may appropriate money towards the con- 
struction of a military road, when this is abso- 
lutely necessary for the defence of any state 
or territory of the Union against foreign in- 
vasion. Under the constitution, Congress has 
power to declare war, to raise and support 
armies, to provide and maintain a navy, and to 
call forth the militia to repel invasion. Thus, 
endowed in an ample manner with the war- 
making power, the corresponding duty is re- 
quired, that the United States shall protect 
each of them (the states) against invasion. 
How is it possible to afford this protection to 
California and our Pacific possessions, except 
‘by means of a military road through the terri- 
tory of the United States, over which men 
and munitions of war may be speedily trans- 
ported from the Atlantic states to meet and 
repel the invader? In case of a war with a 
naval power much stronger than our own, we 


should then have no other available access to 
the Pacific coast, because such a power would 
instantly close the route across the Isthmus of 
Central America. It is impossible to conceive, 
that while the constitution has expressly re- 
quired Congress to defend all the states, it 
should yet deny to them, by any fair construc- 
tion, the only possible means by which one of 
these states can be defended. Besides, the gov- 
ernment, ever since its origin, has been in the 
constant practice of constructing military roads. 
It might. also be wise to consider whether the 
love for the Union, which now animates our 
fellow-citizens on thé Pacific coast, may not be 
impaired by our neglect or refusal to provide 
for them, in their remote and isolated condi- 
tion, the only means by which the power of 
the states on this side of the Rocky Mountains 
can reach them in sufficient time to protect 
them against invasion. 

“J forbear, for the present, from expressing 
an opinion as to the wisest and most econom- 
ical mode in which the government can lend 
its aid in accomplishing this great and neces- 
sary work. I believe that many difficulties in 
the way, which now appear formidable, will, in 
a great degree, vanish as soon as the nearest 
and best route shall have been satisfactorily 
ascertained. 

“It may be right that, on this occasion, I 
should make some brief remarks as to our 
rights and duties as a member of the great 
family of nations. In our intercourse with 
them, there are some plain principles, approved 
by our own experience, from which we should 
never depart. We ought to cultivate peace, 
commerce, and friendship with all nations, and 
this not merely as the best means of promoting 
our own national interest, but in a spirit of 
Christian benevolence towards our fellow-men, 
wherever.their lot may be cast. Our diplomacy 
should be direct and frank, neither seeking to 
obtain more nor accepting less than is our due. 
We ought to cherish a sacred regard for the 


6 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


independence of all nations, and never attempt | pertaining to that high office — powers equal 


to interfere in the domestic concerns of any, 
unless this shall be imperatively required by 
the great law of selfpreservation. To avoid 
entangling alliances has been a maxim of our 
policy ever since the days of Washington, and 
its wisdom no one will attempt to dispute. In 
short, we ought to do justice, in a kindly spirit, 
to all nations, and require justice from them in 
return. It is our glory, that while other na- 
tions have extended their dominions by the 
sword, we have never acquired any territory, 
except by fair purchase, or, as in the case of 
Texas, by the voluntary determination of a 
brave, kindred, and independent people to 
blend their destinies with our own. Even our 
acquisitions from Mexico form. no exception. 
Unwilling to take advantage of the fortune of 
war against a sister republic, we purchased 
these possessions, under the treaty of peace, 
for a sum which was considered at the time a 
fair equivalent. Our past history forbids that 
we shall in the future acquire territory unless 
this be sanctioned by the laws of justice and 
honor. Acting on this principle, no nation will 
have a right to interfere or to complain if, in 
the progress of events, we shall still further 
extend our possessions. Hitherto, in all our 
acquisitions, the people, under the protection 
of the American flag, have enjoyed ‘civil and 
religious liberty, as well as equal and just laws, 
and have been contented, prosperous, and 
happy. Their trade with the rest of the world 
has rapidly increased, and thus every commer- 
cial nation has shared largely in their success- 
ful progress. I shall now proceed to take the 
oath prescribed by the constitution, while hum- 
bly invoking the blessing of divine Providence 
on this great people.” 

Having delivered his inaugural address, the 
oath of office was administered by Chief Jus- 
tice Taney, and the simple ceremony was over. 

mes Buchanan was the chief magistrate of 
the country, and invested with all the powers 


to, and in some respects greater than, the 
powers of some of the sovereign rulers of 
Europe. ; 

President Buchanan soon sent to the senate 
the nominations for the members of his cabinet, 
which were all confirmed without opposition, 
as usual in such cases. The cabinet thus 
appointed consisted of the following gentle- 
men :— 


Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, of Michigan. 
«= the Treasury, Howell Cobb, of Georgia. 
“  « the Interior, Jacob Thompson, of Miss. 
“  «& War, John B. Floyd, of Virginia. 
‘6% the Navy, Isaac Toucey, of Conn. 

Postmaster-General, Aaron V. Brown, of Tenn. 

Attorney-General, Jeremiah 8. Black, of Penn. 


It was soon after the organization of the new 
administration that the opinion in the Dred 
Scott case was pronounced by the Supreme 
Court. The president alluded incidentally, in 
his inaugural address, to an expected decision 
on one or more of the points involved in the 
Kansas issue, that decision being in the Dred 
Scott case, and it would appear to have been 
looked forward to as a judicial sanction of the 
principles and policy of the party of the ad- 
ministration. We have given place to this 
subject under the administration of President 
Pierce, because the inception of the case, and 
its trial, had taken place under that administra- 
tion, and, in its political aspect, was the result 
of the previous progress of the power behind 
the administration. . 

The policy which the new administration 
would adopt with regard to Kansas, was one 
of the earliest subjects of interest to the public. 
Affairs in that territory, though greatly im- 
proved over their condition of the year pre- 
ceding, were still in an unsettled state. The 
election held in October, 1856, mentioned in 
our last allusion to this subject, was not at- 
tended by the free state settlers, who had 
adopted a general resolution not to participate 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 7 


in elections under the laws of the legislature, 
whose power they deemed illegal. Mr. Whi 
field was therefore elected delegate to Con- 
egress without opposition, and he had by a close 
vote been admitted to a seat in that body at 
its last session. . | 

The territorial legislature assembled in Jan- 
_ uary, and Governor Geary sent in a long mes- 
sage, setting forth the condition of the territory, 
and the measures he had adopted to secure 
tranquillity. He urged the legislature to per- 
mit all doubtful questions to remain in abey- 
ance until the formation of a state constitution, 
the quéstion of slavery especially. He recom- 
mended also the immediate repeal of all the 
objectionable laws which had been passed by 
the first legislature, and called the attention 
of the legislature to various public measures 
to promote the interests of the territory. The 
legislature adopted some of the governor's 
recommendations, and modified the objectiona- 
ble laws. They also passed an act providing 
for a convention to frame a state constitution. 
This bill was objectionable in some of its fea- 
tures, and it was vetoed by Governor Geary on 
the ground that it did not provide for sub- 
mitting the proposed constitution to the vote 
of the people for acceptance or rejection, and 
because he thought the time had not yet ar- 
rived for such:a movement. The legislature, 
however,—the members of which had no great 
regard for a governor who did not sympathize 
with them, — passed the bill, notwithstanding his 
veto, by a unanimous vote, and it became a law. 

In the mean time the state legislature under 
the Topeka constitution assembled at Topeka. 
Governor Robinson had previously resigned the 
post of governor under that constitution, being 
convinced that he could better serve the free state 
cause in a private capacity. The leutenant- 


governor also declined to attend. Upon assem- 
bling, writs were served upon the principal 
members, and they were arrested. This was 
probably expected, and-was, perhaps, desired 


by some of the free state men, as a movement 
which would advance their cause. In March a 
free state convention was held, which passed 
resolutions denouncing the legislative assem- 
bly and the act providing for a constitutional 
convention ; declaring that the people could 
not participate in the election of delegates to 
this convention without compromising their 
rights as American citizens, sacrificing the best 
interests of Kansas, and jeoparding the public 
peace. They also declared that the state con- 
stitution framed by the Topeka convention was 
a choice of a majority of the people of the 
territory, and that it ought to be acknowledged 
by Congress. 

On the day of the inauguration of Mr. Bu- 
chanan, Governor Geary resigned his post as 
governor of Kansas. A failure of his health 
was the cause assigned, and the governor had, 
indeed, injured his health by his attention to 
the duties of his place under such difficult cir- 
cumstances. It is not improbable, too, that he 
was weary of the cares and the annoyances of 
the office. By his direct course he had come 
in conflict not only with individuals who 
thought they had a claim upon him on party 
grounds, but with certain officials whose less 
straightforward views did not agree with his. 
Judge Lecompte and Marshal Donelson were 
among those who did not like the governor, 
and whom the governor had no reason to 
regard with much favor; and they were re- 
moved by President Peirce. After resigning 
his office, Governor Geary wrote the following 
farewell address to the people of Kansas :— 


Farewell Address of Governor Geary to the People of 
Kansas Territory. 

“Having determined to resign the execu- 
tive office, and retire again to the quiet scenes 
of private life and the enjoyment of those 
domestic comforts of which | have so long 
been deprived, I deem it proper to addres 
you on the occasion of my departure. 


8 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


“The office from which I now voluntarily 
withdraw was unsought by me, and at the time 
of its acceptance was by no means desirable. 
This was quite evident from the deplorable 
moral, civil, and political condition of the terri- 
tory; the discord, contention, and deadly strife 
which then and there: prevailed; and the pain- 
ful anxiety with which it was regarded by 
patriotic citizens in every portion of the Amer- 
ican Union. To attempt to govern Kansas at 
such a period, and under such circumstances, 
was to assume no ordinary responsibilities. Few 


men could have desired to undertake the task, | 


and none would have been so presumptuous, 
without serious forebodings as to the result. 
That I should have hesitated is no matter of 
astonishment to those acquainted with the 
facts; but that I accepted the appointment was 
a well-grounded source of regret to many of 
my well-tried friends, who looked upon the en- 
terprise as one that could terminate in nothing 
but disaster to myself. It was not supposed 
possible that order could be brought, in any 
reasonable space of time, and with the means 
at my command, from the then existing chaos. 

“Without descanting upon the feelings, prin- 
ciples, and motives which prompted me, suffice 
it to say that I accepted of the president’s ten- 
der of the office of governor. In doing so, f 
sacrificed the comforts of a home endeared by 
the strongest earthly ties and most sacred as- 
sociations, to embark in an undertaking which 
presented at the best but a dark and unsatis- 
factory prospect. I reached Kansas, and en- 
tered upon the discharge of my official duties, 
in the most gloomy hour of her history. _Deso- 
_ Jation and ruin reigned on every hand; homes 
and firesides were deserted; the smoke of 
burning dwellings darkened the atmosphere ; 
women and children, driven from their habita- 
tions, wandered over the prairies and among 
the woodlands, or sought refuge and protection 

n among the Indian tribes. The highways 
were infested with numerous predatory bands, 


STATES. 


and the towns were fortified and garrisoned by 


armies of conflicting partisans, each excited 


almost to frenzy, and determined upon mutual 
extermination. Such was, without exaggeration, 
the condition of the territory at the period of 
my arrival. Her treasury was bankrupt; there 
were no pecuniary resources within herself 
to meet the exigencies of the time; the con- 
gressional appropriations, intended to defray 
the expenses of a year, were insufficient to 
meet the demands of a fortnight; the laws 
were-null, the courts virtually suspended, and 
the civil arm of the government almost entirely 
powerless. Action — prompt, decisive, ener- 
getic action —was necessary. I at once saw 
what was needed, and without hesitation gave 
myself to the work. For six months I have 
labored with unceasing industry. The accus- 
tomed needed hours for sleep have been em- 
ployed in the public sérvice. Night and day 
have official duties demanded unremitting at- 
tention. JI have had no proper leisure moments 
for rest or recreation. My health has failed 
under the pressure. Nor is this all. To my 
own private purse, without assurance of reim- 
bursement, have I resorted, in every emergency, 
for the required funds. Whether these ardu- 
ous services and willing sacrifices have been 
beneficial to Kansas and my country you are 
abundantly qualified to determine. 

“That I have met with opposition, and even 
bitter vituperation and vindictive malice, is no 
matter for astonishment. No man has ever 
yet held an important or responsible post, in 
our own or any other country, and escaped 
censure. I should have been weak and foolish, 
indeed, had I expected to pass through the 
fiery ordeal entirely unscathed, especially as I 
was required, if not to come in conflict with, 
at least to thwart, evil machinations, and. hold 
in restraint wicked passions, or rid the terri- 
tory of many lawless, reckless, and desperate 
men. Besides, it were impossible to come in 
contact with the conflicting interests which 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 9 


governed the conduct of many well-disposed 
persons without becoming an object of mistrust 
and abuse. While from others, whose sole ob- 
ject was notoriously personal advancement at 
any sacrifice of the general good and at every 
hazard, it would have been ridiculous to antici- 
pate the meed of praise for disinterested action ; 
and hence, however palpable might have been 
my patriotism, however just my official conduct, 
or however beneficial, in its results, I do not 
marvel that my motives have been impugned 
and my integrity maligned. It is, however, so 
well known that I need scarcely record the 
fact, that those who have attributed my labors 
to a desire for gubernatorial or senatorial hon- 
ors were, and are, themselves the aspirants for 
those high trusts and powers, and foolishly 
imagined that I stood between them and the 
consummation of their ambitious desires and 
high, towering hopes. 

“But whatever may be thought or said of 
my motives or desires, I have the proud con- 
sciousness of leaving this scene of my severe 
and anxious toil with clean hands, and the 
satisfactory conviction that He who can pene- 
trate the inmost recesses of the heart, and read 
its secret thoughts, will approve my purposes 
and acts. In the discharge of my executive 
functions I have invariably sought to do equal 
and exact justice to all men, however humble 
or exalted. I have eschewed all sectional dis- 
putations, kept aloof from all party affiliations, 
and have alike scorned numerous threats of 
personal injury and violence and the most flat- 
tering promises of advancement and reward. 
And | ask and claim nothing more for the part 
I have acted than the simple merit of having 
endeavored to perform my duty. This I have 
done at all times, and upon every occasion, re- 
gardless of the opinions of men, and utterly 
fearless of consequences. Occasionally I have 
been forced to assume great responsibilities, 
and depend solely upon my own resources to 
accomplish important ends; but in all such 

2 


instances I have carefully examined surround- 
ing circumstances, weighed well the probable 
results, and acted upon my own deliberate 
judgment; and in now reviewing them, I am 
so well satisfied with the policy uniformly pur- 
sued, that were it to be done over again it 
should not be changed in the slightest par- 
ticular. 

“In parting with you I can do no less than 
give you a few words of kindly advice, and 
even of friendly warning. You are well aware 
that most of the troubles which lately agitated 
the territory were occasioned by men who 
had no special interest in its welfare. Many of 
them were not even residents ; whilst it is quite 
evident that others were influenced altogether 
in the part they took in the disturbances by 
mercenary or other personal considerations. 
The great body of the actual citizens are con- 
servative, law-abiding, peace-loving men, dis- 
posed rather to make sacrifices for conciliation 
and consequent peace, than to insist for their 
entire rights should the general good thereby 
be caused to suffer. Some of them, under the 
influence of the prevailing excitement and mis- 
guided opinions, were led to the commission of 
grievous mistakes, but not with the deliberate 
intention of doing wrong. 

“A very few men, resolved upon mischief, 
may keep in a state of unhealthy excitement, 
and involve in fearful strife, an entire commu- 
nity. This was demonstrated during the civil 
commotions with which the territory was con- 
vulsed. While the. people generally were 
anxious to pursue their peaceful callings, small 
combinations of crafty, scheming, and designing 
men succeeded, from» purely selfish motives, in 
bringing upon them a series of most lamentable 
and destructive difficulties. Nor are they sat- 
isfied with the mischief already done. They 
never desired that the present peace should be 
effected ; nor do they intend that it shall con- 
tinue if they have the power to prevent it. 
In the constant croakings of disaffected indi- 


10 HISTORY OF 


viduals, in various sections, you hear only the 
expressions of evil desires and intentions. 
Watch, then, with a special jealous and sus- 
picious eye those who are continually indulging 
surmises of renewed hostilities. They are not 
the friends of Kansas, and there is reason to 
fear that some of them are not only the ene- 
mies of this territory, but of the Union itself. 
Its dissolution is their ardent wish, and Kansas 
has been selected as a fit place to commence 
the accomplishment of a most nefarious design. 
The scheme has thus far been frustrated; but 
it has not been abandoned. You are intrusted 
not only with the guardianship of this terri- 
tory, but the peace of the Union, which de- 
pends upon you in a greater degree than you 
may at present suppose. 

“You should, therefore, frown down every 
effort to foment discord, and especially to array 
settlers from different sections of the Union in 
hostility against each other. All true patriots, 
whether from the north or south, the east or 
west, should unite together for that which is 
and must be regarded as a common cause — 
the preservation of the Union; and he who 
shall whisper a desire for its dissolution, no 
matter what may be his pretensions, or to what 
faction or party he claims to belong, is un- 
worthy of your confidence, deserves your 
strongest reprobation, and should be branded 
as a traitor to his country. ‘There is a voice 
crying from the grave of one whose memory 
is dearly cherished in every patriotic heart, 
and let it not cry in vain. It tells you that 
this attempt at dissolution is no new thing; 
but that even as early as the days of our first 
president it was agitated by ambitious aspirants 
for place and power. And if the appeal of a 
still more recent hero and patriot was needed 
in his time, how much more applicable is it 
now and in this territory ! 

“<The possible dissolution of the Union, he 
says, ‘has at length become an ordinary and fa- 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


voice of Washington been forgotten? or have 
designs already been formed to sever the 
Union? Let it not be supposed that I impute 
to all of those who have taken an active part 
in these unwise and unprofitable discussions a 
want of patriotism or of public virtue. The 
honorable feelings of state pride and local 
attachments find a place in the bosoms of the 
most enlightened and pure. But while such 
men are conscious of their own integrity and 
honesty of purpose, they ought never to forget 
that the citizens of other states are their po- 
litical brethren ; and that, however mistaken 
they may be in their views, the great body of 
them are equally honest and upright with 
themselves. Mutual suspicions and reproaches 
may, in time, create mutual hostility, and art- 
ful and designing men will always be found 
who are ready to foment these fatal divisions, 
and to inflame the natural jealousies of different 
sections of the country. The history of the 
world is full of such examples, and especially 
the history of republics,’ 

“When I look upon the present condition 
of the territory, and contrast it with what it 
was when I first entered it, I feel satisfied that 
my administration has not been prejudicial to 
its interests. On every-hand I now perceive 
unmistakable indications of welfare and pros- 
perity. The honest settler occupies his quiet 
dwelling, with his wife and children clustering 
around him, unmolested and fearless of danger. 
The solitary traveller pursues his way un- 
harmed over every public thoroughfare. The 
torch of the incendiary has been extinguished, 
and the cabins which by it were destroyed 
have been replaced with more substantial 
buildings. Hordes of banditti no longer lie in 
wait in every ravine for plunder and assassina- 
tion. Invasions of hostile arms have ceased, 
and infuriated partisans living in our midst 
have emphatically turned their swords into 
ploughshares and their spears into pruning 


miliar subject of discussion. Has the warning ||hooks. Laborers are every where at work, 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


farms undergoing rapid improvements, mer- 
chants are driving a thriving trade, and me- 
chanics pursuing with profit their various occu- 
pations. Real estate, im town and country, has 
increased in value almost without precedent, 
until in some places it is commanding prices that 
never could have been anticipated. Whether 
this healthy and happy change is the result 
solely of my executive labors or not, it cer- 
tainly has occurred during my administration. 
Upon yourselves must mainly depend the preser- 
vation and perpetuity of the present prosperous 
condition of affairs. Guard it with unceasing 
vigilance, and protect it as you would your 
lives. Keep down that party spirit which, if 
permitted to obtain the mastery, must lead to 
desolation. Watch closely, and condemn in its 
infaney, every insidious movement that can 
possibly tend to discord and disunion. Suffer 
no local prejudices to disturb the prevailing 
harmony. To every appeal to these turn a 
deaf ear, as did the Saviour of men to the 
promptings of the deceiver. Act as a united 
band of brothers, bound together by one com- 
mon tie. Your interests are the same, and by 
this course alone can they be maintained. 
Follow this, and your hearts and homes will be 
made light and happy by the richest blessings 
of a kind and munificent Providence. 

“To you, the peaceable citizens of Kansas, I 
owe my grateful acknowledgments for the aid 
and comfort your kind assurances and hearty 
codperation have afforded in many dark and 
trying hours. You have my sincerest thanks 
and my earnest prayers that you may be abun- 
dantly rewarded of Heaven. 

“To the ladies of the territory — the wives, 
mothers, sisters, and daughters of the honest 
settlers —I am also under a weight of obliga- 


| 


11 


tion. Their pious prayers have not been raised 
in vain, nor their numerous assurances of con- 
fidence in the policy of my administration failed 
to exert a salutary influence. 

“ And last, though not the least, ] must not 
be unmindful of the noble men who form the 
military department of the west. To General 
Persifer F. Smith and the officers acting under 
his command, I return my thanks for many 
valuable services. Although from different 
parts of the Union, and naturally imbued. with 
sectional prejudices, I know of no instance in 
which such prejudices have been permitted to 
stand in the way of a faithful, ready, cheerful, 
and energetic discharge of duty. Their con- 
duct in this respect is worthy of universal 
commendation, and presents a bright example 
for those executing the civil power. The good 
behavior of all the soldiers who were called 
upon to assist me is, in fact, deserving of 
especial notice. Many of these troops, officers 
and men, had served with me on the fields of 
Mexico against a foreign foe, and it is a source 
of no little satisfaction to know that the lau- 
rels there won have been further adorned by 
the praiseworthy alacrity with which they aided 
to allay a destructive fratricidal strife at home. 

“ With a firm reliance in the protecting care 
and overruling providence of that great Being 
who holds in his hands the destinies alike of men 
and of nations, I bid farewell to Kansas and 
her people, trusting that whatever events may 
hereafter befall them, they will, in the exercise 
of his wisdom, goodness, and power, be so di- 
rected as to promote their own best interest, and 
that of the beloved country of which they are 
destined to form a most important part. 


“ Joon W. Guary. 
‘‘ LECOMPTON, March 12, 1857.”’ 


12 


CHAPTER IL 


New Governor of Kansas, R. J. Walker. — His. Instructions. — 
His Address to the People of Kansas.— Action of the Free 
State Men. — Constitutional Convention at Lecompton. — The 
Constitution, and Mode of Submission to the People.—Election 
of Territorial Legislature. — Frauds. — Result. — Purpose of 
the Convention. — Governor Walker leaves the Territory. — 
Course of Secretary Stanton. — His Removal. — Resignation 
of Governor Walker. — Letter to Mr. Cass, and Reply. 
Presipent Bucuanan showed that he con- 

sidered the post of governor of Kansas of no 

little consequence, by his appointment of the 
successor of Governor Geary. That successor 
was Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, and for- 
merly secretary of the treasury. After some 
hesitation Mr. Walker accepted the appoint- 
ment. Mr. F. P. Stanton, of Tennessee, was 
at the same time appointed secretary of the 
territory, and went immediately to assume the 
duties of acting governor until the arrival of 

Governor Walker. In his instructions to Goy- 

ernor Walker the secretary of state, General 

Cass, says,— 

“'There are two great objects connected with 
the present excitement growing out of the 
affairs of Kansas, and the attainment of which 
will bring it to a speedy termination. These 
were clearly and succinctly stated in the pres- 
ident’s recent: inaugural address, and I embody 
the paragraphs in this communication, asking 
your special attention to them. It is declared 
in that instrument to be ‘the imperative and 
indispensable duty of the government of the 
United States to secure to every resident in- 
habitant the free and independent expression 
of his opinion by his vote. This sacred right 
of each individual must be preserved ;’ and, 
‘that being accomplished, nothing can be fairer 
than to leave the people of a territory free from 
all foreign interference to decide their own des- 
tiny for themselves, subject only to the consti- 
tution of the United States’ 

“Upon these great rights of individual action 
and of public decision rests the foundation of 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


American institutions, and if they are faith- 
fully secured to the people of Kansas, the 
political condition of the country will soon be- 
come quiet and satisfactory. The institutions 
of Kansas should be established by the votes 
of the people of Kansas, unawed and uninter- 
rupted by force or fraud. And foreign voters 
must be excluded, come whence they may, and 
every attempt to overawe or interrupt the 
free exercise of the right of voting must be 
promptly repelled and punished. Freedom and 
safety for the legal voter, and exclusion and 
punishment for the illegal one — these should 
be great principles of your administration. 

“The regular legislature of the territory 
having authorized the assembling of a conven- 
tion to frame a constitution to be accepted or 
rejected by Congress under the provisions of 
the federal constitution, the people of Kansas 
have the right to be protected in the peaceful 
election of delegates for such a purpose, under 
such authority, and the convention itself has a 
right to similar protection in the opportunity 
for tranquil and undisturbed deliberation. When 
such a constitution shall be submitted to the 
people of the territory, they must be protect- 
ed in the exercise of their right of voting for 
or against that instrument, and the fair expres- 
sion of the popular will must not be interrupted 
by fraud or violence.” 

Upon arriving in the territory Mr. Stanton 
found the people “peaceable and quiet, and 
exhibiting every disposition to remain so.” In 
order to encourage this good disposition, he 
recommended the discontinuance of all the 
prosecutions growing out of the political dis- 
turbances. He advised this course in his de- 
spatches, and in his address to the people of 
Kansas he announced it as his deliberate judg- 
ment and wish that such a course should be 
adopted. This, with the assurances that all 
the power of the territorial executive should 
be exerted to prevent fraud, and “to secure to 
every resident inhabitant the free and inde- 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


pendent expression of his opinion by his vote,” 
gave to the people of the territory a better 
feeling of security. 

Governor Walker reached the territory in 
the latter part of May. He published an in- 
augural address to the people, from which we 
make the following extracts :— 

“ Wellow-Citizens of Kansas: At the earnest 
request of the president of the United States, I 
have accepted the position of governor of the 
territory of Kansas. The president, with the 
cordial concurrence of all his cabinet, expressed 
to me the conviction that the condition of 
Kansas was fraught with imminent peril to the 
Union, and asked me to undertake the settle- 
ment of that momentous question, which has 
introduced discord and civil war throughout 
your borders, and threatens to involve you and 
our country in the same common ruin. This 
was a duty thus presented, the performance of 
which I could not decline consistently with my 
view of the sacred obligations which every 
citizen owes to his country. 

“The mode of adjustment is provided in the 
act organizing your territory, namely, by the 
people of Kansas, who, by a majority of their 
own votes, must decide this question for them- 
selves in forming their state constitution. 

“Under our practice, the preliminary act of 
framing a state constitution is uniformly per- 
formed through the instrumentality of a con- 
vention of delegates chosen by the people 
themselves. That convention is now about to 
be elected by you under the call of the terri- 
torial legislature, created and still recognized 
by the authority of Congress, and clothed by 
it, in the comprehensive language of the organic 
law, with full power to make such an enact- 
ment. The territorial legislature, then, in as- 
sembling this convention, were fully sustained 
by the act of Congress, and the authority of 
the convention is distinctly recognized in my 
instructions from the president of the United 
States. Those who oppose this course cannot 


13 


aver the alleged irregularity of the territorial 
legislature, whose laws in town and city elec- 
tions, in corporate franchises, and on all other 
subjects but slavery, they acknowledge by their 
votes and acquiescence. If that legislature was 
invalid, then are we without law or order in 
Kansas — without town, city, or county organi- 
zation; all legal and judicial transactions are 
void, all titles null,and anarchy reigns through- 
out our borders. 

“Tt is my duty, in seeing that all constitu- 
tional laws are fairly executed, to take care, as 
far as practicable, that this election of delegates 
to the convention shall be free from fraud and 
violence, and that they shall be protected in 
their deliberations. 

“The people of Kansas, then, are invited by 
the highest authority known to the constitu- 
tion to participate freely and fairly in the elec- 
tion of delegates to frame a constitution and 
state government. The law has performed its 


|entire appropriate function when it extends to 


the people the right of suffrage, but it cannot 
compel the performance of that duty. Through- 
out our whole Union, however, and wherever 
free government prevails, those who abstain 
from the exercise of the right of suffrage au- 
thorize those who do vote to act for them in 
that contingency, and the absentees are as 
much bound under the law and constitution, 
where there is no fraud or violence, by the act 
of the majority of those who do vote, as if all 
had participated in the election. Otherwise, as 
voting must be voluntary, self-government would 
be impracticable, and monarchy or despotism 
would remain as the only alternative. 

“You should not console yourselves, my 
fellow-citizens, with the reflection that you 
may, by a subsequent vote, defeat the ratifica- 
tion of the constitution. Although most anx- 
ious to secure to you the exercise of that great 
constitutional right, and believing that the con- 
vention is the servant, and not the master, of 
the people, yet I have no power to dictate the 


14 


proceedings of that body. I cannot doubt, how- 
ever, the course they will adopt on this subject. 
But why incur the hazard of the preliminary 
formation of a constitution by a minority, as 
alleged by you, when a majority, by their own 
votes, could control the forming of that in- 
strument ? 

“But it is said that the convention is not 
legally called, and that the election will not be 
freely and fairly conducted. The territorial 
legislature is the power ordained for this pur- 
pose by the Congress of the United States; 
and in opposing it, you resist the authority of 
the federal government. That legislature was 
called into being by the Congress of 1854, and 
is recognized in the very latest congressional 
legislation. It is recognized by the present 
chief magistrate of the Union, just chosen by 
the American people, and many of its acts are 
now in operation here by universal assent. As 
the governor of the territory of Kansas, | must 
support the laws and the constitution; and I 
have no other alternative under my oath, but 
to see that all constitutional laws are fully and 
fairly executed. 

“T see in this act calling the convention no 
improper or unconstitutional restrictions upon 
the right of suffrage. I see in it no test oath 
or other similar provisions objected to in rela- 
tion to previous laws, but clearly repealed as 
repugnant to the provisions of this act, so far 
as regards the election of delegates to this con- 
vention. It is said that a fair and full vote 
will not be taken. Who can safely predict 
such a result? Nor is it just for a majority, as 
they allege, to throw the power into the hands 
of a minority, from a mere apprehension — I 
trust entirely unfounded — that they will not be 
permitted to exercise the right of suffrage. . If, 
by fraud or violence, a majority should not be 
permitted to vote, there is a remedy, it is hoped, 
in the wisdom and justice of the convention 
itself, acting under the obligations of an oath, 
and a proper responsibility to the tribunal of 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


public opinion. There is a remedy, also, if such 
facts can be demonstrated, in the refusal of 
Congress to admit a state into the Union under 
a constitution imposed by a minority upon a 
majority by fraud or violence. Indeed, I cannot 
doubt that the convention, after having framed 
a state constitution, will submit it for ratifica- 
tion or rejection, by a majority of the then ac- 
tual dona fide resident settlers of Kansas. 

“ With these views, well known to the pres- 
ident and cabinet, and approved by them, I 
accepted the appoimtment. of governor of 
Kansas. My instructions from the. president, 
through the secretary of state, under date of 
the 380th of March. last, sustain ‘the regular 
legislature of the territory’ in ‘assembling a 
convention to form a constitution, and they 
express the opinion of the president, that ‘when 
such a constitution shall be submitted to the 
people of the territory, they must be protected 
in the exercise of their right of voting for or 
against that instrument; and the fair expres- 
sion of the popular will must not be interrupted 
by fraud or violence.’ 

“J repeat, then, as my clear conviction, that 
unless the convention submit the constitution 
to the vote of all the actual resident settlers 
of Kansas, and the election be fairly and justly 
conducted, the constitution will be, and ought 
to be, rejected by Congress. 

“ There are other important reasons why you 
should participate in the election of delegates 
to this convention. Kansas is to become a 
new state, created out of the public domain, 
and will designate her boundaries in the funda- 
mental law. To most of the land within her 
limits the Indian title, unfortunately, is not yet 
extinguished, and this land is exempt from set- 
tlement, to the grievous injury of the people 
of the state. Having passed many years of 
my life in a new state, and represented it for a 
long period in the senate of the United States, 
I know the serious encumbrance arising from 
large bodies of lands within a state to which 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the Indian title is not extinguished. Upon 
this subject the convention may act by such 
just and constitutional provisions as will accel- 
erate the extinguishment of Indian title. 

“There is, furthermore, the question of rail- 
road grants made by Congress to all the new 
states but one, (where the routes could not be 
agreed upon,) and, within a few months past, 
to the flourishing territory of Minnesota. This 
munificent grant of four millions and a half of 
acres was made to Minnesota, even in advance 
of her becoming a state, and will enable our 
sister state of the north-west, under the au- 
spices of her present distinguished executive, 
speedily to unite her railroad system with ours. 

“Kansas is undoubtedly entitled to grants 
similar to those just made to Minnesota, and 
upon this question the convention may take 
important action. 

“These, recollect, are grants by Congress, 
not to companies, but to states. Now, if Kan- 
sas, like the state of Illinois, in granting here- 
after these lands to companies to build these 
roads, should reserve, at least, the seven per 
cent. of their gross annual receipts, it is quite 
certain that so soon as these roads are con- 
structed, such will be the large payments into 
the treasury of our state, that there will be no 
necessity to impose in Kansas any state tax 
whatever, especially if the constitution should 
contain wise provisions against the creation of 
state debts. i FR i 

“There is a law more powerful than the 
legislation of man, more potent than passion or 
prejudice, that must ultimately determine the 
location of slavery in this country; it is the 
isothermal line, it is the law of the thermome- 
ter, of latitude or altitude, regulating climate, 
labor, and productions, and, as a consequence, 
profit and loss. ‘Thus even upon the mountain 
heights of the tropics slavery can no more 
exist than in northern latitudes, because it is 
unprofitable, being unsuited to the constitution 
of that sable race transplanted here from the 


15 


equatorial heats of Africa. Why is it that in 
the Union slavery recedes from the north and 
progresses south? It is this same great cli- 
matic law now operating for or against slavery 
in Kansas. If, on the elevated plains of Kan- 
sas, stretching to the base of our American 
Alps, — the Rocky Mountains, — and including 
their eastern crest, crowned with perpetual 
snow, from which sweep over her open prairies 
those chilling blasts, reducing the average 
range of the thermometer here to a tempera- 
ture nearly as low as that of New England, 
should render slavery unprofitable here, be- 
cause unsuited to the tropical constitution of 
the negro race, the law above referred to must 
ultimately determine that question here, and 
can no more be controlled by the legislation of 
man than any other moral or physical law of 
the Almighty. Especially must this law operate 
with irresistible force in this country, where 
the number of slaves is limited, and cannot be 
increased by importation— where many mil- 
lions of acres of sugar and cotton lands are 
still uncultivated, and, from the ever-augment- 
ing demand, exceeding the supply, the price of 
those great staples has nearly doubled, demand- 
ing vastly more slave labor for their production. 

“Tf, from the operation of these causes, 
slavery should not exist here, I trust it by no 
means follows that Kansas should become a 
state controlled by the treason and fanaticism 
of abolition. She has, in any event, certain 
constitutional duties to perform to her sister 
states, and especially to her immediate neighbor, 
the slaveholding state of Missouri. Through 
that great state, by rivers and railroads, must 
flow, to a great extent, our trade and inter- 
course, our imports and exports. Our entire 
eastern front is upon her border; from Missouri 
come a great number of her citizens; even the 
farms of the two states are cut by the line of 
state boundary — part in Kansas, part in Mis- 
souri; her citizens meet us in daily intercourse ; 
and that Kansas should become hostile to 


16 


Missouri, an asylum for her fugitive slaves, or 
a propagandist of abolition treason, would be 
alike inexpedient and unjust, and fatal to the 
continuance of the American Union. In any 
event, then, I trust that the constitution of 
Kansas will contain such clauses as will forever 
secure to the state of Missouri the faithful 
performance of all constitutional guarantees, 
not only by federal, but by state authority, 
and the supremacy within our limits of the au- 
thority of the Supreme Court of the United 
States on all constitutional questions be firmly 
established. . ‘i . 

“Our country and the world are regarding 
with profound interest the struggle now im- 
pending in Kansas. Whether we are competent 
to selfgovernment; whether we can decide 
this controversy peacefully for ourselves by 
our own votes, without fraud or violence ; 
whether the great principles of self-govern- 
ment and state sovereignty can be carried here 
into successful operation, are the questions now 
to be determined; and upon the plains of 
Kansas may now be fought the last great and 
decisive battle, involving the fate of the Union, 
of state sovereignty, of self-government, and 
the liberties of the world. If, my fellow-citizens, 
you could, even for a brief period, soften or 
extinguish sectional passions or prejudice, and 
lift yourselves to the full realization of the 
momentous issues intrusted to your decision, 
you would feel that no greater responsibility 
was ever devolved on any people. It is not 
merely, shall slavery exist in or disappear from 
Kansas, but shall the great principles of self 
governmentand state sovereignty be maintained 
or subverted. State sovereignty is mainly 
a practical principle in so far as it is illustrated 
by the great sovereign right of the majority 
of the people, in forming a state government, 
to adopt their own social institutions; and this 
principle is disregarded whenever such decision 
is suoverted by Congress, or overthrown by 
external intrusion, or by domestic fraud or vio- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


lence. All those who oppose this principle 
are the enemies of state rights, of self¢overn- 
ment, of the constitution and the Union. Do 
you love slavery so much, or hate it so in- 
tensely, that you would endeavor to establish 
or exclude it by fraud or violence against the 
will of the majority of the people? What is 
Kansas, with or without slavery, if she should 
destroy the rights and union of the states? 
Where would be her schools, her free acade- 
mies, her colleges and university, her towns 
and cities, her railroads, farms, and villages, 
without the Union, and the principles of self 
government? Where would be her peace and 
prosperity, and what the value of her lands 
and property? Who can decide this question 
for Kansas, if not the people themselves? and 
if they cannot, nothing but the sword can be- 
come the arbiter. 

“On the one hand, if you can and will decide 
peacefully this question yourselves, I see for 
Kansas an immediate career of power, progress, 
and prosperity unsurpassed in the history of 
the world. I see the peaceful establishment 
of our state constitution, its ratification by the 
people, and our immediate admission into the 
Union; the rapid extinguishment of Indian 
title, and the occupancy of those lands by 
settlers and cultivators; the diffusion of uni- 
versal education; preémptions for the actual 
settlers; the state rapidly intersected by a net- 
work of railroads; our churches, schools, col- 
leges, and university, carrying westward the 
progress of law, religion, liberty, and civiliza- 


tion; our towns, cities, and villages prosperous 


and progressing ; our farms teeming with abun- 
dant products, and greatly appreciated in value ; 
and peace, happiness, and prosperity smiling 
throughout our borders. With proper clauses 
in our constitution, and the peaceful arbitra- 
ment of this question, Kansas may become the 
model state of the American Union. She may 
bring down upon us from north to south, from 
east. to west, the praises and blessings of every 


PRESIDENT 


patriotic American, and of every friend of self 
government throughout the world; she may 
record her name on the proudest page of the 
history of our country and of the world, and 
as the youngest and last-born child of the 
American Union, all will hail and regard her 
with respect and affection. 

“On the other hand, if you cannot thus 
peacefully decide this question, fraud, violence, 
and injustice will reign supreme throughout 
our borders, and we will have achieved the un- 
dying infamy of having destroyed the liberty 
of our country and of the world. We will 
become a byword of reproach and obloquy, 
and all history will record the fact that Kansas 
was the grave of the American Union. Never 
was sO momentous a question submitted to the 
decision of any people, and we cannot avoid 
the alternatives now placed before us of glory 
or of shame. 

“ May that overruling Providence who brought 
our forefathers in safety to Jamestown and 
Plymouth ; who watched over our colonial. pu- 
pilage ; who convened our ancestors in harmo- 
nious councils on the birthday of American 
independence; who gave us Washington, and 
earried us successfully through the struggles 
and perils of the revolution; who assembled, 
in 1787, that noble band of patriots and states- 
men from north and south who framed the 
federal constitution; who has augmented our 
numbers from three millions to thirty millions ; 
has carried us from the eastern slope of the 
Alleghanies, through the great valleys of the 
Ohio, Mississippi, and Missouri, and now salutes 
our standard on the shores of the Pacific,— rouse 
in our hearts a love of the whole Union, and a 
patriotic devotion to the whole country; may 
it extinguish or control all sectional passions 
and prejudice, and enable us to conduct to a 
successful conclusion the great experiment of 
self-government now being made within our 
boundaries. 

“Ts it not infinitely psiier that slavery should 


BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


17 


be abolished or established in Kansas, rather 
than that we should become slaves, and not 
permitted to govern ourselves? Is the absence 
or existence of slavery in Kansas paramount 
to the great questions of state sovereignty, of 
selfgovernment, and of the Union? Is the 
sable African alone entitled to your sympathy 
and consideration, even if he were happier 
as a freeman than as a slave, either here, or in 
St. Domingo, or the British West Indies, or 
Spanish American, where the emancipated slave 
has receded to barbarism, and approaches the 
lowest point in the descending scale of moral, 
physical, and intellectual degradation? Have 
our white brethren of the great American and 
European race no claims upon our attention ? 
Have they no rights or interests entitled to 
regard and protection? Shall the destiny of 
the African in Kansas exclude all considera- 
tions connected with our own happiness and 
prosperity? And is it for the handful of that 
race now in Kansas, or that may be hereafter 
introduced, that we should subvert the Union 
and the great principles of self-government and 
state sovereignty, and imbrue our hands in the 
blood of our countrymen? Important as this 
African question may be in Kansas, and which 
it is your solemn right to determine, it sinks 
into insignificance compared with the perpe- 
tuity of the Union and the final successful 
establishment of the principles of state sov- 
ereignty and free government. If patriotism, 
if devotion to the constitution, and love of the 
Union, should not induce the minority to yield 
to the majority on this question, let them reflect 
that in no event can the minority successfully 
determine this question permanently, and that 
in no contingency will Congress admit Kansas 
as a slave or free state, unless a majority of 
the people of Kansas shall first have fairly and 
freely decided this question for themselves by 
a direct vote on the adoption of the constitu- 
tion, excluding all fraud or violence. The 
minority, in resisting the will of the majority, 


18 HISTORY OF THE 


may involve Kansas again in civil war; they 
may bring upon her reproach and obloquy, and 
destroy her progress and prosperity; they may 
keep her for years out of the Union, and, in 
the whirlwind of agitation, sweep away the 
government itself. But Kansas never can be 
brought into the Union, with or without slavery, 
except by a previous solemn decision, fully, 
freely, and fairly made, by a majority of her 
people, in voting for or against the adoption of 
her state constitution. Why, then, should this 
just, peaceful, and constitutional mode of settle- 
ment meet with opposition from any quarter ? 
Is Kansas willing to destroy her own hopes of 
prosperity merely that she may afford political 
capital to any party, and perpetuate the agita- 
tion of slavery throughout the Union? Is she 
to become a mere theme for agitators in other 
states — the theatre on which they shall perform 
the bloody drama of treason and disunion? Does 
she want to see the solemn acts of Congress, 
the decision of the people of the Union in the 
recent election, the legislative, executive, and 
judicial authorities of the country, all over- 
thrown, and revolution and civil war inaugu- 
rated throughout her limits? Does she want 
to be ‘bleeding Kansas’ for. the benefit of 
political agitators within or out of her limits? 
or does she prefer the peaceful and quiet arbit- 
rament of this question for herself? What 
benefit will the great body of the people of 


Kansas derive from these agitations? They 
may, for a brief period, give consequence and 
power to political leaders and agitators; but it 
is at the expense of the happiness and welfare 
of the great body of the people of this ter- 
ritory. 

“Those who oppose slavery in Kansas do 
not base their opposition upon any philan- 
thropic principles or any sympathy for the 
African race. For in their so-called constitu- 
tion, framed at Topeka, they deem that entire 
race so inferior and degraded as to exclude 
them all forever from Kansas, whether they. be 


UNITED STATES. 


bond or free, thus depriving them of all rights 
here, and denying even that they can be citi- 
zens of the United States; for, if they ure 
citizens, they could not, constitutionally, pe ex- 
iled or excluded from Kansas. Yet such a 
clause, inserted in the Topeka constitution, was 
submitted by that convention for the vote of 
the people, and ratified here by an overwhelm- 
ing majority of the anti-slavery party. ‘This 
party here, therefore, has, in the most. positive 
manner, affirmed the constitutionality of that 
portion of the recent decision of the Supreme 
Court of the United States declaring that Afri- 
cans are not citizens of the United States. 
“This is the more important, inasmuch as 
this Topeka constitution was ratified, with this 
clause inserted, by the entire republican party 
in Congress, thus distinctly affirming the recent 
decision of the Supreme Court of the Union 
that Africans are not citizens of the United 
States; for, if citizens, they may be elected to 
all offices, state and national, including the 
presidency itself; they must be placed upon a 
basis of perfect equality with the whites, serve 
with them in the militia, on the bench, the 
legislature, the jury box, vote in all elections, 
meet us in social intercourse, and intermarry 
freely with the whites. This doctrine of the 
perfect equality of the white with the black in 
all respects whatsoever, social and_ political, 
clearly follows from the position that Africans 
are citizens of the United States. Nor is the 
Supreme Court of the Union less clearly vindi- 
cated by the position now assumed here by the 
published creed of this party, that the people 
of Kansas, in forming their state constitution, 
(and not Congress,) must decide this question 
of slavery for themselves. Having thus sus- 
tained the court on both the controverted 
points decided by that tribunal, it is hoped 
they will not approve the anarchical and _reyo- 
lutionary proceedings in other states, expunging 
the Supreme Court from our system by depriv- 
ing it of the great power for which it was ere- 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ated —of expounding the constitution. If that 
be done, we can have, in fact, no unity of gov- 
ernment or fundamental law, but just as many 
ever-varying constitutions as passion, prejudice, 
and local interests may, from time to time, pre- 
scribe in the thirty-one states of the Union. 

“JT have endeavored heretofore faintly to 
foreshadow the wonderful prosperity which 
would follow at once in Kansas the peaceful 
and final settlement of this question. But if it 
should be in the power of agitators to prevent 
such a result, nothing but ruin will pervade our 
territory. Confidence will expire, and law and 
order will be subverted. Anarchy and civil 
war will be reinaugurated among us. All 
property will greatly depreciate in value. Even 
the best farms will become almost worthless. 
Our towns and cities will sink into decay. Emi- 
eration into our territory will cease. A mourn- 
ful train of returning settlers, with ruined hopes 
and blasted fortunes, will leave our borders. 
All who have purchased property at present 
prices will be sacrificed, and Kansas will be 
marked by universal ruin and desolation. 

“Nor will the mischief be arrested here. It 
will extend into every other state. Despots 
will exult over the failure here of the great 
principles of self-government and the approach- 
ing downfall of our confederacy. The pillars 
of the Union will rock upon their base, and 
we may close the next presidential conflict 
amid the scattered fragments of the constitu- 
tion of our once happy and united people. 
The banner of the stars and stripes, the emblem 
of our country’s glory, will be rent by contend- 
ing factions. We shall no longer have a coun- 
try. The friends of human liberty in other 
realms will shrink despairing from the conflict. 
Despotie power will resume its sway through- 
out the world, and man will have tried in vain 
the last experiment of selfgovernment. The 
architects of our country’s ruin, the assassins 
of her peace and prosperity, will share the 
same common ruin of all our race. They will 


19 


meet, whilst living, the bitter curses of a ruined 
people, whilst history will record as their only 
epitaph, ‘These were the destroyers of the 
American Union, of the liberties of their coun- 
try and of the world? 

“But I do not despair of the republic. My 
hope is in the patriotism and intelligence of 
the people; in their love of country, of liberty, 
and of the Union. Especially is my confidence 
unbounded in the hardy pioneers and settlers 
of the west. It was such settlers of a new 
state, devoted to the constitution and the Union, 
whom I long represented in the senate of the 
United States, and whose rights and interests it 
was my pride and pleasure there, as well as in 
the treasury department, to protect and advo- 
cate. It was men like these whose rifles drove 
back the invader from the plains of Orleans, 
and planted the stars and stripes upon the vic- 
torious fields of Mexico. These are the men 
whom gold cannot corrupt, nor foes intimidate. 
From their towns and villages, from their farms 
and cottages, spread over the beautiful prairies 
of Kansas, they will come forward now in 
defence of the constitution and the Union. 
These are the glorious legacy they received 
from our fathers, and they will transmit to 
their children the priceless heritage. Before 
the peaceful power of their suffrage this dan- 
gerous sectional agitation will disappear, and 
peace and prosperity once more reign through- 
out our borders. In the hearts of this noble 
band of patriotic settlers the love of their 
country and of the Union is inextinguishable. 
It leaves them not in death, but follows them 
into that higher realm, where, with Washington 
and Franklin and their noble compatriots, they 
look down with undying affection upon their 
country, and offer up their fervent prayers that 
the Union and the constitution may be perpet- 
ual. For, recollect, my fellow-citizens, that it 
is the constitution that makes the Union; and 
unless that immortal instrument, bearing the 
name of the father of his country, shall be 


20 HISTORY 


maintained entire in all its wise provisions 
and sacred guarantees, our free institutions 
must perish. 

“ My reliance also is unshaken upon the same 
overruling Providence who has carried us tri- 
umphantly through so many perils and. con- 
flicts; who has lifted us to a height of power 
and prosperity unexampled in history, and, if 
we shall maintain the constitution and the 
Union, points us to a future more glorious and 
sublime than mind can conceive or pen describe. 
The march of our country’s destiny, like that 
of His first chosen people, is marked by the 
footprints of the steps of God. The constitu- 
tion and the Union are ‘the cloud by day and 
the pillar of fire by night, which will carry us 
safely, under his guidance, through the wilder- 
ness and bitter waters, into the promised and 
ever-extending fields of our country’s glory. 
It is his hand which beckons us onward in the 
pathway of peaceful progress and expansion, 
of power and renown, until our continent, in 
the distant future, shall be covered by the folds 
of the American banner; and instructed by 
our example, all the nations of the world, 
through many trials and sacrifices, shall estab- 
lish the great principles of our constitutional 
confederacy of free and sovereign states.” 

In _ his first. despatch to Washington, Gov- 
ernor Walker writes thus :— 

“My inaugural was extremely well received 
by. the people here, and, so far as I can learn, 
it seems quite probable that it will be approved 


by a very large majority of the people of this 


territory. On one point the sentiment of the 
people is almost unanimous— that. the constitu- 
tion must be submitted, for ratification or rejec- 
tion, to a vote of the people who shall be dona 
fide residents of the territory next fall. The 
difficulties in this territory are not yet adjusted, 
and without the submission of the constitution 
to the people a peaceful settlement. is entirely 
impracticable.” 

The governor also stated that where disturb- 


OF THE UNITED STATES. 


ances or resistance to the territorial laws were 
threatened, it was his purpose to address the 
people, and endeavor by a persuasive course to 
correct the evil, rather than resort to force. 
This course he followed in several cases, and 
addressed several assemblies of free state men 
with alleged good effect. He visited various 
parts of the territory, and by his addresses and 
intercourse with the people brought about a 
better feeling. 

The free state voters in Kansas adhered to 
their resolution not to participate in the elec- 
tion of delegates to the constitutional conven- 
tion, and the pro-slavery party elected nearly 
or quite the whole body. They also still sup- 
ported the Topeka constitution, and in June 
the state legislature under that constitution 
again met. Mr. Robinson, who had been per- 
suaded to continue to hold the office of governor 
of this prospective government, sent a message 
to the legislature recommending a thorough 
organization of the state government, and acts 
were passed providing for taking a state census, 
and appointing an election to be held in Au- 
gust for state officers and a representative to 
Congress. Governor Walker was at Topeka at 
the time, and addressed a convention of the 
free state men, being listened to with attention, 
and some of its more ultra proceedings being 
abandoned in consequence of his advice and 
conciliatory language ; but no movement was 
made by him to interfere with the legislature. 
Some of the free state men were dissatisfied 
with the moderation of the legislature, and 
were disposed to organize an opposition to the 
territorial laws-— usually termed by them the 
“bogus laws.” Among the measures undertaken 
by the free state men was the establishment of a 
city charter for Lawrence, by the people of that 
town. This step was regarded by the federal 
authorities as an insurgent act, and it was 
feared, probably without cause, that this was 
the beginning of other similar acts designed to 
| resist by an organized movement the territorial 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


laws and authority. But the free state men 
contended that it was only a municipal organ- 
ization, designed to promote the safety of the 
citizens by proper police and health regulations. 
It was, however, with the organization of the 
militia among the free state men, considered 
good cause for calling upon the military to sup- 
port the civil authorities of the territory, and a 
large body of dragoons was ordered into the 
vicinity of Lawrence. After a brief season it 
was found that there was no occasion for call- 
ing the military into requisition ; and this force, 
which had already been ordered to Utah, was 
withdrawn, and proceeded towards that ter- 
ritory. 

The constitutional convention provided for 
by the act of the territorial legislature met at 
Lecompton in September, ahd proceeded to 
form a constitution for a state government. 
This constitution recognized slavery indirectly 
in its provisions, and also had a provision pro- 
hibiting the legislature from ever passing a 
law for the emancipation of slaves. It was 
evidently the intention of the pro-slavery party 
that the constitution should not be submit- 
ted to the people, notwithstanding Governor 
Walker and Secretary Stanton had constantly 
declared, in conformity with the views and 
instructions of the president, that such a con- 
stitution must and should be fully and fairly 
submitted to the people for their ratification 
or rejection. The position taken by the gov- 
ernor on this point, and by many of the op- 
ponents of the free state party also, was so 
strong, that the convention at last made a 
show of submitting the constitution to the 
people. But it must be acknowledged by every 
candid mind that the provision adopted was a 
mere sham. By this provision the constitution 
was to be submitted to the people, and they 
were to vote in this form: “Constitution with 
slavery ;” or “Constitution without slavery.” 
In either case they must have the constitution 
with whatever objectionable features there 


21 


might be in it; and there were many such 
features, which satisfied the free state men that 
with that constitution freedom could not for 
years be established as the ruling principle in 
Kansas. Nor did this proposition meet the 
views of Governor Walker or Secretary Stan- 
ton. It was not in conformity with their own 
express promises, or their conviction, nor was 
it in conformity with the declarations of the 
president and his instructions to these officers. 
But this question will occur in another part of 
our narrative. 

While the convention was in session the 
election of a territorial legislature and delegate 
to Congress took place, in October. Governor 
Walker had made urgent appeals to the people 
to vote in this election, assuring them that they 
should have a fair election, and should be pro- 
tected from any invasion of parties out of the 
territory. The free state men by degrees had 
been persuaded that this course would be the 
wisest, if the governor would carry out his 
promises, and they had confidence that he 
would. ‘They therefore -prepared for the elec- 
tion, and the qualifications of voters having 
been modified by an act of the territorial legis- 
lature, they participated in it by a general, 
though it is said not a full, vote of the free 
state party. The result of this election was 
the choice of Mr. Parrott, the free state can- 
didate for delegate to Congress; and by the 
correct returns it also appeared that the same 
party had control of both branches of the 
legislature. In some of the voting precincts 
gross frauds were perpetrated in favor of the 
pro-slavery candidates. 'These frauds were too 
evident and too gross to pass without observa- 
tion, and Governor Walker, after inquiring into 
the facts, rejected the returns, and thus gave 
the legislature into the hands of the free state 
party. In one of the counties where these spu- 
rious returns were made, the pro-slavery can- 
didates, who were, by such rejection, refused 
certificates, applied to Judge Cato, who issued a 


22 


writ of mandamus to the governor and secre- 
tary, commanding them to give certificates to 
the claimants. The governor and secretary, 
however, denied the authority of the judge in 
the premises, and refused to comply. 

The result of this election was a source of 
great joy to the free state men in Kansas, and 
to their friends in the states. It served to 
conciliate and pacify many of those who, 
through wrong and oppression, had been dis- 
posed to resist to the utmost the territorial 
laws. The laws were now within their own 
power for repeal or modification, and this was 
accomplished in a way against which no objec- 
tion could be raised by the federal authorities. 
Quiet was therefore restored among the free 
state settlers. By the pro-slavery party it was 
received with less satisfaction. The unscrupu- 
lous among them had determined, if they could 
not have the aid of votes from Missouri, that 
they would have the benefit of spurious votes ; 
and hence the fraudulent returns. ‘The consti- 
tutional convention had adjourned until after 
the election, and they then proceeded with 
their work, but evidently with a determination 
that the free state majority, which had just 
been ascertained, should not have the oppor- 
tunity of rejecting the constitution they should 
frame. This purpose soon became evident, 
and excited the indignation of the free state 
men. And when the work was finally done, 
and the mode of submitting it, with slavery or 
without slavery, as already mentioned, the ter- 
ritory was again in a ferment. 

Before the convention had arrived at the 
conclusion of its work, and before it had de- 
termined how it should be submitted to the 
people, Governor Walker had obtained leave 
of absence from the territory for a season, and 
left it fully assured that the declared wishes of 
the president, and his own repeated pledges of 
a fair submission of the whole instrument to 
the vote of the people, would be adopted. 
Secretary Stanton was now acting governor. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


In the excitement prevailing in consequence 
of the action of the convention, both in regard 
to the manner of submitting the question to 
the popular vote, and in regard to the appoint- 
ment of judges of elections, and other details 
relating to the reception of votes and returns, 
the acting governor was requested to convene 
the territorial legislature at an earlier day than 
that appointed for its regular meeting. Vigi- 
lance committees had been organized by the 
free state party, who were again aroused to 
take decisive measures rather than suffer a 
constitution so obnoxious to be forced upon 
them. It was hoped that a meeting of the 
legislature might avert these troubles by pro- 
viding by law for the submission of the con- 
stitution to a fair vote. Such a measure Mr. 
Stanton suggested in his message to the legis- 
lature when it assembled. That message is 
characterized by a spirit of fairness and a de- 
sire to meet the popular will, which, it would 
seem, was entitled to commendation except 
from those who were disposed only to carry 
out the will of the convention and the minority 
which it represented. 

When, however, it was known at Washing- 
ton that Mr. Stanton had convened the legisla- 
ture in such a manner and for such a purpose, 
it was deemed by the president and his advisers 
a cause for immediate removal. James W. 
Denver, commissioner of Indian affairs, was ap- 
pointed in his place, and ordered to proceed 
forthwith to Kansas to assume the duties of sec- 
retary and acting governor. Governor Walker 
was still absent from the territory, in Washing- 
ton. The views of the president on Kansas 
affairs as expressed in his annual message, and 
the removal of Secretary Stanton for his en- 
deavor to pacify the majority of the people of 
Kansas by securing to them in a legal way 
their rights, and thus redeeming the pledges of 
the governor and the administration, indicated 
a change in the policy of the government. 
Governor Walker, pledged to the policy which 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


23 


the acting governor was endeayoring to carry ||ral address of the 27th of May last, as fol- 


out, was not disposed to adopt any other course ; 
and a few days after the removal of Mr. 
Stanton he resigned his post as governor of 
the territory. In tendering his resignation he 
addressed the following letter to the secretary 
of state, reviewing the affairs of Kansas from 
the time of his connection with the territory, 
and the policy which he had pursued :— 


‘“WasnIneton, December 15, 1857. 

“Sir: I resign the office of governor of the 
territory of Kansas. I have been most. reluc- 
tantly forced to this conclusion after anxious 
and careful consideration of my duty to the 
country, to the people of Kansas, to the presi- 
dent of the United States, and to myself. 

“The grounds assumed by the president in 
his late message to Congress, and in recent 
instructions in connection with the events now 
transpiring here and in Kansas, admonish me 
that, as governor of that territory, it will no 
longer be in my power to preserve the peace 
or promote the public welfare. 

“ At the earnest solicitation of the president, 
after repeated refusals, the last being in writing, 
I finally accepted this office upon his letter 
showing the dangers and difficulties of the Kan- 
sas question, and the necessity of my under- 
taking the task of adjustment. Under these 
circumstances, notwithstanding the great sacri- 
fices to me, (personal, political, and pecuniary,) 
I felt that I could no more refuse such a call from 
my country, through her chief magistrate, than 
the soldier in battle who is ordered to com- 
mand a forlorn hope. 

“JT accepted, however, on the express con- 
dition that I should advocate the submission 
of the constitution to the vote of the people 
for ratification or rejection. These views were 
clearly understood by the president and all his 
cabinet. They were distinctly set forth in my 
letter of acceptance of this office of the 26th 
of March last, and reiterated in my inaugu- 


lows :— 

“¢ Indeed, I cannot doubt that the convention, 
after having framed a state constitution, will 
submit it for ratification or rejection by a ma- 
jority of the then actual dona fide resident set- 
tlers of Kansas. With these views, well known 
to the president and cabinet, and approved by 
them, I accepted the appointment of governor 
of Kansas. My instructions from the presi- 
dent, through the secretary of state, under 
date of the 30th of March last, sustain “the 
regular legislature of the territory” in “ assem- 
bling a convention to form a constitution,’ and 
they express the opinion of the president that 
“when such a constitution shall be submitted 
to the people of the territory, they must be 
protected in the exercise of their shi of voting 
jor or against that instrument; and the fair ex- 
pression of the popular will must not be inter 
rupted by fraud or violence.” I repeat, then, as 
my clear conviction, that unless the convention 
submit the constitution to the vote of all the 
actual resident settlers of Kansas, and the elec- 
tion be fairly and justly conducted, the consti- 
tution will be, and ought to be, rejected by 
Congress.’ 

“This inaugural most distinctly asserted that 
it was not the question of slavery merely, 
(which I believed to be of little practical im- 
portance then in its application to Kansas,) but 
the entire constitution which should be sub- 
mitted to the people for ratification or rejection. 
These were my words on that subject in my 
inaugural: ‘It is not merely, shall slavery exist 
in or disappear from Kansas, but shall the 
great principles of self-government and state 
sovereignty be maintained or subverted” In 
that. inaugural I proceed further to say that the 
people ‘may by a subsequent vote defeat the 
ratification of the constitution’ I designate 
this as a ‘great constitutional right, and add, 
that ‘the convention is the servant, and not 
the master, of the people 


24 


“In my official despatch to you of 2d June 
last, a copy of that inaugural address was trans- 
mitted to you for the further information of 
the president and his cabinet. No exception 
was ever taken to any portion of that address; 
on the contrary, it is distinctly admitted by 
the president in his message, with commendable 
frankness, that my instructions in favor of the 
submission of the constitution to the vote of 
the people were ‘ general and unqualified’ By 
that inaugural and subsequent addresses I was 
pledged to the people of Kansas to oppose by 
all ‘lawful means’ the adoption of any consti- 
tution which was not fairly and fully submitted 
to their vote for ratification or rejection. These 
pledges I cannot recall or violate without per- 
sonal dishonor and the abandonment of funda- 
mental principles, and therefore it is impossible 
for me to support what is called the Lecompton 
constitution, because it is not submitted to a 
vote of the people for ratification or rejection. 

“T have ever uniformly maintained the 
principle that sovereignty is vested exclusively 
in the people of each state, and that it per- 
forms its first and highest function in forming 
a state government and state constitution. 
This highest act of sovereignty, in my judg- 
ment, can only be performed by the people 
themselves, and cannot be delegated to con- 
ventions or other intermediate bodies. Indeed, 
the whole doctrine of the sovereignty of con- 
ventions, as distinct from that of the people, — 
of conventional or delegated sovereignty, as 
contradistinguished from state or popular sov- 
ereignty, — has ever been discarded by me, and 
was never heard of, to my knowledge, during 
the great canvass of 1856. This is the great 
principle of state rights and state sovereignty 
maintained in the Virginia and Kentucky reso- 
lutions of 1798~99, sustained by the people in 
the great political revolution of 1800, and em- 
braced in that amendment to the federal con- 
stitution, adopted under the auspices of Mr. 
Jefferson, declaring that ‘the powers not dele- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


gated to the United States by the constitution, 
nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved 
to the states respectively or to the people.’ 
“The reservation to ‘the states’ 1s as separate 
states, in exercising the powers granted by 
their state constitutions, and the reservation to 
‘the people’ is to the people of the several states, 
admitted or inchoate, in exercising their sov- 
ereign right of framing or amending their state 
constitution. This view was set forth in my 
printed address delivered at Natchez, Missis- 
sippi, in January, 1835, against nullification, 
which speech received the complimentary sanc- 
tion of the great and good Madison, the princi- 
pal founder of our constitution, as shown by 
the letter of the Hon. Charles J. Ingersoll, of 
Philadelphia, as published in the Globe, at 
Washington, in 1856. What adds much more 
force to this opinion is the statement then 
made by Mr. Madison, that these were also the 
views of Mr. Jefferson. By this clause of the 
federal constitution the sovereignty of the peo- 
ple of each state is clearly reserved, and espe- 
cially their own exclusive sovereign right to form 
in all its entirety their own state constitution. 
“J shall not enter fully into the argument 
of this question at this period, but will merely 
state that this is the position I have ever occu- 
pied; and my reasons for entertaining this opin- 
ion are clearly and distinctly set forth in a 
printed pamphlet, published over my signature 
on the 13th June, 1856, and then extensively 
circulated, from which I quote as follows :— 
““Under our confederate system sovereignty 
is that highest political power which, at its 
pleasure, creates governments and delegates 
authority to them. Sovereignty grants powers, 
but not sovereign powers; otherwise it might 
extinguish itself by making the creature of its 
will the equal or superior of its creator. Sov- 
ereignty makes constitutions, and through them 
establishes governments. It delegates certain 
powers to these governments, distributing the 
exercise of the granted powers among the 


PRESIDENT BUCHANANS ADMINISTRATION. 


25 


legislative, executive, and judicial departments. || it was created by states, each exercising for 


The constitution is not sovereign, because it is 
created by sovereignty. The government is 
not sovereign for the same reason, much less 
any department of that government. Having 
defined sovereignty, we must not confound the 
power with its source or exercise; that is, 
sovereignty is one thing, where it resides or 
how to be exercised ‘is another. 
‘system of European despotisms, sovereignty 
was claimed to reside in kings and emperors, 
under the sacrilegious idea of the “divine right 
of kings;” and the blasphemous doctrine was, 
that sovereigns in legitimate succession, al- 
though stained with crimes and _ blackened 
with infamy, were clothed by Deity with abso- 
lute power to rule their subjects, who held 
nothing but privileges granted by the crown. 
Such were the absurd and impious dogmas to 
which the people of Europe, with few excep- 
tions, have been compelled to submit by the 
bayonet, sustained by the more potent authority 
of ignorance and superstition. Under this the- 
ory the people were mere ciphers, and crowned 
heads sub-deities — the sole representatives on 
earth of the governing power of the Almighty’ 
‘Our doctrine is just the reverse, making the 
_ people the only source of sovereign power. 
But what people? With us sovereignty rests 
exclusively with the people of each state’ By 
the revolution, each colony, acting for itself 
alone, separated from Great Britain, and sanc- 
. tioned the Declaration of Independence. ‘ Hach 
colony, having thus become a state, and each 
adopting for itself its separate state govern- 
ment, acted for itself alone under the old 
Continental. Congress. Each state acted for 
itself alone in acceding to the Articles of Con- 
federation in 1778, and each state acted for 
itself alone in framing and ratifying, each for 
itself, the constitution of the United States. 
Sovereignty, then, with us rests exclusively 
with the people of each state. The constitu- 
tion of the United ee is not sovereign, for 


Under the} 


itself the highest political power called sov- 
ereignty. For the same reason the government, 
of the United States is not sovereign, nor doez 
it exercise any sovereign powers. It exercises 
only “delegated powers,’ as declared by the 
constitution, and those powers only which are 
granted by that instrument. Delegated pow- 
ers are not sovereign powers, but are powers 
granted by sovereignty. Sovereignty, being 
this highest political power, cannot be delegat- 
ed; it is indivisible; it is a unit, incapable of 
partition. Hence the great error of supposing 
that sovereignty is divided between the states 
and the United States. ° 

“<The constitution of the United States is 
the “supreme law,” and obligatory as such; but 
a law is not sovereignty, but an act of sover- 
eignty. All laws imply law-makers; and, in 
this case, those who framed and ratified this 
“supreme law” were those sovereignties called 
the states, each acting exclusively for itself, 
uncontrolled by any sister state, except by the 
moral force of its influence and example. The 
government of the United States possessing, as 
we have shown, no sovereignty, but only dele- 
gated powers, to them alone it must look fox 
the exercise of all constitutional authority in 
territories as well as states, for there is not a 
single power granted by the constitution to 
this government in a territory which is not 
granted in a state, except the power to admit 
new states into the Union, which, as shown by 
the Madison Papers, the framers of the consti- 
tution (as first demonstrated in my Texas 
letter) refused to limit to our then existing 
territories. In the territories, then, as well as 
the states, Congress possesses no sovereignty, 
and can exercise only the powers delegated by 
the constitution; and all the powers not thus 
granted are dormant or reserved powers, be- 
longing, in common territory, to all the states, 
as coequal joint tenants there of that highest , 
political power called sovereignty’ 


* 


26 


“Tt will be perceived that this doctrine, that 
‘sovereignty makes constitutions, that ‘sov- 
ereignty rests exclusively with the people of 
each state, that ‘sovereignty cannot be dele- 
gated, that ‘it is inalienable, indivisible, ‘a 
unit incapable of partition, are doctrines ever 
regarded by me as fundamental principles of 
public liberty and of the federal constitution, 
It will be seen that these views, which I have 
ever entertained, were not framed to suit any 
emergency in Kansas, but were my. life-long 
principles, and were published and promulgated 
by me, in an elaborate argument over my own 
signature, twelve months before my departure 
to that territory, and when I never thought of 
going to Kansas. These rights I have ever 
regarded as fully secured to the people of ‘all 
the territories’ in adopting their state constitu- 
tion by the Kansas and Nebraska bill. Such 
is the construction given to that act. by Con- 
gress in passing the Minnesota bill, so justly 
applauded by the president. Such is the con- 
struction of this Kansas act by its distinguished 
author, not only in. his late most able argu- 
ment, but in addresses made and published by 
him long antecedent to that date; showing 
that this sovereign power of the people in act- 
ing upon a state constitution is not confined 
to the question of slavery, but includes all 
other subjects embraced in such an instrument. 
Indeed, I believe the Kansas and Nebraska bill 
would have violated the rights of sovereignty 
reserved to the people of each state by the 
federal constitution if it had deprived them, or 
Congress should now deprive them, of the right 
of voting for or against their state constitution. 
The president, in his message, thinks that. the 
rights secured by this bill. to the people. in 
acting upon their state constitution are confined 
to the slavery question; but I think, as shown 
in my address before quoted, that ‘sovereignty 
is the power that makes constitutions and goy- 
ernments, and that not only the slavery clause 
in a state constitution, but all others, must be 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


submitted. The president thinks that sov- 
ereignty can be delegated, at least in part. I 
think sovereignty cannot be delegated at all. 
The president believes that sovereignty is 
divisible between conventions and the people, 
to be exercised by the former on all subjects 
but slavery, and by the latter only on that 
question; whereas I think that sovereignty is 
‘inalienable, ‘indivisible, ‘a unit incapable of 
partition, and that ‘it cannot be delegated, in 
whole or in part. 

“Tt will not be denied that sovereignty is the 
only power that can make a state constitution, 
and that it rests exclusively with the people; 
and if it is inalienable, and cannot be delegated, 
as I have shown, then it can only be exercised | 
by the people themselves. Under our govern- 
ment we know no sovereigns but the people. - 
Conventions are composed of‘ delegates’ They 
are mere agents or trustees, exercising not a 
sovereign, but a delegated power, and the 
people are the principals. The power dele- 
gated to such conventions can properly only 
extend to the framing of the constitution; but 
its ratification or rejection can only be per- 
formed by the power where sovereignty alone 
rests, namely, the people themselves. We 
must not confound sovereign with delegated 
powers. The provisional authority of a con- 
vention to frame a constitution and submit it 
to the people is a delegated power; but sov- 
ereignty alone, which rests exclusively with 
the people, can ratify and put in force that , 
constitution. ; 

“And this is the true doctrine ‘of popular 
sovereignty ; and I know of no such thing, nor 
does the federal constitution recognize it, as 
delegated or conventional sovereignty. The 
president, in a very lucid passage of his able 
message, gives unanswerable reasons why the 
people, and not conventions, should decide the 
question of slavery in framing a state constitu- 
tion... He says, very truly, that, from the neces. 
sary division of the inchoate state into districts, 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


a majority of the delegates may think one way 
and the people another, and that the delegates 
(as was the case in Kansas) may violate their 
pledges or fail to execute the will of the people. 
And why does not this reasoning apply with 
equal force to all other great questions embod- 
ied ina state constitution ? and why should the 
question of slavery alone override and extin- 


guish the doctrine of popular sovereignty and. 


the right of selfgovernment ? Most fortunately 
this is no sectional question, for it belongs 
alike to the states admitted or inchoate, of the 
south as of the north. It is not a question of 
slavery, but of state rights and of state and 
popular sovereignty, and my objections to the 
Lecompton constitution are equally strong, 
whether Kansas under its provisions should be 
made a free ora slave state. My objections are 
based upon a violation of the right of self-gov- 
ernment and of state and popular sovereignty, 
and of forcing any constitution upon the people 
against their will, whether it recognized free- 
dom or slavery. Indeed, the first question 
which the people ought to decide in forming a 
government for an inchoate state is, whether 
they will change, or not, from a territorial to a 
state government. Now, as no one who, with 
me, denies federal or territorial sovereignty, 
will contend that a territorial legislature is sov- 
ereign, or represents sovereignty, or that such 
legislature (a mere creation of Congress) can 
transfer sovereignty, which it does not possess, 
to a territorial convention, this change from a 
territorial to a state government can only be 
made by the power where sovereignty rests ; 
namely, the people: Yet a state government 
is forced upon the people of Kansas by the 
Lecompton constitution whether they will it or 
not; for they can only vote for the constitu- 
tion, and not against it. But, besides the 
change from a territorial to a state govern- 
ment, which the people alone have a right to 
make in framing a state constitution, there are 
many other momentous questions included in 


27 


that instrument. It involves all the powers of 
state government. There is the bill of rights, 
the magna charta of the libertiegof a free people ; 
the legislative, executive, and judicial functions ; 
the taxing power; the elective franchise; the 
great question of education; the sacred rela- 
tions of husband and wife, parent and child, 
guardian and ward ; and all the rights affecting 
life, liberty, and property. There is also the 
question of state debts, of banks and paper 
money, and whether they shall be permitted or 
prohibited. As all free government, as stated 
by Mr. Jefferson in the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, depends upon the ‘consent of the gov- 
erned, how can it be known whether the people 
would assent to the constitution unless it is sub- 
mitted to their vote for ratification or rejection? 
But if acquiescence can be presumed in any 
case, surely it cannot be in that of Kansas, 
where so many of the delegates violated their 
pledge to submit the constitution itself to a 
vote of the people, where the delegates who 
signed the constitution represented scarcely 
one tenth of the people, and where nearly one 
half the counties of the territory were dis- 
franchised, and (by no fault of theirs) did not, 
and could not, give a single vote at the election 
for delegates to the convention. 

“YT have heretofore discussed this subject 
mainly on the question that conventions are 
not sovereign, and cannot rightfully make a 
state constitution without submission to the 
vote of the people for ratification or rejection ; 
yet surely even those who differ with me on 
this point must concede, especially under the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill, it is only such conven- 
tions can be called sovereign as have been truly 
elected by the people and represent their will. 
On reference, however to my address of the 
16th September last on the tax-qualification 
question,—a copy of which was immediately 
transmitted to you for the information of the 
president and cabinet, — it is evident that the 
Lecompton convention was not such a body. 


28 


That convention had vital, not technical, de- 
fects in the very substance of its organization 
under the territorial law, which could only be 
cured, in my judgment, as set forth in my in- 
augural and other ‘addresses, by the submission 
of the constitution for ratification or rejection 
by the people. On reference to the territorial 
law under which the convention was assembled, 
thirty-four regularly organized counties were 
named as election districts for delegates to the 
convention. In each and all of these counties 
it was required by law that a census should be 
taken and the voters registered ; and when this 
was completed the delegates to the convention 
should be apportioned accordingly. In nine- 
teen of these counties there was no census, 
and therefore there could be no such apportion- 
ment there of delegates based upon such cen- 
sus. And in fifteen of these counties there was 
no registry of voters. These fifteen counties, 
including many of the oldest organized coun- 
ties of the territory, were entirely disfranchised, 
and did not give, and (by no fault of their own) 
could not give, a solitary vote for delegates to 
the convention. This result was superinduced 
by the fact that the territorial legislature ap- 
pointed all the sheriffs and probate judges in 
all these counties, to whom was assigned the 
duty by law of making this census and registry. 
These officers were political partisans, dissent- 
ing from the views and opinions of the people 
of these counties, as proved by the election in 
October last. These officers, from want of 
funds, as they allege, neglected or refused to 
take any census or make any registry in these 
counties; and therefore they were entirely dis- 
franchised, and could not, and did not, give a 
single vote at the,election for delegates to the 
constitutional convention. And here I wish to 
call attention to the distinction, which will ap- 
pear in / my inaugural address, in reference’ to 
those counties where the voters were fairly 
_registered and did not vote. In such counties, 
where a full and free opportunity was given to 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


register and vote, and they did not choose to 
exercise that privilege, the question is very dif- 
ferent from those counties where there was no 
census or registry, and no vote was given, or 
could be given, however anxious the people 
might be to participate in the election of dele. 
gates to the convention. Nor could it be said 
these counties acquiesced; for wherever they 
endeavored, by a subsequent census or registry 
of their own, to supply this defect, occasioned 
by the previous neglect of the territorial offi- 
cers, the delegates thus chosen were rejected 
by the convention. I repeat, that in nineteen 
counties out of thirty-four there was no census. 
In fifteen counties out of thirty-four there was 
no registry, and not a solitary vote was given, 
or could be given, for delegates to the conven: 
tion in any one of these counties. Surely 
then, it cannot be said that such a convention, 
chosen by scarcely more than one tenth of the 
present voters of Kansas, represented the peo- 
ple of that territory, and could rightfully impose 
a constitution upon them without their consent. 
These nineteen counties in which there was no 
census constituted a majority of the counties of 
the territory, and these fifteen counties in 
which there was no registry gave a much larger 
vote at the October election, even with the 
six months’ qualification, than the whole vote 
given to the delegates who signed the Lecomp- .- 
ton constitution on the 7th November last. If, 
then, sovereignty can be delegated, and con- 


-ventions, as such, are sovereign, which I deny 


surely it must be only in such cases as when 
such conventions are chosen by the people, 
which we have seen was not the case as regards _ 
the late Lecompton convention. It was for 
this, among other reasons, that in my inaugu- 
ral and other addresses I insisted that the con- 
stitution should be submitted to the people by 
the convention, as the only means of curing 
this vital defect in its organization. It was, . 
therefore, among other reasons, when, as you 
know,.the organization of the so-called Topeka 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


state government, and as a consequence an 
inevitable civil war and conflict with the troops 
must have ensued, these results were prevented 
by my assuring, not the abolitionists, as has 
_ been erroneously stated, —for my address was 
not to them, but the people of Kansas,—that 
in my judgment the constitution would be sub- 
mitted fairly and freely for ratification or rejec- 
tion by their vote, and that if this was not 
done, | would unite with them, the people, as 
I now do, in ‘lawful »pposition’ to such a 
procedure. 

“The power and responsibility being de- 
volved exclusively upon me by the president 
of using the federal army in Kansas to sup- 
press insurrection, the alternative was distinctly 
presented to me by the question propounded 
at Topeka of arresting revolution by the slaugh- 
ter of the people, or of preventing it, together 
with that civil war which must have extended 
throughout the Union, by the solemn assurance 
then given that the right of the people to 
frame their own government, so far as my 
power extended, should be maintained. But 
for this assurance, it is a conceded fact that the 
Topeka state government, then assembled in 
legislative session, would have been put into 
immediate actual operation, and that a san- 
guinary collision with the federal army and 
civil war must have ensued, extending, it is 
feared, throughout the Union. 

“Indeed, the whole idea of an inaugural 
address originated in the alarming ‘intelligence 
which had reached Washington city of the 
perious and incipient rebellion in Kansas, 
This insurrection was rendered still more for- 
midable, on my reaching the territory, by the 
near approach of the assembling of the revo- 
lutionary state’ legislature, and the very nu- 
merous mass conventions by which it was sus- 
tained, In truth, I had to choose between 
arresting that insurrection, at whatever cost 
of American blood, by the federal army, or to 
prevent the terrible catastrophe, as I did, by 


| 


29 


my pledges to the people of the exertion of all 
my power to obtain a fair election, and the 
submission of the constitution to the vote of 
the people for ratification or rejection. 

“My inaugural and other addresses were, 
therefore, really in the nature of proclamations, 
(so often issued by presidents and governors,) 
with a view to prevent, as they did in this case, 
civil war and insurrection. 

“ Now, by my oath of office, 1 was sworn to 
support the constitution of the United States, 
which I have shown, in my judgment, required 
the submission of the constitution to thé vote 
of the people. I was sworn also to ‘take care’ 
that the Kansas and Nebraska bill «should be 
faithfully executed, which bill, in my judgment, 
as heretofore stated, required that the constitu- 
tion should be submitted to the vote of the 
people; and | was therefore only performing a 
solemn duty when, as governor of the territory, 
to whose people my first obligations were due, 
I endeavored to secure to them these results. 
The idea entertained by some that I should 
see the federal constitution and the Kansas- 
Nebraska bill overthrown and disregarded, and 
that, playing the part of a mute in a panto- 
mime of ruin, I should acquiesce by my silence 
in such a result, especially where such acqui- 
escence involved, as an immediate consequence, 
a disastrous and sanguinary civil war, seems to 
me most preposterous. Not a drop of blood 
has been shed by the federal troops in Kansas 
during my administration. But insurrection 
and civil war, extending, I fear, throughout 
the country, were alone prevented by the 
course pursued by me on those occasions, and 
the whole people, abandoning revolutionary 
violence, were induced by me to go, for the 
first time, into a general and peaceful elec- 
tion. 

“These important results constitute a suf 
ficient consolation for all the unjust assaults 
made upon me on this subject. I do not un- 
derstand that these assaults have ever received 


30 HISTORY OF THE 


the slightest countenance from the president; 
on the contrary, his message clearly indicates 
an approval of my course up to the present 
most unfortunate difference about the so-called 
Lecompton constitution. Inasmuch, however, 
as this difference is upon a vital question, in- 
volving practical results and new instructions, 
it is certainly much more respectful to the 
president, on my part, to resign the office of 
governor, and give him an opportunity of fill- 
ing it, as his right under the constitution, with 
one who concurs with him in his present opin- 
ions, rather than go to Kansas and force him 
to remove me by disobedience to his instruc- 
tions.” This latter. course, in my judgment, 
would be incompatible with proper respect for 
the chief magistrate of the Union, inconsistent 
with the rules of moral rectitude or propriety, 
and could be adopted with no other view than 
to force the president to remove me from office. 
Such a course, it is alleged, would present me 
to the public as a political martyr in the defence 
of the great principle of self-government; but 
to go to Kansas with any such purpose, or with 
a certain knowledge that such a result must 
follow, would be alike unjust and improper. 
My only alternative, then, is that of a respect- 
ful resignation, in the hope that Kansas and 


our beloved country may be shielded from that | 


civil war with which I fear both are threat- 
ened, by any attempt to force the so-called 
Lecompton constitutign upon the people of 
Kansas. 

“J state it as a fact, based on a long and 
intimate association with the people of Kansas, 
that an overwhelming majority of that people 
are opposed to that instrument, and my letters 
state that but one out of twenty of the press 
of Kansas sustains it. Some oppose it because 
so many counties were disfranchised and un- 
represented in the convention. Some, who are 
opposed to paper money, because it authorizes 
a bank of enormous capital for Kansas, nearly 
unlimited in its issues and in the denomination 


UNITED STATES. 


of its notes, from one dollar up and down. 
Some because of what they consider a know- 
nothing clause, by requiring that the governor 
shall have been twenty years a citizen of 
the United States. Some, because the elec- 
tive franchise is not free, as they cannot 
vote against the constitution, but only on the 
single issue, whether any more slaves may be 
imported, and then only upon that issue by 
voting for the constitution to which they are 
opposed. They regard this as but a mockery 
of the elective franchise, and a perilous sport- 
ing with the sacred rights of the people. Some 
oppose because the constitution distinctly recog- 
nizes and adopts the Oxford fraud in apportion- 
ing legislative members from Johnson county 
upon the fraudulent and fictitious returns, falsely 
so called, from that precinct, which recognition 
of that fraud in the constitution is abhorrent 
to the moral sense of the people. Others op- 
pose it because, although in other cases the 
presidents of conventions have been authorized 
to issue writs of election to the regular terri- 
torial or state officers with the usual judges, 
with the established precincts and adjudication 
of returns, in this case unprecedented and vice- 
regal powers are given to the president of the 
convention to make the precincts, the judges, 
and to decide finally upon the returns. From 
the grant of these unusual and enormous pow- 
ers, and from other reasons connected with the 
fraudulent returns of Oxford and McGee, an 
overwhelming majority of the people of Kan- 
sas have no faith in the validity of these returns, 
and therefore will not vote. Indeed, disguise 
it as we may to ourselves, under the influence 
of the present excitement, the facts will de- 
monstrate that any attempt by Congress to 
force this constitution upon the people of Kan- 
sas will be an effort to substitute the will of a 
small minority for that of an overwhelming 
majority of the people of Kansas; that it will 
not settle the Kansas question or localize the 


| issue; that it will, I fear, be attended by civil 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. _— 31 


war, extending, perhaps, throughout the Union ; 
thus bringing this question back again upon 
Congress and before the people in its most dan- 
gerous and alarming aspect. 

“The president takes-a different view of the 
subject in his message; and, from the events 
occurring in Kansas as well as here, it is evident 
that the question is passing from theories into 
practice; and that, as governor of Kansas, I 
should be compelled to carry out new instruc- 
tions, differing on a vital question from those 
received at the date of my appointment. Such 
instructions I could not execute consistently 
with my views of the federal constitution, of 
the Kansas and Nebraska bill, or with my 
_ pledges to the people of Kansas. Under these 
circumstances, no alternative is left me but to 
resign the office of governor of the territory 
of Kansas. No one can more deeply regret 
than myself this necessity; but it arises from 
no change of opinion on my part. On the 
contrary, I should most cheerfully have re- 
turned to Kansas to carry out my original 
instructions, and thus preserve the peace of the 
territory, and finally settle the Kansas question 
by redeeming my pledges to the people. 

“It is not my intention to discuss, at this 
time, the peculiar circumstances and. unex- 
pected events which have modified the opinions 
of the president upon a point so vital as the 
submission of the constitution for ratification 
or rejection by the vote of the people; much 
less do I desire any controversy with the presi- 
dent on this subject; yet, however widely my 
views may differ frém those entertained by 
him on this question, — views which I have held 
all my life, and which, as involving fundamental 
principles of:pyblic liberty and of the constitu- 
tion, are unchangeable, — yet, as regards. all 
those great Democratic measures which, I trust, 
will constitute the policy of his administration 
in other respects, it will give me pleasure, as a 
private citizen, to yield my cordial support. 


“T have said that the slavery question, as a 
practical issue, had disappeared from Kansas 
long before my arrival there, and the question 
of self-government had been substituted in its 
place. On some future occasion I shall, dissi- 
pate the delusion which has prevailed upon 
this subject, and show that, after three years’ 
experiment, when I arrived in Kansas there 
were less than three hundred slaves there, and 
the number constantly diminishing; that, as 


| proved by the official records of Congress, pub- 


lished and authenticated by those distinguished 
southern statesmen, John C. Calhoun and Jef- 
ferson Davis, the winter climate even of Hastern 
Kansas is colder than that of New. England, 
and that the pro-slavery territorial convention 
of Kansas, consolidated with the pro-slavery ter- 
ritorial legislature on the 4th of January, 1857, 
nearly five months before my arrival there, did 
distinctly abandon the slavery issue, because 
as set forth by one of their number, ‘the pro 
slavery party was in a small and admitted mi 
nority, ‘and the codperation of the free state: 
Democrats was invited as the only hope of suc: 
cess, not to make Kansas a slave state, which 
was conceded to be impossible, but to make 
it a conservative Democratic free state” Even 
as late as the 3d of July, 1857, when a Demo- 
cratic territorial convention assembled at Le- 
compton, in consequence of the laws of climate 
and the well-known will of the people, none 
contended that slavery could be established 
there. ‘Nor was it until my southern op- 
ponents interfered in the affairs of Kansas, 
and, by denunciation, menace, and _— other- 
wise, aided at a critical period by several 
federal office-holders of Kansas, including the 
surveyor-general, (the president of the con- 
yention,) with his. immense patronage, em- 
bracing many hundred employés, intervened, 
and, as’ I believe, without the knowledge or 
approbation of the president of the United 


| States, produced the extraordinary paper called 


32 


the Lecompton constitution. Yet this act of 
intervention by federal officers to defeat the 
will of the people seems to be sustained by 
my opponents; whilst my intervention, as it is 
called, in obedience to my duty and oath of 
office to support the federal constitution, and 
to take care that our organic law should be 
fairly executed, by endeavoring to secure to 
the people of Kansas their rights under that 
act, is denounced and’ calumniated. It is still 
more extraordinary that the hypothetical re- 
marks made by me as regards climate in its 
connection with its influence upon the question 
_ of slavery in Kansas, after that issue had been 
abandoned there, which views were consolidat- 
ing the union between conservative, free state, 
and pro-slavery Democrats, so as to prevent the 
confiscation of the small number of slaves then 
held in Kansas, have been denounced by many 
distinguished southern senators, who, when the 
Kansas and Nebraska bill was pending in Con- 
gress, and when such remarks from them, if 
ever, might affect southern emigration, were 
then loudest in proclaiming that, because of its 
climate, Kansas could never become a slave 
state. Indeed, it seems that all persons in and 
out of Kansas, whether in public or in private 
life, may publish what opinions they please in 
regard to these questions, except the governor 
of that territory, who has so little power and 
no patronage. 

“ And now be pleased to express to the presi- 
dent my deep regret as regards our unfortunate 
difference of opinion in relation to the Lecomp- 
ton constitution, and to say to him, that, as 
infallibility does not belong to man, however 
exalted in intellect, purity of intention, or 
position, yet, if he has committed any errors in 
this respect, may they be overruled by a super- 
intending Providence for the perpetuation of 
our Union and the advancement of the honor 
and interest of our beloved country. 

“In now dissolving my official connection 
with your department, I beg leave to tender 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


to you my thanks for your constant courtesy 
and kindness. : 
“ Most respectfully, your obedient servant, 
, “R. J. WALKER. 


Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State.” 


To this letter Mr. Cass sent the following 
reply :— 


‘¢ DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 
WaAsHINGTON, December 18, 1857. ; 


“Str: On Wednesday last I received your 
communication of the 15th instant, tendering 
your resignation as governor of Kansas. This 
resignation is accompanied by a long argument 
on the affairs of that territory generally, to 
which you are well aware it would be improper 
for the department to reply. If every officer 
of the government, who feels himself con- 
strained to refuse obedience to the instructions 
of the president, should pursue this unusual 
course, and thus place on the files of the ap- 
propriate department a criticism on the policy 
of the adminstration, no person knows better 
than yourself to what consequences this might 
lead. The department must either cause 
charges and arguments against the president 
to be filed among the public archives of the 
country, without contradiction or reply, or it 
must spend the time which ought to be devoted 
to the public service in controversies with sub- 
ordinate officers who may disapprove the presi- 
dent’s policy. Whilst duty, therefore, forbids 
me to enter into a controversial discussion with 
you on the various topics embraced by your 
argument, it is proper I should make a remark 
upon a single point. i" 

“You state that the president has changed 
his policy in regard to Kansas. And why this 
allegation? Simply because the’ convention 
of Kansas having, in the exercise of the right 
belonging to them, decided that they would 
not submit the whole constitution to the people, 
although they have submitted the all-important 
and dangerous question of slavery, which 
threatened to convulse the Union, and was 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


alone prominent in the minds of the people 
throughout every state, he had not treated the 
submission of this momentous question as a 
mere nullity. Under these circumstances it 
was his imperative duty, and this in strict con- 
formity with previous instructions, to take care 
that a fair election should be held on this vital 
question, and thus give peace to the Union. 
Had he acted in any other manner, merely 
because he preferred the submission of the 
constitution generally to the people, his re- 
sponsibility would have been of the ‘gravest 
character. 

“He never entertained or expressed the 
opinion, that the convention were bound to 
submit any portion of the constitution to the 
people, except the question of slavery, much 
less that the other portions of the constitution 
would be invalid without such a submission. 
Had he entertained such an opinion, this would 
have been in opposition to the numerous prece- 
dents which have occurred since the adoption 
of the. federal constitution by the different 
states. 

“The question of ean was the all-absorb- 
ing question, and you were sent to Kansas 
with the full confidence of the president to 
carry out the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska 
vact. 
to be a free or slave state, you were not to in- 
terfere. You were to secure to the people of 
Kansas a free and fair election, to decide this 
question for themselves.. The president was, 
therefore, happy to learn from your despatch 
to this department of the 15th July last, that 
in all your speeches you had refrained from 
expressing any opinion as to whether Kansas 
should be a slave or a free state. 

“J am instructed to inform you that your 
resignation of the office of governor of Kansas 
has been accepted. 

“TY am, sir, your obedient servant, 
“Lewis Cass. 


‘Hon. Ropert J. WALKER, Washington.” 


5 


With the question, whether Kansas was || 


33 


CHAPTER. III. 


Utah. — Rebellious Disposition of the Mormons. — New Governor 
appointed.— An Army to support the Civil Authorities. — 
Progress of the Expedition. — Hardships. — Character of the 
Cabinet.— Death of Members of President Pierce’s Cabinet. 
— Indian Troubles. — Monetary Pressurg of 1857. — Results. 


At this point it is necessary to leave the 
subject of Kansas for a time, in order to make 
mention of other matters, which, during the 
period we have passed over, received a share 
of attention from the government and the 
public. 

Early in the year affairs in Utah, which had, 
for some time been in an unpromising condition, 
threatened to result in serious disturbances. 
The Mormons were disposed to resist the au- 
thority of the United States, if it was again 
attempted to send officers not of their faith 
to the territory, in place of those who had 
been obliged to leave. They denied the right 
of the federal government to appoint terri- 
torial officers over them, and affirmed that 
polygamy is a purely local institution, concern 
ing nobody out of Utah. The militia were 
organized and trained, and the preachers urged 
the “ Saints,’ as the Mormons call themselves, 
to prepare for resistance. The chief justice of 
the territory, Mr. Drummond, who resigned his 
position at this time, revealed to the govern- 
ment a state of affairs in Utah which demanded 
immediate attention, if the territory was still 
to be held by the United States. After recount- 
ing the offences of which the Mormons had 
been guilty, including certain murders com- 
mitted by them or by the Indians at their insti- 
gation, Mr. Drummond said, that if a governor 
were sent to the territory who was not a Mor- 
mon, and were supported by a sufficient military 
force, something might be done to reform the 
abuses and to punish the crimes complained 
of; but otherwise it would be madness to at- 
tempt to administer the laws in the territory. 

Acting upon these representations, and other 


34 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


testimony to the same effect, the administration || from the hardships of such a winter campaign. 
took measures to send out a governor and other || There they waited for the opening of spring 


civil officers, supported by a military force 
which should secure respect and obedience. 
Brigham Young, the head of the Mormon 
church, had been governor of the territory 
since the administration of Mr. Fillmore. It 
was determined to remove him,—and there 
were abundant reasons for so doing,— and 
after some difficulty in finding a proper person 
for his successor who would accept the post, 
Mr. Alfred Cumming, of Missouri, was appointed. 
Other civil officers were appointed, and a force 
of twenty-five hundred men was concentrated 
“for the purpose of marching to Utah, to main- 
tain the authority of the federal government. 
In the mean time matters grew worse in that 
territory, and all the federal officers, with the 
exception of the Indian agent, had been obliged 
to leave. It was late in the season before the 
forces, under the command of Colonel John- 
stone, an old and experienced officer, com- 
menced their lone and difficult journey across 
the plains and through the mountain passes. 
The transportation of supplies was effected at 
an enormous expense and at great loss, by the 
death of cattle and mules, and the attacks of 
the Indians, the long trains not being sufficiently 
protected. The expedition suffered great hard- 
ships by the approach of winter before they 
reached the valley of the Great Salt Lake. 
Searcity of provisions threatened them in the 
midst of the severities of the winter, and, as it 
were, almost in a desert, and Captain Marcy 
was sent to the settlements n New Mexico, a 
distance of seven hundred miles, with a small 
force of volunteers, to procure cattle. This 
was a severe and perilous undertaking; but 
after great hardships Captain Marcy aceom- 
_ plished his journey, and brought back a small 
supply of cattle. In the mean time the expe- 
dition was encamped, or quartered in huts, on 
the banks of Henry’s Fork, within two hundred 
miles of Salt Lake City, and suffered not a little 


in order to enter the valley. Governor Cum- 
ming declared the territory to be in a state of 
rebellion, and Judge Eckels organized a district 
court, in which were tried offences originating 
about the camp; and the grand jury found 
bills against the Mormon leaders for treason. 
The Mormons, in the mean time, threatened 
resistance, and made some show of it, though 
they kept at a distance from the main body of 
the army. 

Thus did Mr. Buchanan, at the onset, have 
two serious and important territorial dbroglios 
bequeathed to him by his predecessor, and his 
administration was taxed with the manage- 
ment of these affairs before he had an oppor- 
tunity of meeting Congress, to explain his 
policy or receive their support and assistance. 
Of long experience in public life himself, he 
had the aid of a man of equal experience and 
prominence in the state department, while the 
other members of the cabinet, though less 
known, were men of some ability, and probably 
more devoted supporters of what was now the 
policy of the Democratic party. In point of 
ability, perhaps, the new cabinet was not so 
strong as that of Mr. Pierce, but it appeared m 
the course of events that they were quite as 
devoted to the policy under which the country 
was growing, and, in spite of all obstacles, flour: 
ishing. 

We may here mention that two members of 
President Pierce’s cabinet died in the summer 
of 1857, but a few months after their release 
from the arduous duties of their departments. 
William L. Marey, the late secretary of state, 
died at Ballston, New York, very suddenly, on 
the 4th of July, at the age of seventy-two 
years. He was born in Massachusetts, but 
settled in New York in early life. He entered 
public life at the age of thirty, and from that 
time he was almost constantly in the public 
service. He held many important state offices, 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 3d 


and was three times elected governor. 
also served in Congress, and was secretary of 
war during the administration of Mr. Polk, 
having charge of that department during the 
Mexican war, and discharging the duties with 
industry and ability. As secretary of state, un- 
der Mr. Pierce, he exhibited great ability as a 
diplomatist ; and had the representatives of the 
United States abroad been what they should 
have been, the foreign relations of the country 
might have done more credit to his department. 
He was a man who was highly respected both 
in public and private life. Mr, Marcy’s col- 
league in office, as secretary of the navy, John 
C. Dobbin, died a month later, August 4th, at 
Fayetteville, North Carolina* 

In addition to the expedition to Utah, and 
ihe repression of disturbances in Kansas, the 
administration had a further unusual demand 
for troops to act against the Indians, who had 
become very troublesome and hostile all along 
the western and north-western frontier. They 
had committed outrages in Minnesota and on 
the borders of Iowa, as well as in Nebraska, 
besides attacking the supply trains which were 
going forward for the Utah expedition. They 
had taken many lives, and had carried off a 
number of women. All the available troops 
were sent to punish these savages, but little has 
ever been accomplished by this sort of warfare. 

In the summer of 1857 the country began 
to suffer from an unusual monetary pressure. 
The first indications were a remarkable fall in 
the price of stocks; failures of unsound corpo- 
rations followed, and a panic seized upon the 
commercial community, the doubt and distrust 
arising therefrom adding not a little to the 
misfortunes which the mercantile community 
suffered. The contraction of loans by the 


” 


* Thomas J. Rusk, United States senator from Texas, not 
long after this, committed suicide, while laboring under great. de- 
pression of spirits. He was one of the ablest members of the 
Democratic party, and was mentioned as a probable candidate for 
the presidency. 


He had || 


| were the greatest sufferers in this crisis. 


banks of the principal commercial cities caused 
great distress among those who had done a 
large business on the credit system, and many 
of the houses reputed to be the wealthiest 
As 
the troubles increased and commercial credit 
seemed to be so questionable, the panic ex- 
tended to all classes of society. The next 
thing was a suspicion of the solvency of the 
banks, and there was, consequently, a demand 
on the banks for specie in redemption of their 
notes. This demand increased with the panic, 
and the panic was increased by the rush for 
specie, until at last the banks of the principal 
cities were obliged, for their own safety and for 
the welfare of the business public, to suspend 
specie payments; and the banks throughout 
the country soon followed. This measure ena- 
bled them to increase their loans, while it also 
brought the panic among the poorer classes to 
an abrupt end. After a time the severity of 
the storm abated, the crisis was passed, but 
many a merchant was wrecked, and the distress 
was widely extended. The industry of the 
country, too, received a severe blow. Manu- 
facturing establishments were among those 
which had suffered most, and a total or partial 
suspension of their operations was necessary, 
thus throwing numerous persons out of em- 
ployment, and extending the distress, step by 
step, through all the branches of industry. Nor 
was the government exempt from the pressure, 
although at the outset there were twenty mil- 
lions of dollars in the treasury. . For the relief 
of the public the government. had purchased 
its own securities when offered, thus paying out 
several millions of specie, which, . otherwise 
would have remained in its vaults. But in the 
mean. time, by the commercial distress. and the 
new tariff, the receipts into the treasury were 
greatly diminished, and the surplus, which. for 
several years, had. remained on hand at the 
close of the fiscal years, was likely to be ahennad 
to a deficit. 


36 


CHAPTER IV. 
Thirty-fifth Congress. — Organization. — President’s Message. 


Sucu was the state of affairs when the thirty- 
fifth Congress commenced its first session. The 
elections which had occurred in the several 
states at the time of the presidential election, 
and afterwards, had resulted more favorably for 
the Democratic party than had been the case 
in the previous Congress. The administration 
still having the senate, though by a diminished 
majority, had also a very decisive majority in 
the house of representatives. The latter was 
organized at once by the choice of J. L. Orr, 
of South Carolina, as speaker, by one hundred 
and twenty-eight votes to eighty-four for Mr. 
Grow, the Republican candidate. 

The president’s message was communicated 
to Congress the next day, December 8th. From 
that document we make the following extracts 
in relation to some of the more important sub- 
jects which were before the country. After 
referring to the prosperity of the several 
great interests of the people, the president 
proceeds : — 

“We have possessed all the elements of ma- 
terial wealth in rich abundance, and’ yet, not- 
withstanding all these advantages, our country, 
in its monetary interests, is at the present mo- 
ment in a deplorable condition. In the midst 
of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions 
of agriculture, and in all the elements of ‘na- 
tional wealth, we find our manufactures sus- 
pended, our public works retarded, our private 
enterprises of different kinds abandoned, and 
thousands of useful laborers thrown out of 
employment and reduced to want. The rev- 
enue of the government, which is chiefly derived 
from duties on imports from abroad, has been 
greatly reduced, whilst the appropriations made 
by Congress, at its last session, for the current 
fiscal year, are very large in amount. 

“Under these circumstances a loan may be 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


required before the close of your present ses- 
sion; but this, although deeply to be regretted, 
would prove to be only a slight misfortune 
when compared with the suffering and distress 
prevailing among the people. With this the 
government cannot fail deeply to sympathize, 
though it may be without the power to extend 
relief. | 

“Tt is our duty to inquire what has produced 
such unfortunate results, and whether their 
recurrence can be prevented. In all former 
revulsions the blame might have been fairly 
attributed to a variety of codperating causes ; 
but not so upon the present occasion. It is ap- 
parent that our existing misfortunes have pro- 
ceeded solely from our extravagant and vicious 
system of paper currency and bank credits, 
exciting the people to wild speculations and 
gambling in stocks. These revulsions must 
continue to recur at successive intervals so long 
as the amount of the paper currency and bank 
loans and discounts of the country shall be left 
to the discretion of fourteen hundred irresponsi- 
ble banking institutions, which, from the very 
law of their nature, will consult the interest 
of their stockholders rather than the public 
welfare. 

“The framers of the constitution, when they 
gave to Congress the power ‘to coin money 
and to regulate the value thereof? and pro- 
hibited the states from coining money, emitting 
bills of credit, or making any thing but gold 
and silver coin a tender in payment of debts, 
supposed they had protected the people against 
the evils of an excessive and irredeemable 
paper currency. They are not responsible for 
the existing anomaly taoat a government en- 
dowed with the sovereign attribute of coining 
money and regulating the value thereof should 
have 1 power to prevent others from driving 
this coin out of the country, and filling up the 
channels of circulation with paper which does 
not represent gold and silver. 

“Tt is one of the highest and most responsi- 


~- 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ble duties of government to insure to the people 
a sound circulating medinm, the amount of 
which ought to be adapted with the utmost 
possible wisdom and skill to the wants of in- 
ternal trade and foreign exchanges. If this be 
either greatly above or greatly below the 
proper standard, the marketable value of every 
man’s property is increased or diminished in 
the same proportion, and injustice to individu- 
als, as well as incalulable evils to the community, 
are the consequence. 

“Unfortunately, under the construction of 
the federal constitution, which has now pre- 
vailed too long to be changed, this important 
and delicate duty has been dissevered from the 
coining power, and virtually transferred to 
more than fourteen hundred state banks, acting 
independently of each other, and regulating 
their paper issues almost exclusively by a re- 
gard to the present interest of their stockhold- 
-ers. Exercising the sovereign power of pro- 
viding a paper currency instead of coin for the 
country, the first duty which these banks owe 
to the public is to keep in their vaults a suf- 
ficient amount of gold and silver to insure the 
convertibility of their notes into coin at all 
_times and under all circumstances. No bank 
ought ever to be chartered without such restric- 
tions on its business as to secure this result. 
All other restrictions are comparatively vain. 
This is the only true touchstone, the only 
efficient regulator of a paper currency — the 
only one which can guard the public against 
over-issues and bank suspensions. As a collat- 
eral and eventual security, it is doubtless wise, 
and in all cases ought to be required, that 
banks shall hold an amount of United States 
or state securities equal to their notes in circu- 
lation, and pledged for their redemption. This, 
however, furnishes no adequate security against 
over-issues. On the contrary, it may be per- 
verted to inflate the currency. Indeed, it is 
possible by this means to convert all the debts 
of the United States and state governments 


37 


into bank notes, without reference to the specie 
required to redeem them. However valuable 
these securities may be in themselves, they 
cannot be converted into gold and silver at the 
moment of pressure, as our experience teaches, 
in sufficient time to prevent bank suspensions 
and the depreciation of bank notes. In Eng- 
land, which is to a considerable extent a paper- 
money country, though vastly behind our own 
in this respect, it was deemed advisable, ante- 
rior to the act of Parliament of 1844, which 
wisely separated the issue of notes from the 
banking department, for the Bank of England 
always to keep on hand gold and silver equal 
to one third of its combined circulation and 
deposits. If this proportion was no more than ° 
sufficient to secure the convertibility of its 
notes, with the whole of Great Britain, and to 
some extent the continent of Europe, as a field 
for its circulation, rendering it almost. impos- 
sible that a sudden and immediate run to a 
dangerous amount should be made upon it, the 
same proportion would certainly be insufficient 
under our banking system. Lach of our four- 
teen. hundred banks has but a limited cireum- 
ference for its circulation, and in the course of 
a very few days the depositors and note-holders 
might demand from such a bank a sufficient 
amount in specie to compel it to suspend, even 
although it had coin in its vaults equal to one 
third of its immediate liabilities. And yet I 
am not aware, with the exception of the banks 
of Louisiana, that any state bank throughout 
the Union has been required by its charter to 
keep this or any other proportion of gold and 
silver compared with the amount of its com- 
bined circulation and deposits. What has been 
the consequence? In a recent report made by 
the treasury department on the condition of 
the banks throughout. the different states, ac- 
cording to returns dated nearest to January, 
1857, the aggregate amount of actual specie in 
their vaults is fifty-eight million three hundred 
and forty-nine thousand eight hundred and 


38 


thirty-eight dollars; of their circulation, two 
hundred and fourteen million seven hundred 
and seventy-eight thousand eight hundred and 
twenty-two dollars; and of their deposits, two 
hundred and thirty million three hundred and 
fifty-one thousand three hundred and fifty-two 
dollars. Thus it appears that these banks, in 
the aggregate, have considerably less than one 
dollar in seven of gold and silver compared 
with their circulation and deposits. It was 
palpable, therefore, that the very first pressure 
must drive them to suspension, and deprive the 
people of a convertible currency with all its 
disastrous consequences. It is truly wonderful 
that they should have so long continued to 
preserve their credit, when a demand for the 
payment of one seventh of their immediate 
liabilities would have driven them into insol- 
vency. And this is the condition of the banks, 
notwithstanding that four hundred millions of 
gold from California have flowed in upon us 
within the last eight years, and the tide still 
continues to flow. Indeed, such has been the 
extravagance of bank credits that the banks 
now hold a considerably less amount of specie, 
either in proportion to their capital or to their 
circulation and :deposits combined, than they 
did before the discovery of gold in California. 
Whilst in the year 1848 their specie, in propor- 
tion to their capital, was more than equal to 
one dollar for four and a half, in 1857 it does 
not amount to one dollar for every six dollars 
and thirty-three cents of their capital. In the 
year 1848 the specie was equal, within a very 
small fraction, to one dollar in five of their cir- 
culation and deposits; in 1857 it is not equal 
to one dollar in seven and a half of their circu- 
lation and deposits. 

“From this statement it is easy to account 
for our financial history for the last, forty years. 
It has been a history of extravagant expan- 
sions in the business of the country, followed 
by ruinous contractions. At successive inter- 
vals the best and most enterprising men have 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


been tempted to their ruin by excessive bank 
loans of mere paper credit, exciting them to 
extravagant importations of foreign goods, wild 
speculations, and ruinous and demoralizing 
stock gambling. When the crisis arrives, as 
arrive it must, the banks can extend no relief 
to the people. In a vain struggle to redeem 
their liabilities in specie, they are compelled to 
contract their loans and their issues; and, at 
last, in the hour of distress, when their assist- 
ance is most needed, they and their debtors 
together sink into insolvency. 

“Tt is this paper system of extravagant ex- 
pansion, raising the nominal price of every 
article far beyond its real value, when compared 
with the cost of similar articles in countries 
whose circulation is wisely regulated, which 
has prevented us from competing in our own 
markets with foreign manufacturers, has pro- 
duced extravagant importations, and has coun- 
teracted the effect of the large incidental pro- . 
tection afforded to our domestic manufactures 
by the present revenue tariff. But for this, 
the branches of our manufactures composed of 
raw materials, the production of our own coun- 
try, — such as cotton, iron, and woollen fabrics, 
— would not only have acquired almost exclu- 
sive possession of the home market, but would 
have created for themselves a foreign market 
throughout the world. 

“ Deplorable, however, as may be our present 
financial condition, we may yet indulge in 
bright hopes for the future. No other nation 
has ever existed which could have endured 
such violent expansions and contractions of 
paper credits without lasting injury; yet the 
buoyancy of youth, the energies of our popu- 
lation, and the spirit which never quails before 
difficulties, will enable us soon to recover from 
our present financial embarrassment, and may 
even occasion us speedily to forget the lesson 
which they have taught. 

“In the mean time it is the duty of the gov: 
ernment, by all proper means within its power, 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to aid in alleviating the sufferings of the peo- 
ple occasioned by the suspension of the banks, 
and to provide against a recurrence of the 
same calamity. Unfortunately, in either aspect 
of the case, it can do but little. Thanks to the 
independent treasury, the government has not 
suspended payment, as it was compelled to do 
by the failure of the banks in 1837. It will 
continue to discharge its liabilities to the people 
in gold and silver. Its disbursements in coin 
will pass into circulation, and materially assist 
in restoring a sound currency. From its high 
credit, should we be compelled to make a tem- 
porary loan, it can be effected on advantageous 
terms. This, however, shall, if possible, be 
avoided; but, if not, then the amount shall be 
limited to the lowest practicable sum. 

*“JT have therefore determined, that whilst no 
useful government works already in progress 
shall be suspended, new works which are not al- 
ready commenced will be postponed, if this can 
be done without injury to the country. Those 
necessary for its defence shall proceed as though 
there had been no crisis in our monetary 
affairs. 

“But the federal government cannot do 
much to provide against a recurrence of exist- 
ing evils. Even if insurmountable constitu- 
tional objections did not exist against the crea- 
tion of a national bank, this would furnish no 
adequate preventive security. The history of 
the last Bank of the United States abundantly 
proves the truth of this assertion. Such a 
bank could not, if it would, regulate the issues 
and credits of fourteen hundred state banks in 
such a manner as to prevent the ruinous 
expansions and contractions in our currency 
which afflicted the country throughout the 
existence of the late bank, or secure us against 
future suspensions. In 1825 an effort was 
made by the Bank of England to curtail the 
issues of the country banks, under the most 
favorable circumstances. The paper currency 
had been expanded to a ruinous extent, and 


39 


the bank put forth all its power to contract it 
in order to reduce prices and restore the equi- 
librium of the foreign exchanges. It accord- 
ingly commenced a system of curtailment of 
its loans and issues, in the vain hope that the 
joint-stock and private banks of the kingdom 
would be compelled to follow its example. It 
found, however, that as it contracted they ex-. 
panded, and at the end of the process, to employ 
the language of a very high official authority, 
‘whatever reduction of the paper circulation 
was effected by the Bank of England (in 1825) 
was more than made up by the issues of the 
country banks.’ 

“ But a Bank of the United States would not, 
if it could, restrain the issues and loans of the 
state banks, because its duty as a regulator of 
the currency must often be in direct conflict 
with the immediate interest of its stockholders. 
If we expect one agent to restrain or control 
another, their interests must, at least in some 
degree, be antagonistic. But the directors of a 
Bank of the United States would feel the same 
interest and the same inclination with the 
directors of the state banks to expand the cur 
rency, to accommodate their favorites and 
friends with loans, and to declare large divi- 
dends. Such has been our experience in regard 
to the last bank. , 

“After all, we must mainly rely upon the 
patriotism and wisdom of the states for the 
prevention and redress of the evil. If they 
will afford us a real specie basis for our paper 
circulation by increasing the denomination of 
bank notes, first to twenty, and afterwards to 
fifty dollars; if they will require that the 
banks shall at all times keep on hand at least 
one dollar of gold and silver for every three 
dollars of their circulation and deposits; and 
if they will provide by a selfexecuting enact- 
ment, which nothing can arrest, that the mo- 
ment they suspend they shall go into liquidation, 
I believe that such provisions, with a weekly 
publication by each bank of a statement of its 


4U 


condition, would go far to seeure us against 
future suspensions of specie payments. 

“Congress, in my opinion, possess the power 
to pass a uniform bankrupt law applicable to 
all banking institutions throughout the United 
States, and I strongly recommend its exercise. 
This would make it the irreversible organic law 
of each bank’s existence, that a suspension of 
specie payments shall produce its civil death. 
The instinct of selfpreservation would then com- 
pel it to perform its duties in such a manner as 
to escape the penalty and preserve its life. 

“The existence of banks and the circulation 
of bank paper are so identified with the habits 
of our people, that they cannot, at this day, 
be suddenly abolished without much immediate 
injury to the country. If we could confine 
them to their appropriate sphere, and prevent 
them from administering to the spirit of wild 
and reckless speculation by extravagant loans 
and issues, they might be continued with ad- 
vantage to the public. 

“But this I say, after long and much reflec- 
tion: If experience shall prove it to be impos- 

sible to enjoy the facilities which well-reculated 

banks might afford, without at the same time 
suffering the calamities which the excesses of 
the banks have hitherto inflicted upon the 
country, it would then be far the lesser evil to 
deprive them altogether of the power to issue 
.a paper currency, and confine them to the func- 
tions of banks of deposit and discount.” 

Of the relations between the United States 
and Great Britain the president spoke at some 
length, explaining the position of the Central 
American question, as follows : — 

“The diplomatic difficulties which existed 
between the government of the United States 
and that of Great Britain at the adjournment 
of the last Congress have been happily ter- 
minated by the appointment of a British min- 
ister to this country, who has been cordially 
received. 

“Whilst it is greatly to the interest, as I am 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


convinced it is the sincere desire, of the gov- 
ernments and people of the two countries to 
be on terms of intimate friendship with each 
other, it has been our misfortune almost always 
to have had some irritating, if not dangerous, 
outstanding question with Great Britain. 
“Since the origin of the government we 
have been employed in negotiating treaties 
with that power, and afterwards in discuss- 
ing their true intent and meaning. In this 
respect, the convention of April 19, 1850, com- 
monly called.the Clayton and Bulwer treaty 
has been the most unfortunate of all; because 
the two governments place directly opposite 
and contradictory instructions upon its first 
and most important article. Whilst, in the 
United States, we believed that this treaty 
would place both powers upon an exact equal- 
ity by the stipulation that neither will ever 
‘occupy, or fortify, or colonize, or assume or 
exercise any dominion’ over, any part of Cen- 
tral America, it is contended by the British 
government that the true construction of this 
language has left them in the rightful posses- 
sion of all that portion of Central America 
which was in their occupancy at the date of 
the treaty ; in fact, that the treaty is a virtual 
recognition on the part of the United States 
of the right of Great Britain, either as owner 
or protector, to the whole extensive coast of 
Central America, sweeping round from the Rio 


|| Hondo to the port and harbor of San Juan de 


Nicaragua, together with the adjacent Bay 
Islands, except the comparatively small por- 
tion of this between the Sarstoon and Cape 
Honduras. According to their construction, 
the treaty does no more than simply prohibit 
them from extending their possessions in Cen- 
tral America beyond the present limits. It is 
not too much to assert, that if in the United 
States the treaty had been considered susceptt- 
ble of such a construction, it never would have 
been negotiated under the authority of the 
président, nor would it have received the ap- 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


probation of the senate. The universal con- 
viction in the United States was, that when our 
government consented to violate its traditional 
and time-honored policy, and to stipulate with 
a foreign government never to occupy or ac- 
quire territory in the Central American portion 
of our own continent, the consideration for 
this sacrifice was, that Great Britain should, in 
this respect at least, be placed in the same 
position with ourselves. Whilst we have no 
right to doubt the sincerity of the British gov- 
ernment in their construction of the treaty, it 
is at the same time my deliberate conviction 
that this construction is in opposition both to 
its letter and its spirit. 

“Under the late administration negotiations 
were instituted between the two governments | 
for the purpose, if possible, of removing these 
difficulties; and a treaty having this laudable 
object in view was signed at London on the 
17th October, 1856, and was submitted by the 
president to the senate on the followimg 10th 
of December. Whether this treaty, either in 
its original or amended form, would have ac- 
complished the object intended without giving 
birth to new and embarrassing complications 
between the two governments, may perhaps be 
well questioned. Certain it is, however, it was 
rendered much less objeetionable by the differ- 
ent amendments made to it by the senate. 
The treaty, as amended, was ratified by me on 
the 12th March, 1857, and was transmitted to 
London for ratification by the British govern- 
ment. That government expressed its willing- 
ness to concur in all the amendments made by 
the senate, with the single exception of the 
clause relating to Ruatan and the other islands 
in the Bay of Honduras. The article in the 
original treaty, as submitted to the senate, 
after reciting that these islands and their in- 
habitants ‘having been, by a convention bear- 
ing date the 27th day of August, 1856, between 
her Britannic majesty and the republic of Hon- 
duras, constituted and declared a free territory 


scarcely be said .to exist. 


41 


under the sovereignty of the said republic of 
Honduras, stipulated that ‘the two contracting 
parties do hereby mutually engage to recognize 
and respect in all future time the independence 
and rights of the said free territory as a part 
of the republic of Honduras’ 

“Upon an examination of this convention 
between Great Britain and Honduras of the 
27th August, 1856, it was found that, whilst 
declaring the Bay Islands to be ‘a free terri- 
tory under the sovereignty of the republic of 
Honduras, it deprived that republic of rights 
without which its sovereignty over them could 
It divided them 
from the remainder of Honduras, and gave to 
their inhabitants a separate government of their 
own, with legislative, executive, and judicial 
officers, elected by themselves. It deprived the 
government of Honduras of the taxing power 
in every form, and exempted the people of the 
islands from the performance of military duty, 
except for their own exclusive defence. It 
also prohibited that republic from erecting for- 
tifications upon them for their protection— 
thus leaving them open to invasion from any 
quarter; and finally it provided ‘that slavery 
shall not at any time hereafter be permitted to 
exist therein,’ ; 

“ Had Honduras ratified this convention, she 
would have ratified the establishment of a state 
substantially independent within her own limits, 
and a state at all times subject to British influ- 
ence and control. Moreover, had the United 
States ratified the treaty with Great Britain in 
its original form, we should have been bound 
‘to recognize and respect in all future time’ 
these stipulations to the prejudice of Honduras. 
Being in direct opposition to the spirit and 
meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty as 
understood in the United States, the senate 
rejected the entire clause, and substituted in its 
stead a simple recognition of the sovereign 
right of Honduras to these islands in the fol- 
lowing language: ‘The two contracting parties 


42 


do hereby mutually engage to recognize and 
respect the islands of Ruatan, Bonaco, Utila, 
Barbaretta, Helena, and Morat, situate in the 
Bay of Honduras, and off the coast of the re- 
public of Honduras, as under the sovereignty 
and as part of the said republic of Honduras,’ 
“Great Britain rejected this amendment, as- 
signing as the only reason that the ratifications 
of the convention of the 27th August, 1856, 
between her and Honduras, had not been ‘ ex- 
changed, owing to the hesitation of that gov- 
ernment. Had this been done, it is stated that 
‘her majesty’s government would have had 
little difficulty in agreeing to the modification 
proposed by the senate, which then would have 
had in effect the same signification as the 
original wording’ Whether this would have 
been the effect whether the mere circum- 
stance of the exchange of the ratifications of 
the British convention with Honduras prior in 
point of time to the ratification of our treaty 
with Great Britain would, ‘in effect? have had 
‘the same signification as the original wording, 
and thus have nullified the amendment of the 
senate—may well be doubted. It is, perhaps, 
fortunate that the question has never arisen. 
“The British government, immediately after 
rejecting the treaty as amended, proposed to 
enter into a new treaty with the United States, 
similar in all respects to the treaty which they 
had just refused to ratify, if the United States 
would consent to add to the senate’s clear and 
unqualified recognition of the sovereignty of 
Honduras over the Bay Islands the following 
conditional stipulation: ‘whenever and_ so 
soon as the republic of Honduras shall have 
concluded and ratified a treaty with Great 
Britain, by which Great Britain shall have 
ceded, and the republic of Honduras shall have 
accepted, the said islands, subject to the pro- 
visions and conditions contained in such treaty.’ 
“This proposition was, of course, rejected. 
After the senate had refused to recognize the 
British convention with Honduras of the 27th 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


August, 1856, with full knowledge of its con- 
tents, it was impossible for me, necessarily 
ignorant of ‘the provisions and conditions’ 
which might be contained in a future conven- ~ 
tion between the same parties, to sanction 
them in advance. , 

“The fact is, that when two nations, like 
Great Britain and the United States, mutually 
desirous as they are, and I trust ever may be, 
of maintaining the most friendly relations with 
each other, have, unfortunately, concluded a 
treaty which they understand in senses directly 
opposite, the wisest course is to abrogate such 
a treaty by mutual consent, and to commence 
anew. Had this been done promptly, all diffi- 
culties in Central America would most probably 
ere this have been adjusted to the satisfaction 
of both parties. The time spent in discussing 
the meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty 
would have been devoted to this praiseworthy 
purpose, and the task would have been the 
more easily accomplished because the interest 
of the two countries in Central America is 
identical, being confined to securing safe trans- 
its over all the routes across the isthmus. 

“Whilst entertaining these sentiments, I 
shall, nevertheless, not refuse to contribute to 
any reasonable adjustment of the Central Ameri- 
can questions which is not practically inconsist- 
ent with the American interpretation of the 
treaty. Overtures for this purpose have been 
recently made by the British government in a 
friendly spirit, which I cordially reciprocate ; 
but whether this renewed effort will result in 
success I am not yet prepared to express an 
opinion. <A brief period will determine.” 

In relation to Spain, the message contained 
the following :— 

“ With all other European governments, ex- 
eept that of Spain, our relations are as peaceful 
as we could desire. I regret to say that no 
progress whatever has been made, since the 
adjournment of Congress, towards the settle- 
ment of any of the numerous claims of our 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


citizens against the Spanish government. Be- 
sides, the outrage committed on our flag by the 
Spanish war frigate Ferrolana, on the high 
seas, off the coast of Cuba, in March, 1855, by 
firing into the American mail steamer El Do- 
rado, and detaining and searching her, remains 
unacknowledged and unredressed. ‘The general 
tone and temper of the Spanish government 
towards that of the United States are much to 
be regretted. Our present envoy extraordinary 
and minister plenipotentiary to Madrid has 
asked to be recalled; and it is my purpose to 
send out a new minister to Spain, with special 
instructions on all questions pending between 
the two governments, and with a determination 
to have them speedily and amicably adjusted, 
if this be possible. In the mean time, when- 
ever our minister urges the just claims of our 
citizens on the notice of the Spanish govern- 
ment, he is met with the objection that Congress 
has never made the appropriation recommend- 
ed by President Polk, in his annual message of 
December, 1847, ‘to be paid to the Spanish 
government for the purpose of distribution 
among the claimants in the Amistad case” <A 
similar recommendation was made by my im- 
mediate predecessor, in his message of Decem- 
ber, 1853; and entirely concurring with both 
in the opinion that this indemnity is justly due 
under the treaty with Spain of the 27th of 
October, 1795, 1 earnestly recommend such an 
appropriation to the favorable consideration of 
Congress.” iy 

Upon Central American affairs, independent 
of Great Britain, the president says, — 

“Our difficulties with New Granada, which 
a short time since bore so threatening an aspect, 
are, it is to be hoped, in a fair train of settle- 
ment in a: manner just and honorable to both 
parties. 

“The Isthmus of Central America, including 
that of Panama, is the great highway between 
the Atlantic and Pacific, over which a large 
portion of the commerce of the world is des- 


43 


tined to pass. The United States are more 
deeply interested than any other nation in pre- 
serving the freedom and security of all the 
communications across this isthmus. It is our 
duty, therefore, to take care that they shall 
not be interrupted either by invasions from our 
own country or by wars between the inde- 
pendent states of Central America. Under our 
treaty with New Granada of the 12th Decem- 
ber, 1846, we are bound to guarantee the neu- 
trality of the Isthmus of Panama, through 
which the Panama Railroad passes, ‘as well as 
the rights of sovereignty and property which 
New Granada has and possesses over the 
said territory. This obligation is founded 
upon equivalents granted by the treaty to 
the government and people of the United 
States. 

“Under these circumstances, I recommend 
to Congress the passage of an act authorizing 
the president, in case of necessity, to employ 
the land and naval forces of the United States 
to carry into effect this guaranty of neutrality 
and protection. I also recommend similar legis- 
lation for the security of any other route across 
the isthmus in which we may acquire an in- 
terest by treaty. 

“With the independent republics on this 
continent it is both our duty and our interest 
to cultivate the most friendly relations. We 
can never feel indifferent. to their fate, and 
must always rejoice in their prosperity. Un- 
fortunately, both for them and for us, our ex- 
ample and advice have lost much of their 
influence in consequence of the lawless expe- 
ditions which have been fitted out against some 
of them within the limits of our country. Noth- 
ing is better calculated to retard our steady ma- 
terial progress, or impair our character as a 
nation, than the toleration of .such enterprises 
in violation of the law of nations. 

“It is one of the first and highest duties of 
any independent state, in its relations with the 
members of the great family of nations, to 


at 


restrain its people from acts of hostile aggres- 
sion against their citizens or subjects. The 
most eminent writers on public law do not hesi- 
tate to denounce such hostile acts as robbery 
and murder. . 

“Weak and feeble states, like those of Cen- 
tral America, may not feel themselves able to 
assert and vindicate their rights. 
would be far different if expeditions were set 
on foot within our own territories to make pri- 
vate war against a powerful nation. If such 
expeditions were fitted out from abroad against 
any portion of our own country, to burn down 
our cities, murder and plunder our people, and 
usurp our government, we should call any 
power on earth to the strictest account for not 
preventing such enormities. 

“Ever since the administration of General 
Washington, acts of Congress have been in 
force to punish severely the crime of setting 
on foot a military expedition withinethe limits 
of the United States, to proceed: from thence 
against a nation or state with whom we are at 
peace. The present neutrality act of April 
20, 1818, is but little more than a collection of 
preéxisting laws. Under this act, the president 
is empowered to employ the land and naval 
forces, and the militia, ‘for the purpose of pre- 
venting the carrying on of any such expedition 
or enterprise from the territories and jurisdic- 
tion of the United States” and the collectors 
of customs are authorized and required to de- 
tain any vessel in port when there is reason to 
believe she is about to take part in such law- 
less enterprises. 

“When it was first rendered probable that 
an attempt would be made to get up another 
unlawful expedition against Nicaragua, the sec- 
retary of state issued instructions to the mar- 
shals and district attorneys, which were directed 
by the secretaries of war and the navy to the 
appropriate army and navy officers, requiring 
them to be vigilant, and to use their best exer- 
tions in carrying into effect the provisions of 


The case’ 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the act of 1818. Notwithstanding these pre. 
cautions, the expedition has escaped from our 
shores. Such enterprises can do no possible 
good to the country, but have already inflicted 
much injury both on its interests and its char- 
acter. They have prevented peaceful emigra- 
tion from the United States to the states of 
Central America, which could not fail to prove 
highly beneficial to all the parties concerned. 
In a pecuniary point of view alone, our citizens 
have sustained heavy losses from the seizure 
and closing of the transit route by the San 
Juan between the two oceans. 

“The leader of the recent expedition was 
arrested at New Orleans, but was discharged on 
giving bail for his appearance in the insufficient 
sum of two thousand dollars. 

“IT commendthe whole subject to the serious 
attention of Congress, believing that our duty 
and our interest, as well as our national char- 
acter, require that we should adopt such meas- 
ures as will be effectual in restraining our 
citizens from committing such outrages.” 

The message then proceeds, in relation to 
difficulties with Paraguay : — 

“JT regret to inform you that the president 
of Paraguay has refused to ratify the treaty 
between the United States and that state as 
amended by the senate, the signature of which 
was mentioned in the message of my prede- 
cessor to Congress at the opening of its session 
in December, 1853. The reasons assigned for 
this refusal will appear in the correspondence 
herewith submitted. 

“It being desirable to ascertain the fitness 
of the River La Plata and its tributaries for 
navigation by steam, the United States steamer 
Water Witch was sent thither for that purpose, 
in 1853. This enterprise was successfully car- 
ried on until February, 1855, when, whilst in: 
the peaceful prosecution of her voyage up the 
Parana River, the steamer was fired upon by a 
Paraguayan fort. The fire was returned; but 
as the Water Witch was of small force, and not 


. PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


designed for offensive operations, she retired 
from the conflict. ‘The pretext upon which the 
attack was made was a decree of the president 
of Paraguay of October, 1854, prohibiting 
foreign vessels of war from navigating the 
rivers of that state. As Paraguay, however, 
was the owner of but one bank of the river 
of that name, the other belonging to Corientes, 
a state of the Argentine Confederation, the 
right of its government to expett that such a 
decree would be obeyed cannot be acknowl- 
edged. But the Water Witch was not, properly 
speaking, a vessel of war. She was a small 
steamer engaged in a scientific enterprise in- 
tended for the advantage of commercial states 
generally. Under these circumstances, | am 
constrained to consider the attack upon her as 
unjustifiable, and as calling for satisfaction from 
the Paraguayan government. 

“Citizens of the United States, also, who 
were established in business in Paraguay, have 
had their property seized and taken from them, 
and have otherwise been treated by the au- 
thorities in an insulting and arbitrary manner, 
which requires redress. 

«A demand for these purposes will be-made 
in a firm but conciliatory spirit. This will the 
more probably be granted if the executive 
shall have authority to use other means in 
the event of a refusal. This is accordingly 
recommended.” 

Of Kansas affairs and the troubles in Utah 
the president spoke at length, as follows: — 

“It is unnecessary to state in detail the 
alarming condition of the territory of Kansas 
at the time of my inauguration. ‘The opposing 
parties then stood in hostile array against each 
other, and any accident might have relighted 
the flames of civil war. Besides, at this critical 
moment, Kansas was left without a governor by 
the resignation of Governor Geary. 

“On the 19th of February previous, the ter- 
ritorial legislature had passed a law providing 
for the election of delegates, on the third Mon- 


45 


day of June, to a convention to meet on the 
first Monday of September, for the purpose of 
framing a constitution preparatory to admission 
into the Union. This law was in the main fair 
and just; and it is to be regretted that all the 
qualified electors had not registered themselves 
and voted under its provisions. . 

“At the time of the election for delegates, 
an extensive organization existed in the terri- 
tory, whose avowed object it was, if need be, to 
put down the lawful government by force, and 
to establish a government of their own, under 
the so-called Topeka constitution. The persons 
attached to this revolutionary organization ab- 
stained from taking any part in the election. 

“The act of the territorial legislature had 
omitted to provide for submitting to the people 
the constitution which might be framed by the 
convention; and in the excited state of public 
feeling throughout Kansas, an apprehension 
extensively prevailed that a design existed to 
force upon them a constitution, in relation to 
slavery, against their will. In this emergency 
it became my duty, as it was my unquestiona- 
ble right, having in view the union of all good 
citizens in support of the territorial laws, to 
express an opinion on the true construction of 
the provisions concerning slavery contained in 
the organic act of Congress of the 30th May, 
1854. Congress declared it to be ‘the true in- 
tent and meaning of this act, not to legislate sla- 
very into any territory or state, nor to exclude 
it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof 
perfectly free to form and regulate their do- 
mestic institutions in their own way. Under 
it Kansas, ‘when admitted as a state, was to 
‘be received into the Union wath or without 
slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at 
the time of their admission.’ 

“Did Congress mean by this language that 
the delegates elected to frame a constitution 
should have authority finally to decide the ques- 
tion of slavery, or did they intend, by leaving 
it to the people, that the people of Kansas 


4¢ 


themselves should decide this question by a 
direct vote? On this subject I confess I had 
never entertained a serious doubt, and, there- 
fore, in my instructions to Governor Walker 
of the 28th March last, I merely said that 
when ‘a constitution shall be submitted to the 
people of the territory, they must be protected 
in the exercise of their right of voting for or 
against that instrument, and the fair expression 
of the popular will must not be interrupted by 
fraud or violence.’ 

“In expressing this opinion it was far from 
my intention to interfere with the decision of 
the people of Kansas, either for or against 
slavery. From this I have always carefully 
abstained. Intrusted with the duty of taking 
‘care that the laws be faithfully executed, my 
only desire was, that the people of Kansas 
should furnish to Congress the evidence required 
by the organic act, whether for or against 
slavery ; and in this manner smooth their pas- 
sage into the Union. In emerging from the 
condition of territorial dependence into that 
of a sovereign state, it was their duty, in my 
opinion, to make known their will by the votes 
of the majority, on the direct question, whether 
this important domestic institution should or 
should not continue to exist. Indeed, this was 


the only possible mode in which their will could | 


be authentically ascertained. 

“The election of delegates to a convention 
must necessarily take place in separate districts. 
From this cause it may readily happen, as has 
often been the case, that a majority of the 
people of a state or territory are on one side 
of a question, whilst a majority of the repre- 
sentatives from+the several districts into which 
it is divided may be upon the other side. This 
arises from the fact that in some districts dele- 
gates may be elected by small majorities, whilst 
in others those of different sentiments may 
receive majorities sufficiently great not only to 
overcome the votes given for the former, but 
to leave a large majority of the whole people 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


in direct opposition to a majority of the dele- 
gates. Besides, our history proves that influ- 
ences may be brought to bear on the repre- 
sentative sufficiently powerful to induce him 
to disregard the will of his constituents. The 
truth is, that no other authentic and satisfactory 
mode exists of ascertaining the will of a ma- 
jority of the people of any state or territory _ 
on an important and exciting question, like that 
of slavery in Kansas, except by leaving it to a 
direct vote. How wise, then, was it for Con- 
gress to pass over all subordinate and interme- 
diate agencies, and proceed directly to the 
source of all legitimate power under our insti- 
tutions! 

“ How vain would any other principle prove 
in practice! This may be illustrated by the 
case of Kansas. Should she be admitted into 
the Union with a constitution either maintain- 
ing or abolishing slavery, against the sentiment 
of the people, this could have no other effect 
than to continue and to exasperate the existing 
agitation during the brief period required to 
make the constitution conform to the irresisti- 
ble will of the majority. 

“The friends and supporters of the Nebraska 
and Kansas act, when struggling on a recent 
occasion to sustain its wise provisions before 
the great tribunal of the American people, 
never differed about its true meaning on this 
subject. Every where throughout the Union 
they publicly pledged their faith and their 
honor that they would cheerfully submit the 
question of slavery to the decision of the dona 
fide people of Kansas, without any restriction 
or qualification whatever. All were cordially 
united upon the great doctrine of popular sov- 
erelonty, which is the vital principle of our 
free institutions. Had it, then, been insinuated 
from any quarter that it would be a sufficient 
compliance with the requisitions of the organic 
law for the members of a convention, there- 
after to be elected, to withhold the question of 
slavery from the people, and to substitute their 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


own will for that of a:legally-ascertained ma- 
jority of all their constituents, this would have 
been instantly rejected. Every where they 
remained true to the resolution adopted on a 
celebrated occasion recognizing ‘the right of 
the people of all the territories — including 
Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the le- 
gally and fairly expressed will of a majority 
of actual residents, and whenever the number 
of their inhabitants justifies 1t — to form a con- 
stitution with or without slavery, and be ad- 
mitted into the Union upon terms of perfect 
equality with the other states.’ 

“The convention to frame a constitution for 
Kansas met on the first Monday of September 
last. They were called together by virtue of 
an act of the territorial legislature, whose law- 
ful existence had been recognized by Congress 
in different forms and by different. enactments. 
A large proportion of the citizens of Kansas 
did not think proper to register their names 
and to vote at the election for delegates; but 
an opportunity to do this having been fairly 
afforded, their refusal to avail themselves of 
their right could in no manner affect the legal- 
ity of the convention. 

“This convention proceeded to frame a con- 
stitution for Kansas, and finally adjourned on 
the 7th day of November. But little difficulty 
occurred in the convention, except on the sub- 
ject of slavery. The truth is, that the general 
provisions of our recent state constitutions are 
so similar, and, I may add, so excellent, that 
the difference between them is not essential. 
Under the earlier practice of the government, 
no constitution framed by the convention of a 
territory preparatory to its admission into the 
Union as a state had been submitted to the 
people. I trust, however, the example set by 
the last. Congress, requiring that the constitu- 
tion of Minnesota ‘should be subject to the 
approval and ratification of the people of the 
proposed state, may be followed on future oc- 
easions. I took it for granted that the conven- 


4 


47 


tion of Kansas would act in accordance with 
this example, founded, as it is, on correct prin- 
ciples; and hence my instructions to Governor 
Walker, in favor of submitting the constitution 
to the people, were expressed in general and 
unqualified terms. : 

“In the Kansas-Nebraska act, however, this 
requirement, as applicable to the whole consti- 
tution, had not been inserted, and the conven- 
tion were not bound by its terms to submit 
any other portion of the instrument to an 
election, except that which relates to the ‘ do- 
mestic institution’ of slavery. This will be 
rendered clear by a simple reference to its 
language. It was ‘not to legislate slavery into 
any territory or state, nor to exclude it there- 
from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly 
free to form and regulate their domestic insti- 
tutions in their own way. According to the 
plain construction of the sentence, the words 
‘domestic institutions’ have a direct, as they 
have an appropriate, reference to slavery, ‘ Do- 
mestic institutions’ are limited to the family. 
The relation between master and slave and a 
few others are ‘domestic institutions, and are 
entirely distinct from institutions of a political 
character. Besides, there was no question then 
before Congress, nor indeed has there since 
been any serious question before the people of 
Kansas or the country, except that which re- 
lates to the ‘domestic institution’ of slavery. 

“The convention, after an angry and excited 
debate, finally determined, by a majority of 
only two, to submit the question of slavery to 
the people, though at the last forty-three of the 
fifty delegates present affixed their signatures 
to the constitution. 

“A large majority of the convention were 
in favor of establishing slavery in Kdhsas. 
They accordingly inserted an article in the 
constitution for this purpose similar'in form to 
those which had been adopted by other terri- 
torial conventions, In the schedule, however, 
providing for the transition from a territorial 


* 


, 


43 


to a state government, the question has been 
fairly and explicitly referred to the people, 
whether they will have a constitution ‘with or 
without slavery’ It declares that, before the 
constitution adopted by the convention ‘shall 
be sent to Congress for admission into the 
Union as a state, an election shall be held to 
decide this question, at which all the white 
male inhabitants of the territory above the 
age of twenty-one are entitled to vote. They 
are to vote by ballot; and ‘ the ballots cast at 
said election shall be indorsed “constitution 
with slavery,” and “constitution with no sla- 
very.”’ If there be a majority in favor of the 
‘constitution with slavery, then it is to be 
transmitted to Congress by the president of 
the convention in its original form. If, on the 
contrary, there shall be a majority in favor of 
the ‘constitution with no slavery, ‘then the 
article providing for slavery shall be stricken 
from the constitution by the president of this 
convention ;’ and it is expressly declared that 
‘no slavery shall exist in the state of Kansas, 
except that the right of property in slaves 
now in the territory shall in no manner be 
interfered with;’ and in that event it is made 
his duty to have the constitution thus ratified 
transmitted to the Congress of the United 
States for the admission of the state into the 
Union. 

“At this election every citizen will have an 
opportunity of expressing his opinion by his 
vote ‘whether Kansas shall be received into 
the Union with or without slavery ;’ and thus 
this exciting question may be peacefully set- 
tled in the very mode required by the organic 
law. The election will be held under legitimate 
authority, and if any portion of the inhabit- 
ants®shall refuse to vote, a fair opportunity to 
do so having been presented, this will be their 
own voluntary act, and they alone will be re- 
sponsible for the consequences. 

“ Whether Kansas shall be a free or a slave 
state, must. eventually, under some. authority, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


,be decided by an election; and the question 
can never be more clearly or distinctly pre- 
sented to the people than it is at the present 
moment. Should this opportunity be rejected, 
she may be involved for years in domestic dis- 
cord, and possibly in civil war, before she can 
again make up the issue now so fortunately 
tendered, and again reach the point she has 
already attained. 

“Kansas has for some years occupied too 
much of the public attention. It is high time 
this: should be directed to far more important 
objects. When once admitted into the Union, 
whether with or without slavery, the excite- 
ment beyond her own limits will speedily pass 
away, and she will then, for the first time, be 
left, as she ought to have been long since, to 
manage her own affairs in her own way. If 
her constitution on the subject of slavery, or 
on any other subject, be displeasing to a ma- 
jority of the people, no human power can pre- 
vent them from changing it within a brief 
period. Under these circumstances it may 
well be questioned whether the peace and 
quiet of the whole country are not of greater 
importance than the mere temporary triumph 
of either of the political parties in Kansas. 

“Should the constitution without slavery be 
adopted by the votes of the majority, the rights 
of property in slaves now in the territory are 
reserved. The number of these is very small; 
but if it were greater the provision would be 
equally just and reasonable. The slaves were 
brought into the territory under the constitu- 
tion of the United States, and are now the 
property of their masters. This point has at 
length been finally decided by the highest 
judicial tribunal of the country — and this upon 
the plain principle that when a confederacy of 
sovereign states acquire a new territory at their 
joint expense, both equality and justice demand 
that the citizens of one and all of them shall 
have the right to take into it whatsoever is 
recognized as property by the common consti- 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


tution. To have summarily confiscated the 
property in slaves already in the territory, 
would have been an act of gross injustice, and 
contrary to the practice of the older states of 
the Union which have abolished slavery. 

“A territorial government was established 
for Utah by act of Congress®approved the 9th 
September, 1850, and the constitution and laws 
of the United States were thereby extended 
over it ‘so far as the same, or any provisions 
thereof, may be applicable’ This act provided 
for the appointment by the president, by and 
with the advice and consent of the senate, of a 
governor, who was to be ex officio superintend- 
ent of Indian affairs, a. secretary, three judges 
of the Supreme Court, a marshal, and a district 
attorney. Subsequent acts provided for the 
appointment of the officers necessary to extend 
our land and our Indian system over the terri- 
tory. Brigham Young was appointed the first 
governor on the 20th September, 1850, and 
has held the office ever since. Whilst Governor 
Young has been both governor and superin- 
tendent of Indian affairs throughout this peri- 
od, he has been at the same time the head of 
the church called the Latter-Day Saints, and 
professes to govern its members and dispose of 
their property by direct inspiration and au- 
thority from the Almighty. His power has 
been, therefore, absolute over both church and 
state. 

“The people of Utah, almost exclusively, 
belong to this church, and believing, with a 
fanatical spirit, that he is governor of the terri- 
tory by divine appointment, they obey his 
commands as if these were direct revelations 
from Heaven. If, therefore, he chooses that 
his government shall come into collision with 
the government of the United States, the mem- 
bers of the Mormon church will yield implicit 
obedience to his will. Unfortunately, existing 
facts leave but little doubt that such is his de. 
termination. Without entering upon a minute 
history of" ee it is sufficient to say 


49 


that all the officers of the United States, judi- 
cial and executive, with the single exception 


of two Indian agents, have found it necessary 


for their own personal safety to withdraw from 
the territory ; and there no longer remains any 
government in Utah but the despotism of 
Brigham Young. This being the condition of 
affairs in the territory, I could not mistake the 
path of duty. As chief executive magistrate, 
Iwas bound to restore the supremacy of the 
constitution and laws within its limits. In order 
to effect this purpose, I appointed a new gov- 
ernor and other federal officers for Utah, and 
sent with them a military force for their pro- 
tection, and to aid as a posse comitatus, in case of 
need, in the execution of the laws. 

“With the religious opinions of the Mormons, 
as long as they remained mere opinions, how- 
ever deplorable in themselves and revolting to 
the moral and religious sentiments of all Chris- 
tendom, I had no right to interfere. Actions 
alone, when in violation of the constitution and 
laws of the United States, become the legiti- 
mate subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil 
magistrate. My instructions to Governor Cum- 
ming have therefore been framed in strict ac- 
cordance with these principles. At their date 
a hope was indulged that no necessity might 
exist for employing the military in restoring 
and maintaining the authority of the law; but 
this hope has now vanished. Governor Young 
has, by proclamation, declared his determina- 
tion to maintain his power by force, and has 
already committed acts of hostility against the 
United States. Unless he should retrace his 
steps, the territory of Utah will be in a state 
of open rebellion. He has committed these 
acts of hostility notwithstanding Major Van 
Vliet, an officer of the army, sent to Utah by 
the commanding general to purchase provisions 
for the troops, had given him the strongest as- 
surances of the peaceful intentions of the gov- 
ernment, and that the troops would only be. 
employed as a posse comitatus when called on by 


50 


the civil authority to aid in the execution of | 
the laws. 

“There is reason to believe that Governor 
Young has long contemplated this result. He 
knows that the continuance of his despotic 
power depends upon the exclusion of all set- 
tlers from the territory, except those who will 
acknowledge his divine mission and implicitly 
obey his will; and that an enlightened public 
opinion there would soon prostrate institutions 
at war with the laws both of God and man. 
He has, therefore, for several years, in order to 
maintain his independence, been industriously 
employed in collecting and fabricating arms and 
munitions of war, and in disciplining the Mor- 
mons for military service. As superintendent 
of Indian affairs he has had an opportunity of 
tampering with the Indian tribes, and exciting 
their hostile feelings against the United States. 
' This, according to our information, he has ac- 
complished in regard to some of these tribes, 
while others have remained true to their alle- 
giance, and have communicated his intrigues to 
our Indian agents. He has laid in a store of 
provisions for three years, which, in case of 
necessity, as he informed Major Van Vliet, he 
will conceal, ‘and then take to the mountains, 
and bid defiance to all the powers of the gov- 
ernment.’ 

“A great part of all this may be idle boast- 
ing; but yet no wise government will lightly 
estimate the efforts which may be inspired by 
such frenzied fanaticism as exists among the 
Mormans in Utah. This is the first rebellion 
which has existed in our territories; and hu- 
manity itself requires that we should put it 
down in such a manner that it shall be the 
last. To trifle with it would be to encourage 
it and to render it formidable. We ought to 
go there with such an imposing force as to 
convince these deluded people that resistance 
would be vain, and thus spare the effusion of 
blood. We can in this manner best convince 
them that we are their friends, not their ene- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


mies. In order to accomplish this object, it 
will be necessary, according to the estimate of 
the war department, to raise four additional 
regiments; and this I earnestly recommend to 
Congress. At the present moment of depres- 
sion in the revenues of the country I am sorry 
to be obliged té®recommend such a measure ; 
but I feel confident. of the support of Congress, 
cost what it may, in suppressing the insurrec- 
tion and in restoring and maintaining the sov- 
ereignty of the constitution and laws over the 
territory of Utah.” . 

In relation to the finances of the country it 
appeared that the surplus on hand at the com- 
mencement of the fiscal year, July 1, 1857 was 
seventeen millions seven hundred and ten 
thousand one hundred and fourteen dollars. 
The receipts for the first quarter from that date 
were twenty millions nine hundred and twenty- 
nine thousand eight hundred and nineteen dol- 
lars, and the estimated receipts for the remain- 
ing three quarters, thirty-six millions seven 
hundred and fifty thousand dollars; making, 
with the surplus, seventy-five millions three 
hundred and eighty-nine thousand nine hundred 
and thirty-three dollars. The estimated expen- 
ditures reached about this-sum, while it was 
added that they might be increased so that it 
would be desirable that the secretary of the 
treasury should have power to meet any tem- 
porary deficiency by the issue of treasury - 
notes. pi . 

The president recommended the Pacific Rail- 
road to the consideration of Congress, the 
raising of four additional regiments for the 
army, the construction of ten war steamers of 
light draught, and other matters of less general 
interest, as submitted by the several depart- 
ments. The message concluded as follows :— 

“The late disastrotis monetary revulsion may 
have one good effect, should it cause both the 
government and the people to return to the 
practice of a wise and judicious economy both 
in public and private expenditures. 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“An overflowing treasury has led to habits 
of prodigality and extravagance in our legisla- 
tion. It has induced Congress to make large 
appropriations to objects for which they never 
would have provided had it been necessary to 
raise the amount of revenue required to meet 
them by increased taxation or by loans. We 
are now compelled to pause in our career, and 
to scrutinize our expenditures with the utmost 
vigilance ; and in performing this duty, I pledge 
my cooperation to the extent of my constitu- 
tional competency. 

“It ought to be observed, at the same time, 
that true public economy does not consist in 
withholding the means necessary to accomplish 
important national objects intrusted to us by 
the constitution, and especially such as may be 
necessary for the common defence. In the 
present crisis of the country it is our duty to 
confine our appropriations to objects of this 
character, unless in cases where justice to indi- 
viduals may demand a different course. In all 
cases care ought to be taken that the money 
granted by Congress shall be faithfully and 
economically applied. 

“Under the federal constitution, ‘every bill 
which shall have passed the house of repre- 
sentatives and the senate shall, before it be- 
comes a law, be approved and signed by the 
president; and, if not approved, ‘he shall return 
-it with his objections to that house in which it 
originated” In order to perform this high and 
responsible duty, sufficient time must be allowed 
the president to read and examine every bill 
presented to him for approval. Unless this be 
afforded, the constitution becomes a dead letter 
in this particular; and even worse, it becomes 
a means of deception. Our constituents, seeing 
the president’s approval and signature attached 
to each act of Congress, are induced to believe 
that he has actually performed this duty, when, 
in truth, nothing is, in many cases, more un- 
founded. 

“From the practice of Congress, such an 


ol 


examination of each bill as the constitution 
requires has been rendered impossible. The 
most important business of each session is gen- 
erally crowded into its last hours, and the 
alternative presented to the president is either 
to violate the constitutional. duty which he 
owes to the people, and approve bills which, 
for want of time, it is impossible he should 
have examined, or, by his refusal to do this, 
subject the country and individuals to great 
loss and inconvenience. 

“ Besides, a practice has grown up of late 
years to legislate in appropriation bills, at the 
last hours of the session, on new and important 
subjects. This practice constrains the president 
either to suffer measures to become laws which 
he does not approve, or to incur the risk of 
stopping the wheels of the government by 
vetoing an appropriation bill. Formerly, such 
bills were confined to specific appropriations 
for carrying into effect existing laws and the 
well-established policy of the country, and little 
time was then required by the president for 
their examination. 

“For my own part, I have deliberately de- 
termined that I shall approve no bill which I 
have not examined, and it will be a case of 
extreme and most urgent necessity which shall 
ever induce me to depart from this rule. I 
therefore respectfully, but earnestly, recom- 
mend that the two houses would allow the 
president at least two days previous to the 
adjournment of each session, within which no 
new bill shall be presented to him for approval. 
Under the existing jot rule one day is al- 
lowed; but this rule has been hitherto so 
constantly suspended in practice, that impor- 
tant bills continue to be presented to him up 
till the very last moments of the session. In 
a large majority of cases no great public incon- 
venience can arise from the want of time to 
examine their provisions, because the constitu- 
tion has declared that if a bill be presented to 
the president within the last ten days of the 


52 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


session, he is not required to return it, either || The legislature also passed a bill organizing a 


with an approval or with a veto,‘in which case 
it shall not be a law. It may then lie over, 
and be taken up and passed at the next ses- 
sion. Great inconvenience would only be ex- 
perienced in regard to appropriation bills; but 
fortunately, under the late excellent law allow- 
ing a salary, instead of a per diem, to members 
of Congress, the expense and inconvenience 
of a called session will be greatly reduced. 
“JT cannot conclude without commending tc 
your favorable consideration the interest of the 
people of this district. Without a representa- 
tive on the floor of Congress, they have for 
this very reason peculiar claims upon our just 
regard. To this I know, from my long acquaint- 
ance with them, they are eminently entitled.” 


CHAPTER V. 


Kansas. — Territorial Legislature. — Submission of the Lecomp- 
ton Constitution to the People. — Two Elections. —The Vote 
of each. — Election of State Officers. — Frauds. — Constitu- 
tion “ with Slavery ” sent to Washington. — Communicated to 
Congress by the President.— Action of Congress. — Position 
of Mr. Douglas. — Reports in the House. — Debates. — Mr. 
Montgomery’s Proposition.— The Vote.— Disagreement of 
the Senate. — Conference Committee. — Their Report. — The 
Result. 


To the affairs of Kansas, which still attracted 
much attention, not only from the president in 
his message, but in Congress and through the 
country, we are compelled again to return. 

The territorial legislature convened for a 
special session by Mr. Stanton, the acting gov- 
ernor, on the 7th of December, organized by 
the choice of free state officers, and then pro- 
ceeded to act upon the business for which it 
met.. A bill was passed providing for the sub- 
mission of the Lecompton constitution to the 
people, at an election to be held on the 4th of 
January, 1858, the ballots to be in three forms: 
“ Constitution with slavery,” “ Constitution with- 
out slavery,” and “No Lecompton constitution.” 


territorial militia, which was vetoed by the 
acting governor, but was passed by a two thirds 
vote over his veto. 

In the mean time the election provided for 
by the constitutional convention was held on 
the 21st of December, when the Lecompton 
constitution was submitted to the people, in 
the two forms mentioned above, with and with- 
out slavery. The free state men, who were 
opposed to that constitution on other grounds 
as well as that of slavery, abstained from voting ; 
and the consequence was, that the “Constitu- 
tion with slavery” was adopted by a large 
majority, five thousand one hundred and forty- 
three, to five hundred and sixty-nine for the 
“ Constitution without slavery.” This result, al- 
though a matter of course, was the cause of 
new excitement between the parties, one of 
which was triumphant and assuming, and the 
other indignant. But on the 4th of January 
this apparent decision of the people of the 
territory was reversed, the vote against the 
constitution, in any shape, being about eleven 
thousand; for the constitution with slavery 
one hundred and fifty, and for the constitution 
without slavery twenty-four. At the same time, 
the election for officers under the state consti- 
tution as adopted at the election of December 
21st took place. This election resulted in the 
choice of the free state candidates for the state 
officers, George W. Smith being elected gov- 
ernor. The legislature was for a long time in 
doubt, owing to the manner in which the returns » 
were made to the president of the convention 
and declared by him. Jt appeared evident to 
the president of the council and the speaker 
of the house, free state men, who had exam- 
ined the returns of the votes on the constitu- 
tion given December 21st, that a large majority 
of the votes given on that day were returned 
from certain counties where the population was 
very sparse, and could not have afforded the 
vote returned. The returns were probably . 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


false, and theré was reason to believe that the 
returns of the election of state officers, on 
January 4th, which were made to Mr. Calhoun, 
the president of the convention, alone, were 
also false and fraudulent. Upon investigation 
such proved to be the case. Gross frauds in 
the returns had been made, in some cases if not 
in all, after they had left the hands of the 
judges of elections, and were sent to Mr. Cal- 
houn. These and other facts were elicited by 
the investigations made by or for a committee 
of the house of representatives in Congress, 
Throwing out such false returns, the state legis- 
lature would be strongly free state. 

But the Lecompton constitution having been 
adopted with slavery, according to the vote of 
December 21st, it was sent to Washington, and 
was communicated to Congress by President 
Buchanan, who, in a long message, urged the 
admission of Kansas as a state, under that 
constitution. The president’s arguments were, 
that the slavery question was the only one at 
issue in the territory; that the free state men, 
if they had voted and really were in the ma- 
jority, might have defeated slavery; that they 
subsequently voted for state officers under the 
Lecompton constitution; that the people of 
Kansas, having thus framed a constitution and 
elected officers under it, should be admitted to 
the Union; that they have a right to alter 
their constitution when they will; that the ad- 
mission of Kansas would localize the question 
of slavery, leaving it for the people of Kansas 
to settle ; that the admission would bring quiet 
to the whole country, and then the troopsemight 
be withdrawn from that territory for other 
purposes. , 

This question created much feeling in Con- 
gress. It was warmly discussed on both sides, 
and gave rise to some complications in the ad- 
ministration party, several of its most prom- 
inent men taking strong grounds against the 
validity of the Lecompton constitution. In 
reviewing the case it seems strange that a 


53 


statesman of Mr. Buchanan’s antecedents and 
experience, especially after his instructions to 
Governor Walker, in which he had declared 
that when “a constitution shall be submitted 
to the people of the territory, they must be 
protected in the exercise of their right of 
voting for or against that instrument, and the fair 
expression of the popular will must not be 
interrupted by fraud or violence,” should not. 
be found acting with those of his party who 
still claimed that this principle was essential to 
the validity of the constitution. But the presi- 
dent now asserted that the onl¥ question at 


| issue between the parties in Kansas was the 


slavery question,— which statement is hardly 
sustained by the well-known facts,— and totally 
ignored the large majority against the constitu- 
tion in any shape, by a vote legally taken by 
authority of the territorial legislature. It seems 
impossible, except from a pro-slavery point of 
view, that the president should, in face of the 
clearly-expressed will of the people of Kansas, 
and of the frauds then alleged and afterwards 
proved, thus have urged Congress to recognize 
this constitution. 

In the senate the message was referred to 
the committee on territories, and a motion in- 
structing the committee to inquire into the 
number and legality of the votes given in 
Kansas was rejected. In the house it was 
referred, after a long and exciting contest, to a 
select committee of fifteen, with instructions to 
inquire into all the facts connected with the 
formation of the constitution and its accord- 
ance with the wishes of the people of Kansas. 
This was on the motion of an administration 
member, Mr. Harris, of Illinois. He was op- 
posed to the constitution as invalid, and not 
approved by the people of Kansas. In this 
view he was sustained by Mr. Douglas, senator 
from the same state, who took a similar stand 
in the senate. 

In the committee of the house, which was 
constituted so as to show eight in favor of the 


54 


constitution and seven against it, the minority 
made repeated and persistent steps to obey the 
instructions of the house by investigating the 
facts required; but in every instance they were 
opposed by the majority, who would only go 
into some merely technical and formal inqui- 
ries, and the object of the committee was thus 
in a measure defeated. 

Three reports were made in each branch. 
In the senate, the majority report, presented 
by Mr. Green, of Missouri, adopted essentially 
the arguments of the president, and recom- 
mended a bill’for the admission of Kansas un- 
der this constitution. A minority report by 
Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, and Mr. Wade, of 
Ohio, opposed the constitution mainly on the 
grounds urged against it by the free state men 
of Kansas, that the territorial government was 
formed by the usurpation of a foreign force; 
that the Lecompton constitution is the result 
of this usurpation, and is also contrary to the 
will of the people legally expressed. A third 
report, by Mr. Douglas, took the ground. that 
there is no evidence that the Lecompton con- 
stitution was the act of the people of Kansas, 
or embodied their will; that the convention 
had no power to establish the constitution, but 
only to frame one to be presented to Congress, 
with a memorial for admission, which should 
be granted or denied according as the constitu- 
tion embodied the will of the people. This 
report is a very elaborate one, and Mr. 
Douglas denied at length, and with force, 
some of the statements and arguments of 
the president and of the majority report. 
The position of Mr. Douglas on this question 
was a strong one, and acting as he did against 
his .party, it may be looked upon as giving 
nothing more than simple justice to the people 
of Kansas. 

In the house, the majority presented a report 
which fully indorsed the views of the president, 
and was accompanied by a bill for the admis- 
sion of Kansas. A minority report, signed by 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


five Republican members, after referring to the 
course of the majority of the committee in 
refusing to investigate the facts connected with 
the subject, argued, upon such evidence as they — 
had, that the Lecompton constitution was not 
the will of the people; that it had not been 
submitted to the vote of all the actual settlers 
of Kansas, at an election fairly and justly con- 
ducted, according. to the repeated and emphatic 
pledges of Governor Walker, approved by the 
administration, except by the vote authorized 
by the territorial legislature, which yote was 
ignored by the president and the majority. 
The report ably reviewed the whole subject, 
exposing the frauds that had been perpetrated, 
and controverting the arguments offered in 
favor of the proposed constitution. Another 
minority report, signed by Mr. Harris, of Illi- 
nois, and Mr. Adrain, of Pennsylvania, took 
much the same ground as that of Mr. Douglas 
in the senate. The report concludes as fol- 
lows : — | 4d 
“In conclusion of this subject, we will only 
add that, being fully convinced that this Le- 
compton constitution is neither acceptable nor. 
satisfactory to any considerable number of the 
people of Kansas, much less to a majority of 
them; that it is not their act; that it neither 
speaks their sentiments nor embodies their 
will; that it is the offspring of fraud, corrup- 
tion, and villainy; that the laws under which 
it was originated and the proceedings connected 
with its prosecution have been informal, irregu- 
lar, and unjust; that the instrument bears upon 
its ow face and in its own composition ample 
evidence of its base origin and deceitful pre- 
tensions, — we think it would be highly im- 
proper to admit Kansas into the Union as a 
state under this constitution, and that such act 
would not only be unjust to the people of that 
territory, but it Would be dangerous to the 
peace and welfare of the whole country.” 
These reports occasioned long and earnest 
debates, in which there were frequent asperi- 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 55 


ties, and some ill feeling. The bills were 
amended, and many amendments were re- 
jected. In the senate one amendment, recog- 
nizing the right of the people to amend or 
alter their constitution at pleasure, was adopted, 
notwithstanding its futility was shown, as the 
provision could not alter the terms of the con- 
stitution, which itself prohibited any change 
before the year 1864. This amendment being 
adopted, the bill passed the senate on the 23d 
of March, by yeas thirty-three, nays twenty- 
five. . 
In the house the Ist of April was finally 
fixed for the vote; and on that day, other prop- 
ositions being rejected, one proposed by Mr. 
Montgomery, of Pennsylvania, was adopted. 
This proposition was to strike out all the 
senate bill after the enacting: clause, and sub- 
stitute a bill admitting Kansas to the Union 
upon the condition that the constitution shall 
be submitted to the vote of the people, and if 
it be asSented to, the president to make procla- 
mation to that effect; and if not assented to, 
authorizing the people of Kansas to hold a 
convention to frame another constitution. This 
was passed by yeas one hundred and twenty, 
nays one hundred and twelve. This was a 
defeat of the administration in the house, 
although its own party had a large majority. 
The bill thus passed in the house was sent to 
the senate; which body disagreed, and the 
house adhered. The subject was then referred 
to conference committees, the house acceding 
to the request of the senate by one hundred 
and eight to one hundred and eight, the speaker 
giving a casting vote in favor of the reference. 
The committee of the senate consisted of Messrs. 
Green, Hunter, and Seward; that of the house, 
of Messrs. English, Stephens, and Howard. Af 
ter prolonged conference the majority of the 
committee — Messrs. Seward and Howard dis- 
senting —reported a proposition altogether dif- 
ferent from any previous one. This was a bill to 
admit Kansas, but on the condition precedent, 


that certain propositions to be submitted to 
them shall be accepted by the people. _ These 
propositions were grants to Kansas, from the 
public domain, of two sections of land in every 
township, for the use of schools; seventy-two 
sections for the support of a university; ten 
sections for the erection of public buildings; 
salt springs, not exceeding twelve in number, 
with six sections of land contiguous to each; 
and five per centum of the net proceeds of the 
sales of all public lands within the state. These 
propositions were to be submitted to the peo- 
ple, who should vote by ballot, “ Proposition 
accepted,” or, “ Proposition rejected.” If a ma- 
jority of votes should be cast for “ Proposition 
accepted,” the admission of Kansas was to be 
complete without further proceedings; but if a 
majority should be cast for “ Proposition reject- 
ed,” Kansas was not to be admitted; but, when 


the population of the territory equalled the 


ratio of representation required for a member 
of the house of representatives, and not before, 
the people may determine by vote whether 
they wish to form a state for admission into 
the Union, and if they so desire, may elect 
delegates to a convention to form a consti- 
tution. 

This bill passed the senate on the 30th of 
April, by a vote of thirty yeas to twenty-two 
nays, ten members being absent. The result 
in the house was more uncertain, but it was 
soon ascertained that some of the administra- 
tion members, who had voted for the bill of 
Mr. Montgomery, would now change their po- 
sition. The bill finally passed by yeas one 
hundred and eleven, nays one hundred and 
two, the absentees being equally divided. And 
thus the exciting topic passed from Congress 
for a time. 

But the people of Kansas were not to be 
tempted into the Union, with a constitution 
which they considered so obnoxious, by the 
bounty thus held out to them, nor coerced into 
it by any threat of being obliged to wait for a 


56 


large increase of population. The question 
proposed by Congress was duly submitted to 
them in the manner provided, at an election 
held for the purpose in July. The result was, 
that the proposition was rejected. The vote was, 
“to accept the proposition,” one thousand seven 
hundred and eighty-eight; “to reject the prop- 
osition,” eleven thousand and three hundred; 
showing a majority against the Lecompton con- 
stitution, and the bounty offered with it, of nine 
thousand five hundred and twelve votes. 


CHAPTER VI. 


Fillibuster Expedition to Nicaragua. — Capture by Commodore 


Paulding. — Opinions in the Senate.— Expedition to Para- 
guay. — Proposed Increase of the Army defeated. — Deficiency 
“of Revenue. — Admission of Minnesota. —“ Speck of War” with 
England. — Search of Vessels by British Cruisers. — Action 
of the Government. — Friendly Relations restored. — Adjourn- 
ment of Congress. 


Harty, in the session of this Congress infor- 
mation was received that another fillibuster 
expedition to Nicaragua, under General Wil- 
liam Walker, who had before been engaged in 
such schemes, had been broken up, and the 
parties concerned taken prisoners by the naval 
forces of the United States, on the coast of 
Central America. The expedition of Walker 
was fitted out in the United States, in violation 
of the neutrality laws, and had escaped the 
vigilance of the civil officers. The expedition 
had arrived at Nicaragua, and the men had 
been landed, when Commodore Paulding, act- 
ing in conformity with the spirit of his instruc- 
tions to arrest such parties, landed a sufficient 
force, and captured Walker and his associates. 
This transaction was not received with much 
favor by those disposed to encourage these 
lawless expeditions; but it was considered by 
others as a wise and just proceeding, and one 
likely to prevent much mischief, and to produce 
some positive good, _ 

When this event was known in Congress, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the president, as usual, was called upon for 
information, which he promptly transmitted. 
In his message he says, — 

“Jn capturing General Walker and his com- 
mand, after they had landed on the soil of' 
Nicaragua, Commodore Paulding has, in my 
opinion, committed a grave error. It is quite 
evident, however, from the communications 
herewith transmitted, that this was done from 
pure and patriotic motives, and in the sincere 
conviction that he was promoting the interest, 
and vindicating the honor, of his country. In 
regard to Nicaragua, she has sustained no in- 
jury by the act of Commodore Paulding. This 
has enured to her benefit, and relieved her’ 
from a dreaded invasion. She alone would 
have any right to complain of the violation of 
her territory; and it is quite certain she will 
never exercise this right. It unquestionably 
does not lie in the mouth of her invaders to 
complain in her name that she has been res- 
cued by Commodore Paulding from ‘their as- 


saults.” 


The president severely condemns the expe- 
dition of Walker, and in conclusion thus speaks 
of the future of Central America :— 

“It is, beyond question, the destiny of our 
race to spread themselves over the continent 
of North America, and this at no distant day, 
should events be permitted to take their natural 
course. The tide of emigrants will flow to the 
south, and nothing can eventually arrest its 
progress. If permitted to go there peacefully, 
Central America will soon contain an American 
population which will confer blessings and 
benefits, as well upon the natives as their 
respective governments. Liberty under the 
restraint of law will preserve domestic peace, 
whilst the different transit routes across the 
isthmus, in which we are so deeply interested, 
will have assured protection. 

“ Nothing has retarded this happy condition 
of affairs so much as the unlawful expeditions 
which have been fitted out in the United States 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to make war upon the Central American states. 
Had one half the number of American citizens 
who have miserably perished in the first disas- 
trous expedition of General Walker settled 
in Nicaragua as peaceful emigrants, the object 
which we all desire would ere this have been 
ina great degree accomplished. ‘These expe- 
ditions have caused the people of the Central 
American states to regard us with dread and 
suspicion. It is our true policy to remove this 
apprehension, and to convince them that we 
intend to do them good, and not evil. We 
desire, as the leading power on this continent, 
to open, and, if need be, to protect every transit 
route across the isthmus, not only for our own 
benefit, but that of the world, and thus open a 
free access to Central America, and through it 
to our Pacific possessions. ‘This policy was 
commenced under favorable auspices, when 
the expedition under the command of General 
Walker escaped from our territories and pro- 
ceeded to Punta Arenas. Should another ex- 
pedition, of a similar character, again evade 
the vigilance of our officers, and proceed to 
Nicaragua, this would be fatal, at least for a 
season, to the peaceful settlement of these 
countries, and to the policy of American prog- 
ress. The truth is, that no administration can 
successfully conduct the foreign affairs of the 
country in Central America, or any where else, 
if it is to be interfered with at every step by 
lawless military expeditions, ‘set on foot’ in 
the United States.” 

In the senate some warm speeches were 
made on this subject, and several senators of 
the administration party condemned not only 
the action of Commodore Paulding, but the 
views of the president in relation to such expe- 
ditions. At the south Walker was received, 
after his release from arrest, with great favor 
and sympathy. He there avowed—how truly 
cannot be said—that his expedition had virtual- 
ly been sanctioned by the government of the 
United States; that a member of the cabinet 

8 


57 


had advised him where to land, and assured 
him that American vessels of war would pro- 
tect him from the English; that subsequently 
he was informed that the president had changed 
his views, and suggested that he should offer 
his services to the president of Mexico, with a 
view to bring about a war with Spain and a 
descent upon Cuba! He refused this because 
Cuba, if annexed to Mexico, would become a 
free state. Whether this statement contains 
any truth or not, the spirit in which the filli- 
buster expeditions have been fitted out is made 
apparent by it. 

- In accordance with the suggestion of the 
president, provision was made, though not 
without opposition, for an expedition to the 
South American republic of Paraguay, to settle 
the difficulties with its government. These dif 
ficulties are set forth in the president’s message, 
which we have quoted. Much delay attended 
the preparation of this expedition, from the 
want of small steamers, and other vessels of 
light draught, which could ascend the river to 
this interior country. After a time, however, 
several such vessels were purchased and char- 
tered for the expedition, and when they were 
prepared, they sailed at different times for their 
destination. A commissioner, Mr. J. B. Bowlin, 
was appointed to negotiate with President 
Lopez, of Paraguay, the naval force being held 
in reserve to support the negotiations if they 
faltered. Only a part of the squadron ascend- 
ed the river, and it appeared that they were 
not required. The difficulty was speedily set- 
tled, the government of Paraguay remunerating 
the family of a sailor who was killed on board 
of the Water Witch, and also providing for an 
indemnity to certain American merchants, who 
had suffered by the acts of Lopez. A treaty 


of amity and commerce was also negotiated.* 


* We have anticipated events somewhat in this case, in order 
to complete the brief narrative. Commissioner Bowlin arrived 
home in April, 1859, with the treaty. 


08 


Another recommendation of the president 
was less favorably received. A bill for the 
increase of the army by the addition of four 
regiments, in accordance with the president’s 
suggestion, gave rise to some sharp debate, and 
met with the strongest opposition from some 
of the Republican members, in view of the 
use which the government had made of the 
troops in Kansas, when they were intended for 
the Utah expedition. Senator Seward, how- 
ever, spoke and voted in favor of the adminis- 
tration, while several administration senators 
opposed the measure, on various grounds. The 
bill was defeated; but subsequently a bill was 
passed authorizing the president to receive the 
services of volunteers to protect the frontier 
from Indian depredations. 

It was early found that it would be neces- 
sary to provide additional means to meet the 
expenses of the government, the surplus of the 
preceding year and the receipts being entirely 
inadequate. A deficiency bill of ten millions of 
dollars, to pay, chiefly, the expenses of the army 
and navy, was passed ; and in order to meet the 
expenses, ordinary and extraordinary, the secre- 
tary of the treasury was authorized to negotiate 
a loan of fifteen millions of dollars. A single 
half year had wrought a great change in the 
condition of the treasury. From a large surplus 
it had been reduced to borrowing. This, how- 
ever, was on account of an increase of expenses 
by the Utah affair, and a great diminution of 
the receipts. Near the close of the session it 
was found that this would not be sufficient, and 
an additional loan of twenty millions of dollars 
was authorized. 

A new state, Minnesota, was admitted to the 
Union at this session of Congress. Opposition 
was made to the admission of Minnesota on 
account of some irregularities in framing the 
constitution, and because the constitution ex- 
tended the right of suffrage to aliens. Extrane- 
ous matters caused some opposition. In the 
case of Oregon, which was also an applicant 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


for admission, objections were made by some 
of the Republican members, because the con- 
stitution prohibited free negroes and Chinese 
from coming into the state to reside. The bill 
for the admission of Oregon passed the senate, 
but was not acted upon in the house. 

In the spring of 1858 another “speck of 
war” arose between the United States and 
England. The British government, with a 
view of more successfully operating for the 
suppression of the slave trade, had increased 
its cruisers in the West Indies, and the prize 
money accruing to officers and men from the 
capture of a slaver induced them to keep a 
very sharp lookout. The officers on that sta- 
tion, therefore, stopped and boarded all the 
vessels which they fell in with approaching or 
leaving the coast of Cuba. Many American 
vessels were thus interfered with, some of 
them in an unwarrantable manner, while pur- 
suing their voyages in a legal traffic. This 
created a great deal of indignation throughout 
the country, and it appeared that the nation 
was disposed to go into a war with Great 
Britain rather than submit to the indignity and 
outrage of such visitation and stoppage on the 
high seas. In Congress some very warlike 
speeches were made, though it appeared after- 
wards that some of the stories of outrages, 
which had caused the excitement, were greatly 
exaggerated, and some of them were but lit- 
tle better than inventions. The government 
brought the subject to the immediate attention 
of the British government, demanding a dis- 
continuance of any such visitation as had been 
practised. The British government replied that 
they had not given any new or special instruc- 
tions to their officers, and that their proceed- 
ings were disapproved of. A steamer was also 
despatched by that government to intercept 
their cruisers in the Gulf of Mexico, directing 
them to abstain from any such visitation of 
American vessels. In the mean time the gov- 
ernment of the United States had ordered 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


several additional vessels to the Gulf, and 
measures had been proposed in Congress 
which looked to more decisive action to re- 
pel the invasion of American rights. Fortu- 
nately such measures were unnecessary, and 
the friendly relations between the two coun- 
tries were soon restored by the prompt and 
considerate action of the English government. 
The general feeling, however, and the unanim- 
ity of all parties, when the national honor was 
assailed, were evidences of a hearty patriotism 
still existing in the United States, which in- 
ternal strife seemed in no degree to have 
quenched. 

After the transaction of much business of 
importance, in addition to that which we have 
mentioned, Congress adjourned on the 14th 
of June.* 


CHAPTER VIL 


Utah. — Action of the Mormons. — Army Movements. — Tem- 
porizing Policy of the Mormons. — Course of Governor Cum- 
ming. — Judge Eckels. — Court and Grand Jury. — Governor 
Cumming at Salt Lake City. — Remarkable Exodus of Mor- 
mons. — The Goyernor’s Opinion. — Disagreement of the Civil 
and Military Officers. Peace Commissioners.— Their Ar- 
rival in the Territory. — Negotiations. — Entrance of the Army 
into the Valley. — Peace. 


Wer must now recur to the expedition to 


Utah. In the winter of 1857-8 the territorial 
legislature met, and Brigham Young, still as- 


suming the office of governor, addressed to 
them the customary annual message. No allu- 
sions were made in that document to the dec- 
larations of independence which had previously 
been reiterated by the Mormons, high and low ; 
but the president was charved with treason in 
his action towards the Mormons, and the fed- 
eral officers were reviled as depraved and aban- 
doned men, while the army was called a mob. 


* During the session two members of the senate had died, 
Josiah J. Evans, of South Carolina, on the 2d of May, and James 
P. Henderson, on the’4th of June. 


09 


Utah was lauded, at the same time, as “the 
most loyal territory known since the days of 
the revolution.” “ Popular sovereignty” was 
the basis of all the argument, and the presi- 
dent was accused of inconsistency in his appli- 
cation of the doctrine. The legislature passed 
a series of resolutions, pledging it to sustain 
“Governor Young” in every act he might per 
form or dictate for the protection of the people 
of the territory, and joming with him in 
denouncing the president for oppression in 
“forcing profane, drunken, and otherwise cor- 
rupt officials upon Utah at the point of the 
bayonet.” And they further resolved “to re- 
sist any attempt of the administration to bring 
the people into a state of vassalage, by ap- 
pointing, contrary to the constitution, officers 
whom the people have neither voice nor vote 
in electing.” Acts were passed by this legisla- 
ture to disorganize the county of Green River, 
where the army was encamped, and to attach 
it to Great Salt Lake county; giving the au- 
thority to license the manufacture of ardent 
spirits to the “ President of the Church of Jesus 
Christ of Latter-day Saints,’ instead of the 
governor, who had previously had that power ; 
and granting large tracts of the public domain 
to private persons, contrary to the provisions 
of the organic law of the territory. A memo- 
rial was also adopted and sent to Congress, 
complaining of grievances, and claiming a rec- 
ognition of their rights. 

In the mean time Colonel Johnston, — who 
had now been made brigadier general by 
brevet, — although he was not in want of pro- 
visions, was anxious that his supplies should be 
seasonably forwarded in the spring ; and in mid- 
winter he despatched a small party to the east 


‘to communicate his anxieties at head quarters. 


The war department was not idle, and _pro- 
visions were made to hasten on the supplies, 
even before the messengers, who had suffered 


terribly on the journey, arrived. Reénforce- 


ments — three thousand strong — were also 


60 


making preparations to march across the 
plains as soon as the season should permit. 
The business of supplying this force, in addition 
to that already on the borders of Utah, for an 
expedition to such a distance in a desert coun- 
try, was one of great magnitude, and involved 
large expenditures. The trains to be organized 
for this purpose were estimated to require forty- 
five hundred wagons, more than fifty thousand 
oxen, four thousand mules, and five thousand 
teamsters and other employés. At one time it 
was contemplated to operate against the Mor- 
mons from California also; but this project was 
abandoned, and all the operations were to be 
conducted from the Missouri side. 

While the army was anxiously waiting the 
return of Captain Marcy from New Mexico, 
and some intelligence to govern their future 
course,a Mr. Kane, who had gone to the Mormons 
from California, on some mission, — whether 
official, or semi-official, or private, did not dis- 
tinctly appear, — came into the camp and com- 
menced negotiations with Governor Cumming, 
keeping aloof, however, from General Johnston. 
Mr. Kane acted in the capacity of a mediator, 
being duly authorized by Brigham Young; 
and it appeared that the Mormon leaders, 
knowing the folly of resisting the United 
States forces, desired to secure from Governor 
Cumming indemnity for past offences, in con- 
sideration of recognizing his authority. Mr. 
Kane apparently made good progress with the 
governor in a plan for temporizing; but he 
confided none of his business to the general or 
to Judge Kekels, neither of whom was proba- 
bly disposed to any such course. 

Karly in April, Governor Cumming started, 
with Mr. Kane, for Salt Lake City —an event 
for which those who knew what had been going 
on were not unprepared. On the same day, the 
District Court commenced its spring term at Fort 
Bridger, where the army was now encamped. 
Judge Hckels, in his charge to the grand jury, 
instructed them, in relation to polygamy, that, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


as there was no statute of the territory legal- 
izing that social practice, nor any affixing a 
punishment for it, either the rule of the old 
Spanish law or the common law was the basis 
of jurisprudence in such cases, and both of 
those laws recognized marriage as the union 
of one man with one woman, and defined adul- 
tery as the cohabitation of either the man or 
the woman with a third party. And as the 
territorial laws affixed a punishment to adul- 
tery, it was, therefore, the duty of the grand 
jury to return indictment in such cases. No 
indictments, however, were found, as there 
could be no evidence offered there to sustain 
them. Nor were any further proceedings had 
under the indictments for treason which had 
been previously found. 

Upon arriving in Salt Lake City, Governor 
Cumming was waited upon by Brigham Young 
and other ecclesiastical dignitaries, who ten- 
dered to him the territorial seal, and acknowl- 
edged his authority as governor of the terri- 
tory. He remained several weeks in the city, 
examining the public property and informing 
himself with regard to the state of affairs in 
the territory. A large number of persons sig- 
nified to him their desire to leave the terri- 
tory; but it was represented, and probably 
with truth, that they would not be permitted 
to do so by the Mormon leaders: the governor, 
therefore, issued a proclamation, promising pro- 
tection to all such parties. The names of these 
persons were registered, and, according to Gov- 
ernor Cumming, leading men among the Mor- 
mons had promised to assist them; but it is, 
perhaps, a question, whether the purpose of 
these leading men was not to destroy, if it 
were in their power, all who were thus ready 
to apostatize. 

The governor attended, during his stay in 
the city, aameeting in the “Tabernacle,” where 
three or four thousand persons were present. 
He was introduced by Brigham Young as goy- 
ernor of Utah, and proceeded to address the 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


assembly, telling them that he had come to 
vindicate the national sovereignty, and to 
secure the supremacy of the constitution and 
laws. The governor stated, in his letter to the 
state department giving an account of his 
proceedings, that “the whole manner of the 
people was calm, betokening no consciousness 
of having done wrong, but indicating a con- 
viction that they had done their duty to their 
religion and their country.” After Governor 
Cumming had concluded, several of the Mor- 
mons addressed the assembly, dwelling upon 
the wrongs which they had _ suffered, and 
charging the federal government with oppres- 
sion. The people were greatly excited at the 
allusions to the presence of the troops, and the 
governor felt himself called upon to state that 
it was not his intention to station the army in 
immediate contact with their settlements, and 
that the military posse would not be resorted to 
except when other means of arrest had failed. 
The excitement, however, was not quieted un- 
til Brigham Young exerted his power, when all 
was still. 

While the governor was still in the city a 
remarkable exodus of the faithful took place. 
They went southward from all the northern 
settlements, including Salt Lake City, — men, 
women, and children, carrying their household 
goods and driving their flocks. Men of prop- 
erty, as well as the poorer sort, left their lands 
and houses, and joined with their brethren in 
this strange emigration. The destination of 
these people was not known to the governor ; 
but they always declared that they were “ going 
south.” It was also asserted that the torch 
would be applied to the vacated dwellings 
upon the entrance of the troops into the set- 
tlement. There is reason to believe that this 
emigration was by the orders of the ecclesiasti- 
cal authorities, whose power over their follow- 
ers is unbounded ; and it is a question whether 
it was intended to be a bona fide emigration, or 
was a piece of deception practised upon both 


61 


the federal authorities and the deluded follow- 
ers of the Mormon hierarchy. 

Whatever was the object of this movement, 
it was a most extraordinary one. Coming 
from the scattered settlements, the people 
gathered on the western shore of Lake Utah, 
in the neighborhood of Provo, fifty miles south 
of Salt Lake City, to the number of more than 
thirty thousand. There, in utter poverty, living 
in tents, wagons, and the meanest of cabins, a 
large portion of this number suffered the 
greatest hardships, showing by their endurance 
of distress how strong a hold their church and 
its rulers had upon them. ‘This endurance can 
only be accounted for on the supposition that 
the Mormon leaders had impressed upon these 
people, most of whom were very ignorant and 
credulous, that they were suffering persecution 
on account of their religion. 

The result of Governor Cumming’s sojourn 
in Salt Lake City was, that he was convinced 
that the Mormons were peaceably disposed, 
that they had, indeed, been deeply injured, and 
that they would submit to the federal authority 
if the troops should not be quartered among 
them. It is a little mysterious how he should 
have been brought to such a conviction, in 
view of the testimony of all the federal officers 
who had been in the territory, and of what he 
says he himself saw and heard among the 
Mormons. Peace and quiet, however, appeared 
to be in a degree restored by his actions and his 
concessions; the federal authority was acknowl- 
edged; the Mormons laid aside their arms; 
the roads were free for the mails and _passen- 
gers. In this aspect of affairs the governor 
returned to General Johnston’s camp. His 
principal trouble was, that the people of the 
territory he had been sent out to govern were 
leaving him but deserted houses and barren 
fields. To prevent this departure from the 
territory, the governor was satisfied that the 


‘only way would be, to quash the indictments 


for treason which had been found against the 


62 HISTORY OF THE 


Mormon leaders, and to insure them against 
contact with the military forces. The governor 
had no power over the courts, although he 
might advise such a course in relation to these 
prosecutions. Over the movements of the 
troops he assumed to have control, and had 
given assurances to the Mormons on that as- 
sumption. But General Johnston differed from 
the governor on this point, and the civil and 
military authorities, who, since Mr. Kane’s visit, 
had not been very cordial in their intercourse, 
were now decidedly at variance. 

In the mean time, according to the repeated 
suggestion of members of Congress and of the 
press, the president appointed two peace com- 
missioners, Mr. L. W. Powell, of Kentucky, and 
Major Ben. MCulloch, of Texas, with instructions 
to proceed to Utah, bearing the president’s proc- 
lamation, offering a free and full pardon to all 


the people of the territory who should submit 
themselves to the federal government. A large 
force was concentrating at Fort Leavenworth 
to proceed to Utah, and to General Persifer F. 
Smith was assigned the command of this army 
and the forces already in Utah. The peace 
commissioners proceeded in advance of this 
force, and reached the army under General 
Johnston about the first of June. The 
nouncement of the president’s proclamation 
there was not received with much favor, for 
the officers and men naturally felt that they 


an- 


had been sent on this expedition and had en- 
dured hardships for no purpose whatever, since 
the offer of pardon was sent before the presi- 
dent was aware of the state of affairs in the 
territory. This leniency towards the men who 
had long rebelled against the government, and 
who were with good reason suspected of hein- 
ous crimes, was naturally contrasted with the 
unyielding determination to force submission on 
the people of Kansas. It is still a question 
whether this leniency was not extended too far 
when it included the leaders of the Mormons. 


The peace commissioners remained a few 


UNITED STATES. 


days in the camp, and then proceeded with 
Governor Cumming to Salt Lake City. There 
were some indications that the governor feared 
that the commissioners would not entirely co- 
incide with his views for the pacification of the 
territory, and it appeared that he was doubtful 
of his own success. Besides this, the commis- 
sioners urged General Johnston not to delay 
his march to the city beyond the time when 
he should be ready to advance. On reaching 
the city they found it deserted and quiet. The 
houses were closed and tenantless; the doors 
and windows were boarded over; some dwell- 
ings had been partially demolished, and others 
had been burned. A small body of the Mor- 
mon militia was there, and workmen were 
engaged in demolishing the roofs of buildings 
in the enclosure of the Temple; these, with a 
few persons who were removing their property, 
were the only inhabitants of the city. In a 
day or two afterwards, the proclamation having 
been announced, Young and other Mormon 
leaders came from Provo, and a conference 
commenced. The commissioners offered only 
the presidential pardon, and gave no pledges; 
but it was said that the governor satisfied the 
Mormons in their demands, and promised that 
the army should not be quartered near the 
city, and that efforts should be made to remove 
Judge Eckels, whose charge against polygamy 
was altogether distasteful to the Mormons. 
After several days and long discussions, affairs 
were arranged, and the commissioners proceed- 
ed to Provo to proclaim the pardon, the leaders 
having made the required capitulation and sub- 
mission to the federal authority. They ad- 
dressed large audiences, exhorting the people 
to return to their homes, assuring them that 
the troubles were over, and that they need not 
fear any molestation of person or property. 
After a time the people followed this advice, 
and most of them returned. 

While the negotiations were going on the 
army moved slowly forward into the valley 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


When they entered the city the streets were 
deserted, the few inhabitants who had been 
permitted to come up from Lake Utah being 
forced into their houses by the Mormon guard, 
before the army arrived. It had the appear- 
ance of a conquered city, and the inhabitants 
wore the demeanor of a conquered people. 
After a few days’ stay in the city General 
Johnston proceeded with the army to the place 
selected by him for his permanent camp. This 
was in Cedar Valley, on the western side of 
Lake Utah, and about equidistant from Provo 
and Salt Lake City; and it was selected with- 
out regard to any understanding which might 
have existed between the Mormons and Gov- 
ernor Cumming. On their march no person or 
property was molested, and not a field was en- 
croached upon. 

Governor Cumming’s despatch, announcing 
the success of his first visit to Salt Lake City, 
reached Washington a few days before the 
adjournment of Congress, and on the 10th of 
June the president communicated the intelli- 
gence to the two houses, and announced that 
there would be no necessity for making appro- 
priations for the volunteers already authorized. 
Subsequently the reénforcements* which had 
not marched for Utah were otherwise disposed 
of, and it was evident that the “Mormon war” 
was ended. But whether all the troubles in 
Utah were endéd was by no means certain. 
Subsequent accounts showed a disagreement 
between Governor Cumming and Judge Kckels 
as well as General Johnston. How nearly 
the Mormons had been associated with this mis- 
understanding was not known, and what com- 
plications might arise therefrom time only could 
reveal. 


* General Persifer F. Smith, who had been ordered to the 
command of the Utah army, died at Fort Leavenworth on the 17th 
of May, 1858, on the way to the scene of his duties. He was 
sixty years of age, and had entered the regular army in 1846. He 
served with distinction in the Mexican war, and was promoted. to 
the rank of major-general for those services. 


63 


CHAPTER VIII. 


Atlantic Telegraph. — Measures for laying the Cable. — Attempts 
and Failures. — Success. — Popular Interest and Joy at the Re- 
sult.— Celebrations. — Messages transmitted across the Atlan- 
tic. — Defective Insulation. — Failure to operate. — Seminole 
Indians removed. — Indian Troubles in New Mexico and Utah. 
— Purchase of Mount Vernon. — Another Fillibuster Expedi- 
tion. — Proclamation of the President. — Division of the Ad- 
ministration Party. — Mr. Douglas. — Elections. 


An event which contrasted strongly with 
the troubles and warlike demonstrations in the 
interior of the country, was the successful 
laying of an electric telegraph cable across the 
Atlantic, which was accomplished by the United 
States steam frigate Niagara and the British 
steam frigate Agamemnon, in July, 1858. An 
attempt was made to lay the cable the preced- 
ing year; but after laying down between three 
and four hundred miles, and at a distance of 
about two hundred and forty miles from the 
Trish coast, the cable parted, and the work was 
abandoned for that year. The proprietors, 
however, were not discouraged, and with im- 
proved machinery for “paying out” the cable, 
and such additional precautionary measures as 
experience suggested, a new attempt was made 
in the month of June, 1858, the two govern- 


|ments again granting the use of the national 


vessels for the purpose. In the previous at- 
tempt it was proposed to lay the cable in one 
stretch, commencing at the Irish coast. It was 
now proposed to splice the cable in mid-ocean, 
and that the two ships should then part, one 
for the coast of Newfoundland and the other 
for the coast of Ireland. The cable manufac- 
tured was composed of seven copper wires 
closely connected or twined together, and pro- 
tected by an exterior of three coats of gutta 
percha. Outside this, again, were six strands 
of yarn, and finally an external coating of wire, 
making the cable eleven sixteenths of an inch 
in diameter. Its flexibility was so great as to 
allow of its being tied around the arm without 
injury, and its strength such, that, if suspended 


64 HISTORY 


vertically in water, it will bear six miles of its 
own length before breaking. This cable we: 
coiled in such a manner as to be easily paid 
out as required,—one half on board the Ni- 
agara and one half on board the Agamemnon. 
The two frigates, with an attendant steamer 
for each, sailed from Plymouth Sound, Eng- 
land, on the 10th of June, for the rendezvous in 
mid-ocean. They met with some very tem- 
pestuous weather, and the Agamemnon, which 
was heavily laden, was in imminent danger of 
being lost; but on the 26th of June they suc- 
ceeded in uniting the ends of the cable, and 
commenced the work. When forty miles had 
been laid the cable broke, and the vessels 
returned for another beginning. After two or 
three breaks, before they had fairly got under 
way, the cable was again spliced, and the ves- 
sels separated for the second time. They were 
fairly under way, and encouraged by their 
success thus far, when the cable again parted, 
the vessels being two hundred and ninety 
miles apart. According to previous arrange- 
ments the vessels then sailed for Queenstown, 
Treland. These failures were very discoura- 
ging, and confirmed the doubts very generally 
entertained of the practicability of laying the 
cable. The proprietors, however, were deter- 
mined not to abandon the attempt, and as the 
remaining cable was considered amply suf 
ficient, the vessels were again despatched on 
their errand. On the 29th of July the splice 
was successfully made in mid-ocean; and under 
the most favorable auspices with regard to the 
weather and the smoothness of the sea, they 
separated, the Niagara taking her course for 
Newfoundland, and the Agamemnon proceeding 
to Ireland. This time no break occurred; and 
on the 4th of August the Niagara arrived at 
Trinity Bay, the place selected for the landing 
of the cable at Newfoundland, and at about 
the same time the Agamemnon arrived at the 
Bay of Valentia, the appointed place in Ire- 
land. 


OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


In the mean time, although there was a pro- 
found interest felt by the people of England 
and America in the undertaking, there was a 
general conviction that this attempt would fail, 
like the others. It was, therefore, a somewhat 
startling announcement which the telegraph 
from Newfoundland conveyed to the Atlantic 
cities, that the cable was successfully laid. The 
story was scarcely believed ; but when it was by 
repeated despatches confirmed, the event was 
hailed with the greatest enthusiasm wherever 
the electric telegraph carried the news. It 
was celebrated at once by salutes, ringing of 
bells, illuminations, and in various ways by 
which the gratification of the public could be 
expressed ; and more formal celebrations were 
afterwards made of this event, which seemed 
to bind together the two countries by the 
closest ties. The achievement of this important 
work is to be credited, in a great measure, to 
the energy and indomitable perseverance of 
Cyrus W. Field, a native of Massachusetts and 
a citizen of New York, who, as manager of the 
enterprise and one of the vice-presidents of the 
company, had devoted his fortune and his 
whole study and labor to the work. 

The ocean cable having been connected with 
the “shore ends,” and the instruments set up in 
the stations, it was found that the communica- 
tion was perfect, and that messages could be 
transmitted, though not as rapidly as over the 
wires on land. The first words transmitted 
after the arrangements were complete, were, 
“Glory to God in the highest; on earth peace ; 
good will towards men.” A despatch from the 
queen of Great Britain to the president of the 
United States was then transmitted, and the 
president’s reply was returned. These mes- 
sages were as follows:— 


The Queen’s Despatch. 
“To THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, WASHINGTON. 
“The Queen desires to congratulate the Pres- 
ident upon the successful completion of this 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


great international work, in which the Queen 
has taken the deepest interest. 

“The Queen is convinced that the President 
will join with her in fervently hoping that the 
electric cable, which now connects Great Britain 
with the United States, will prove an additional 
link between the nations, whose friendship is 
founded upon their common interest and recip- 
rocal esteem. 

“The Queen has much pleasure in thus com- 
municating with the President, and renewing to 
him her wishes for the prosperity of the United 
States.” 

The President's Reply. 
““ WASHINGTON CITY, August 16, 1858. 
“To Her Maszsty VICTORIA, THE QUEEN OF GREAT BRITAIN. 

“The President cordially reciprocates the 
congratulations of her majesty the Queen on 
the success of the great international enterprise 
accomplished by the science, skill, and indomi- 
table energy of the two countries. 

“It is a triumph more glorious, because far 
more useful to mankind, than was ever won by 
conqueror on the field of battle. 

“ May the Atlantic telegraph, under the bless- 
ing of Heaven, prove to be a bond of perpetual 
peace and friendship between the kindred na- 
tions, and an instrument destined by divine 
Providence to diffuse religion, civilization, lib- 
erty, and law throughout the world. 

“In this view, will not all nations of Chris- 
tendom spontaneously unite in the declaration 
that it shall be forever neutral, and that its 
communications shall be held sacred in passing 
to their places of destination, even in the midst 
of hostilities ? 

“James BucHanan.” 


The fact that the cable had been laid, and 
messages transmitted, however, did not insure 
a continuance of the successful use of the ocean 
telegraph. The public were anticipating great 
results, and the effects of daily communication 


between Europe and America were being dis- 
9 


65 


cussed, when it was announced that the tele- 
graph had ceased to work. It appeared that a 
very few days after the cable was laid there 
were signs of defective insulation in some part 
of the cable, so that the electric currents, al- 
though still passing through the cable, were 
not sufficiently strong to operate the instru- 
ments for any practical purposes. The elec- 
triclans were at fault, and various causes were 
suggested, and experiments tried. But it was 
found impossible to restore communication, 
and further measures were accordingly post- 
poned till another year. The successful laying 
down of this cable, however, and the transmis- 
sion of messages through it, have proved the 
practicability of such a work, and in time it 
must be accomplished. When it is so accom: 
plished it will be a bond of peace between the 
nations.* 

The troubles with the remnant of the Semi- 
nole Indians in Florida, who had been at war 
with the whites, from time to time, for many 
years, were finally ended in the spring of 1858. 
The celebrated chief, known by the not very 
high sounding name of Billy Bowlegs, consent- 
ed, with his followers, and their women and 
children, to leave the state and accept lands in 
the Indian Reservation beyond the Mississippi. 
One aged chief, more than a hundred years old, 
and a few followers, are all the Indians now 
remaining in Florida. ° 

The Indians of New Mexico and Utah had, 
for some time, made many hostile demonstra- 
tions, those of the latter territory having been 


* The Niagara, which had performed her peaceful work so 
well, was afterwards commissioned for another service, not in ac- 
cordance with the purpose for which she was constructed, A 
slaver having been captured by the United States brig Dolphin, 
in the Gulf of Mexico, with three hundred and eighteen slaves on 
board, was brought into the port of Charleston, and, according to 
law, the slaves were sent back to Africa. The Niagara was 
ordered to this service, and the unfortunate captives were thus 
returned as safely and comfortably as they could be. The duty 
of the officers was a trying and unpleasant one, but it was faith- 
fully and humanely performed. 


66 


incited thereto, as it was supposed, by the Mor- 
mons. The large force which was sent to 
Utah proved to be of much use in punishing 
the offending Indians, and securing from them 
more peaceful conduct towards the trains of 
the government, and of traders and emigrants. 
In Oregon, too, the Indians had, for some time, 
exhibited a warlike disposition, and had com- 
mitted many outrages and murders upon the 
settlers. Colonel Stepto, with a small force, 
while operating against these Indians, was 
obliged to yield to overwhelming numbers, and 
suffered a defeat. This success had encouraged 
the Indians to greater aggressions. A stronger 
force of the regular army, with the militia of the 
territory, were sent against them, and they 
were compelled to retire from their positions 
near the settlements. Additional forces were 
sent from California by the general govern- 
ment, and a detachment of the Utah army was 
ordered to the same service, and the war was 
carried on so effectively against the savages 
that they were finally compelled to sue for 
peace. 

It is worthy of mention that, early in the 
year, (1858,) after some trouble and delay, ne- 
gotiations were concluded by which Mr. John 
A. Washington, the proprietor of Mount Ver- 
non, agreed to convey to the “Ladies Mount 
Vernon Association,” incorporated by the state 
of Virginia, two hindred acres of the estate, 
in which are included the mansion of Mount 
Vernon, the landing place, and the tomb of 
Washington. The price was two hundred thou- 
sand dollars, to be paid in instalments. It was 
long a matter of regret, and was, indeed, a dis- 
grace to the country, that the home and the 
tomb of Washington was not in the possession 
of the government, or in some way dedicated 
to the public, and preserved with proper re- 
spect and care. Efforts had been made to 
have the estate purchased by Congress, but 
unfortunately without success. A proposition 
for the state of Virginia to purchase it was also 


| Washington. 
the ladies of Virginia was incorporated, with 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


rejected by the legislature of that state. There 
were fears that it might fall into the hands of 


parties who would speculate upon its sacred 


associations and desecrate the place. Even in 
the hands of one of the family of Washington 
it was not wholly exempt from such desecra- 


‘tion, while it was fast going to waste and ruin, 


and the proprietor declared that he was not 
able to maintain it, place of public resort as it 
was. At this stage it was proposed that the 
women of the country should purchase it, and 
make provision for maintaining it as one of 


ithe most hallowed spots in the land, to be 


visited in all coming time by citizen and stran- 
ger, and sacred always to the memory of 
Accordingly an association of 


agents in each of the other states. Negotia- 
tions were entered into with the proprietor, 
which resulted in the purchase, as above stated. 
Active measures were taken to obtain the 
required sum, and with such success as to 
enable them to anticipate some of the pay- 
ments. Among those who labored to secure 
the accomplishment of this sacred purpose was 
Hon. Edward Everett, who in all parts of the 
country delivered an able and eloquent oration 
on Washington, attracting large numbers who 
thus aided in the purchase. Nearly or quite 
half of the sum required was thus obtained 
through the devoted labors of Mr. Everett. 
Walker, whose illegal and piratical expedition 
to Nicaragua had been suddenly and very ef- 
fectually ended by the action of Commodore 
Paulding, was not disposed to let his efforts 
stop at that point. When set at liberty in the 
United States he immediately began his plans 
for another similar expedition, being deter- 
mined, if possible, to reinstate himself in Nic- 
aragua, where he had at first been so successful. 
It was, of course, a work of time to get up 
such an expedition, and to procure the neces- 
sary funds for so doing; but at last, Walker 
thought that he had prepared the prelimina- 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ries, and, in the autumn of 1858, publicly an- 
nounced that such an expedition was in prep- 
aration. The president, therefore, deemed it 
necessary to issue a proclamation, in which he 
stated that, “One of the leaders of a former 
illegal expedition, who has been already twice 
expelled from Nicaragua, has invited, through 
the public newspapers, American citizens to 
emigrate to that republic, and has designated 
Mobile as the place of rendezvous and depart- 
ure, and San Juan del Norte as the port to 
which they are bound. This person, who has 
renounced his allegiance to the United States, 
and claims to be president of Nicaragua, has 
given notice to the collector of the port of 
Mobile that two or three hundred’of these emi- 
grants will be prepared to embark from that 
port about the middle of November. For 
these and other good reasons, and for the pur- 
pose of saving American citizens who may 
have been honestly deluded into the belief 
that they are about to proceed to Nicaragua 
as peaceful emigrants,—if any such there be,— 
I, James Buchanan, President of the United 
States, have thought fit to issue this my proc- 
lamation, enjoining upon all officers of the gov- 
ernment, civil and military, in their respective 
spheres, to be vigilant, active, and faithful in 
suppressing these illegal enterprises.” * 

The policy of the administration, as time 
had developed it, especially in relation to the 
affairs of Kansas, had not strengthened it with 
the people. In the thirty-fifth Congress there 
was a strong majority of the administration 
party in both houses. But the Kansas ques- 
tion had caused a division in the party both in 


* Walker persisted in his scheme, and with a small number of 
followers proceeded to Nicaragua, where he was taken prisoner 
and shot. Most of his followers were released. 


67 


Congress and out of it, and more especially in 
Pennsylvania, the president's own state. In 
Congress Mr. Douglas was the leader of the 
disaffected members of the party, and the ar- 
dent supporters of the administration attacked 
him with great bitterness. It appeared for a 
time that he must abandon the Democratic 
party or be driven out of it. Mr. Douglas, 
however, was not disposed either to withdraw 
or to be forced out of the party. He took his 
position boldly, and maintained it with skill and 
ability, appealing to the people of his state to 
support him. There he was opposed by the 
administration Democrats and by the Repub- 
licans. The former, however, dwindled away 
as the election approached, and fell into the 
ranks of the supporters of Mr. Douglas. After 
a most exciting and hard-fought canvass, the 
friends of Mr. Douglas succeeded in electing a 
majority of the legislature, and thus secured 
his reélection to the senate. 

In many of the other states where elections 
for members of Congress took place, in the 
autumn of 1858, the administration suffered 
losses. In Pennsylvania, where the Democrats 
who opposed the president’s Kansas policy had 
taken a more decided position than elsewhere, 
under the lead of Mr. Forney, formerly one of 
the most earnest friends of the president, the 
opposition elected a large majority of the 
members of Congress, besides carrying the 
state government. The defeat of the adminis- 
tration in these elections showed the unpopu- 
larity of the policy of the administration among 
its own friends in the free states. The fall 
elections indicated an opposition majority in 
the house of representatives of the next Con- 
gress, if not an actual Republican majority; the 
senate remaining nearly the same as before. 


68 


CHAPTER IX. 


Second Session of Thirty-fifth Congress. — President’s Message. 
— Cuba. — Mexico. — Central America. — Pacific Railroad. — 
Finances. — Mr. Slidell’s Proposition. — Post Office. — Mr. 
Holt. — Failure of Measures before Congress. 

Tur second session of the thirty-fifth Con- 
gress commenced on the 6th of December, 1858. 
The President’s message was communicated to 
the two houses without delay. It contained 
the usual summary of the domestic condition 
and the foreign relations of the country. There 
was no topic of absorbing interest to occupy 
the attention of the public. The Kansas ques- 
tion had been settled for the time being, and 
the Utah affair was so far disposed of as to ex- 
cite but little interest. The president in his 
message reviewed these matters at some length, 
and congratulated the country upon their set- 
tlement. But, as if to have some question to 
occupy the attention of the country, he again 
suggests the acquisition of Cuba, and under 
certain contingencies the occupation of Mexican 
territory by an armed force, as a means of secur- 
ing redress for injuries, and the settlement of 
claims due to our citizens. 

In relation to Cuba, after complaining of the 
wrongs and injuries suffered at the hands of 
Spanish officials, and the difficulty of obtaining 
redress, the president used the following lan- 
guage: — 

“The truth is, that Cuba, in its existing 
colonial condition, is a constant source of injury 
and annoyance to the American people. It is 
the only spot in the civilized world where the 
African slave trade is tolerated; and we are 
bound by treaty with Great Britain to maintain 
a naval force on the coast of Africa, at much 
expense both of life and treasure, solely for 
the purpose of arresting slavers bound to that 
island. The late serious difficulties between 
the United States and Great Britain respecting 
the right of search, now so happily terminated, 
could never have arisen if Cuba had not afforded 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


a market for slaves. As long as this market 
shall remain open, there can be no hope for the 
civilization of benighted Africa. Whilst the 
demand for slaves continues in Cuba, wars will 
be waged among the petty and barbarous chiefs 
in Africa for the purpose of seizing subjects to 
supply this trade. In such a condition of affairs, 
it is impossible that the light of civilization 


and religion can ever penetrate these dark 


abodes. 

“It has been made known to the world by my 
predecessors that the United States have, on 
several occasions, endeavored to acquire Cuba 
from Spain by honorable negotiation. If this 
were accomplished, the last relic of the African 
slave trade would instantly disappear. We 
would not, if we could, acquire Cuba in any 
other manner. This is due to our national 
character. All the territory which we have 
acquired since the origin of the government has 
been by fair purchase from France, Spain, and 
Mexico, or by the free and voluntary act of the 
independent state of Texas in blending her 
destinies with our own. This course we shall 
ever pursue, unless circumstances should occur, 
which we do not now anticipate, rendering a de- 
parture from it clearly justifiable, under the im- 
perative and overruling law of self-preservation. 

“The Island of Cuba, from its geographical 
position, commands the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi, and the immense and annually increasing 
trade, foreign and coastwise, from the valley 
of that noble river, now embracing half the 
sovereign states of the Union. With that 
island under the dominion of a distant foreign 
power, this trade, of vital importance to these 
states, is exposed to the danger of being de- 
stroyed in time of war, and it has hitherto been 
subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in 
time of peace. Our relations with Spain, which 
ought to be of the most friendly character, 
must always be placed in jeopardy, whilst the 
existing colonial government over the island 
shall remain in its present condition. 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“Whilst the possession of the island would 
be of vast importance to the United States, its 
value to Spain is, comparatively, unimportant. 
Such was the relative situation of the parties 
when the great Napoleon transferred Louisiana 
to the United States. Jealous, as he ever was, 
of the national honor and interests of France, 
no person throughout the world has imputed 
blame to him for accepting a pecuniary equiva- 
lent for this cession. 

“The publicity which has been given to our 
former negotiations upon this subject, and the 
large appropriation which may be required to 
effect the purpose, render it expedient, before 
making another attempt to renew the negotia- 
tion, that I should lay the whole subject before 
Congress. This is especially necessary, as it 
may become indispensable to success, that I 
should be intrusted with the means of making 
an advance to the Spanish government im- 
mediately after the signing of the treaty, with- 
out awaiting the ratification of it by the senate. 
I am encouraged to make this suggestion by 
the example of Mr. Jefferson, previous to the 
purchase of Louisiana from France, and by that 
of Mr. Polk, in view of the acquisition of terri- 
tory from Mexico. I refer the whole subject to 
Congress, and commend it to their careful con- 
sideration.” 

On affairs in Mexico, after a brief review of 
the chronic unhappy condition of that country, 
and of the claims of American citizens against 
its government, the message proceeds : — 

“Our late minister was furnished with ample 
powers and instructions for the adjustment of 
all pending questions with the central govern- 
ment of Mexico, and he performed his duty 
with zeal and ability. The claims of our citi- 
zens, some of them arising out of the viola- 
tion of an express provision of the treaty of 
Guadalupe Hidalgo, and others from gross 
injuries to persons as well as property, have re- 
mained unredressed, and even unnoticed. Re- 
monstrances against these grievances have been 


69 


addressed, without effect, to that government. 
Meantime, in various parts of the republic, 
instances have been numerous of the murder, 
imprisonment, and plunder of our citizens by 
different parties claiming and exercising a local 
jurisdiction ; but the central government, al- 
though repeatedly urged thereto, have made 
no eflort either to punish the authors of these 
outrages or to prevent their recurrence. No 
American citizen can now visit Mexico on law- 
ful business without imminent danger to his 
person and property. There is no adequate 
protection to either; and in this respect our 
treaty with that republic is almost a dead 
letter. 

“This state of affairs was brought to a crisis 
in May last by the promulgation of a decree 
levying a contribution pro rata upon all the 
capital in the republic, between certain specified 
amounts, whether held by Mexicans or foreign- 
ers. Mr. Forsyth, regarding this decree in the 
light of a ‘forced loan, formally protested 
against its application to his countrymen, and 
advised them not to pay the contribution, but 
to suffer it to be forcibly exacted. Acting upon 
this advice, an American citizen refused to pay 
the contribution, and his property was seized 
by armed men to satisfy the amount. Not 
content with this, the government proceeded 
still farther, and issued a decree banishing him 
from the country. Our minister immediately, 
notified them that, if this decree should be 
carried into execution, he would feel it to be 
his duty to adopt ‘the most decided measures 
that belong to the powers and obligations of 
the representative office. Notwithstanding this 
warning, the banishment was enforced, and Mr. 
Forsyth promptly announced to the govern- 
ment the suspension of the political relations 
of his legation with them, until the pleasure of 
his own government should be ascertained. 

“'This government did not regard the contri- 
bution imposed by the decree of the loth May 
last to be in strictness a ‘forced loan, and as 


70 


such prohibited by the 10th article of the treaty 
of 1826 between Great Britain and Mexico, to 
the benefits of which American citizens are 
entitled by treaty; yet the imposition of the 
contribution upon foreigners was considered an 
unjust and oppressive measure. Besides, inter- 
nal factions in other parts of the republic were 
at the same time levying similar exactions upon 
the property of our citizens and interrupting 
their commerce. There had been an entire 
failure on the part of our minister to secure 
redress for the wrongs which our citizens had 
endured, notwithstanding his persevering ef- 
forts. And from the temper manifested by the 
Mexican government he had repeatedly assured 
us that no favorable change.could be expected 
until the United States should ‘give striking 
evidence of their will and power to protect 
their citizens, and that ‘severe chastening is 
the only earthly remedy for our grievances, 
From this statement of facts, it would have 
been worse than idle to direct Mr. Forsyth to 
retrace his steps and resume diplomatic rela- 
tions with that government; and it was there- 
fore deemed proper to sanction his withdrawal 
of the legation from the city of Mexico. 

“ Abundant cause now undoubtedly exists for 
a resort to hostilities against the government 
still holding possession of the capital. Should 
they succeed in subduing the constitutional 

forces, all reasonable hope will then have ex- 
pired of a peaceful settlement of our diffi- 
culties. 

“ On the other hand, should the constitutional 
party prevail, and their authority be established 
over the republic, there is reason to hope that 
they will be animated by a less unfriendly 
spirit, and may grant that redress to American 
citizens which justice requires, so far as they 
may possess the means. But for this expecta- 
tion I should at once have recommended to 
Congress to grant the necessary power to the 
president to take possession of a sufficient por- 


tion of the remote and unsettled territory of || 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


Mexico, to be held in pledge until our injuries 
shall be redressed and our just demands be 
satisfied. We have already exhausted every 
milder means of obtaining justice. In such a 
case this remedy of reprisals is recognized by 
the law of nations, not only as just in itself, but 
as a means of preventing actual war. 

“But there is another view of our relations 
with Mexico, arising from the unhappy condi- 
tion of affairs along our south-western frontier, 
which demands immediate action. In that re- 
mote region, where there are but few white 
inhabitants, large bands of hostile and predatory 
Indians roam promiscuously over the Mexican 
states of Chihuahua and Sonora, and our ad- 
joining territories. The local governments of 
these states are perfectly helpless, and are kept 
in a state of constant alarm by the Indians. 
They have not the power, if they possessed the 
will, even to restrain lawless Mexicans from 
passing the border and committing depredations 
on our remote settlers. A state of anarchy and 
violence prevails throughout that distant fron- 
tier. The laws are a dead letter, and life and 
property wholly insecure. For this reason the 
settlement of Arizona is arrested, whilst it is of 
great importance that a chain of inhabitants 
should extend all along its southern border, 
sufficient for their own protection, and that of 
the United States mail passing to and from 
California. Well-founded apprehensions are 
now entertained, that the Indians, and wander- 
ing Mexicans equally lawless, may break up the 
important stage and postal communication re- 
cently established between our Atlantic and 
Pacific possessions. This passes very near to 
the Mexican boundary throughout the whole 
length of Arizona. J can imagine no possible 
remedy for these evils, and no mode of restor- 
ing law and order on that remote and unsettled 
frontier, but for the government of the United 
States to assume a temporary protectorate over 
the northern portions of Chihuahua and Sonora, 
and to establish military posts within the same ; 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


and this I earnestly recommend to Congress. 
This protection may be withdrawn as soon as 
local governments shall be established in these 
Mexican States, capable of performing their 
duties to the United States, restraining the law- 
less, and preserving peace along the border. 

“JT do not doubt that this measure will be 
viewed in a friendly spirit by the governments 
and people of Chihuahua and Sonora, as it will 
prove equally effectual for the protection of 
their citizens on that remote and lawless frontier, 
as for citizens of the United States.” 

Troubles in Central America were also spoken 
of at some length, as requiring attention. Of 
these the president thus spoke : — 

“The political condition of the narrow isth- 
mus of Central America, through which transit 
routes pass between the Atlantic and Pacific 
oceans, presents a subject of deep interest to all 
commercial nations. It is over these transits 
that a large proportion of the trade and travel 
between the European and Asiatic continents 
is destined to pass. To the United States these 
routes are of incalculable importance as a means 
of communication between their Atlantic and 
Pacific possessions. .The latter now extend 
throughout seventeen degrees of latitude on 
the Pacific coast, embracing the important state 
of California and the flourishing territories of 
Oregon and Washington. All commercial na- 
tions, therefore, have a deep and direct interest 
that these communications shall be rendered 
secure from interruption. If an arm of the sea 
connecting the two oceans penetrated through 
Nicaragua and Costa Rica, it could not be pre- 
tended that these states would have the right 
to arrest or retard its navigation, to the injury 
of other nations. The transit by land over 
this narrow isthmus occupies nearly the same 
position. It is a highway in which they them- 
selves have little interest when compared with 
the vast interests of the rest of the world. 
Whilst their rights of sovereignty ought to be 
respected, it is the duty of other nations to 


71 


require that this important passage shall not be 
interrupted by the civil wars and revolutionary 
outbreaks which have so frequently occurred 
in that region. The stake is too important to 
be left at the mercy of rival companies claim- 
ing to hold conflicting contracts with Nicaragua. 
The commerce of other nations is not to stand 
still and await the adjustment of such petty 
controversies. The government of the United 
States expect no more than this, and they will 
not be satisfied with less. They would not, if 
they could, derive any advantage from the 
Nicaragua transit not common to the rest of the 
world. Its neutrality and protection for the 
common use of all nations is their only object. 
They have no objection that Nicaragua shall 
demand and receive a fair compensation from 
the companies and individuals who may trav- 
erse the route; but they insist that it shall 
never hereafter be closed by an arbitrary decree 
of that government. If disputes arise between 
it and those with whom they may have entered 
into contracts, these must be adjusted by some 
fair tribunal provided for the purpose, and the 
route must not be closed pending the contro- 
versy. This is our whole policy, and it cannot 
fail to be acceptable to other nations. 

“ All these difficulties might be avoided, if, 
consistently with the good faith of Nicaragua, 
the use of this transit could be thrown open to 
general competition; providing at the same 
time for the payment of a reasonable rate to 
the Nicaraguan government on passengers and 
freight. 

“In August, 1852, the Accessory Transit 
Company made its first interoceanic trip over 
the Nicaraguan route, and continued in success- 
ful operation, with great advantage to the pub- 
lic, until the 18th February, 1856, when it was 
closed, and the grant to this company, as well as 
its charter, was summarily and arbitrarily re- 
voked by the government of President Rivas. 
Previous to this date, however, in 1854, serious 
disputes concerning the settlement of their 


72 


accounts had arisen between the company and 
the government, threatening the interruption 
of the route at any moment. These the United 
States in vain endeavored to compose. It 
would be useless to narrate the various pro- 
ceedings which took place between the parties 
up till the time when the transit was discon- 
tinued. Suffice it to say that, since February, 
1856, it has remained closed, greatly to the 
prejudice of citizens of the United States. 
Since that time the competition has ceased be- 
tween the rival routes of Panama and Nicaragua, 
and in consequence thereof, an unjust and un- 
reasonable amount has been exacted from our 
citizens for their passage to and from California. 

“A treaty was signed on the 16th day of 
November, 1857, by the secretary of state and 
minister of Nicaragua, under the stipulations 
of which the use and protection of the transit 
route would have been secured not only to the 
United States, but equally to all other nations. 
How and on what pretext this treaty has failed 
to receive the ratification of the Nicaraguan 
government, will appear by the papers here- 
with communicated from the state department. 
The principal objection seems to have been to 
the provision authorizing the United States to 
employ force to keep the route open, in case 
Nicaragua should fail to perform her duty in 
this respect. From the feebleness of that re- 
public, its frequent changes of government, and 
its constant internal dissensions, this had become 
a most important stipulation, and one essentially 
necessary, not only for the security of the route, 
but for the safety of American citizens passing 
and repassing to and from our Pacific posses- 
sions. Were such a stipulation embraced in a 
treaty between the United States and Nicara- 
gua, the knowledge of this fact would of itself 
most probably prevent hostile parties from com- 
mitting aggressions on the route, and render 
our actual interference for its protection un- 
necessary. 

«The executive government of this country, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED: STATES: 


in its intercourse with foreign nations, is limited 
to the employment of diplomacy alone. When 
this fails it can proceed no farther. It cannot 
legitimately resort to force without the direct 
authority of Congress, except in resisting and 
repelling hostile attacks. It would have no 
authority to enter the territories of Nicaragua, 
even to prevent the destruction of the transit, 
and protect the lives and property of our own 
citizens on their passage. It is true, that on a 
sudden emergency of this character, the presi- 
dent would direct any armed force in the 
vicinity to march to their relief; but in doing 
this he would act upon his own responsibility. 

“Under these circumstances, I earnestly rec- 
ommend to Congress the passage of an act 
authorizing the president, under such restric- 
tions as they may deem proper, to employ the 
land and naval forces of the United States in 
preventing the transit from being obstructed or 
closed by lawless violence, and in protecting 
the lives and property of American citizens 
travelling thereupon, requiring at the same time 
that these forces shall be withdrawn the moment 
the danger shall have passed away. Without 
such a provision our citizens will be constantly 
exposed to interruption in their progress, and 
to lawless violence. 

“ A similar necessity exists for the passage of 
such an act for the protection of the Panama 
and ‘Tehuantepec routes. . ‘ 

“The injuries which have been inflicted upon 
our citizens in Costa Rica and Nicaragua, dur- 
ing the last two or three years, have received 
the prompt attention of this government. Some 
of these injuries were of the most aggravated 
character. The transaction at Virgin Bay, in 
April, 1856, when a company of unarmed 
Americans, who were in no way connected with 
any belligerent conduct or party, were fired 
upon by the troops of Costa Rica, and numbers 
of them killed and wounded, was brought to 
the knowledge of Congress by my predecessor 
soon after its occurrence, and was also presented 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to the government of Costa Rica for that im- 
mediate investigation and redress which the 
nature of the case demanded. A similar course 
was pursued with reference to other outrages 
in these countries, some of which were hardly 
less aggravated in their character than the 
transaction at Virgin Bay. At the time, how- 
ever, when our present minister to Nicaragua 
was appointed, in December, 1857, no redress 
had been obtained for any of these wrongs, 
and no reply even had been received to the 
demands which had been made by this govern- 
ment upon that of Costa Rica more than a year 
before. Our minister was instructed, therefore, 
to lose no time in expressing to those govern- 
ments the deep regret with which the president 
had witnessed this inattention to the just claims 
of the United States, and in demanding their 
prompt and satisfactory adjustment. Unless 
this demand shall be complied with at an early 
day, it will only remain for this government to 
adopt such other measures as may be necessary, 
in order to obtain for itself that justice which 
it has in vain attempted to secure by peaceful 
means from the governments of Nicaragua and 
Costa Rica. While it has shown, and will con- 
tinue to show, the most sincere regard for 
the rights and honor of these republics, it 
cannot permit this regard to be met by an 
utter neglect, on their part, of what is due to 
the government and citizens of the United 
States.” 

In this review of the relations of the United 
States with the countries lying immediately 
south, and the proposed means of settling diffi- 
culties, one cannot but feel that while we may 
have been unfortunate in our neighbors in that 
particular direction, there were a desire and a 
policy on the part of some of our people and 
the government to take advantage of such com- 
plaints to extend our territory. The acquisi- 
tion of Cuba, a part or the whole of Mexico, 
and eventually of Central America, would cer- 


tainly secure to the south that preponderance 
10 


73 


which the former increase of territory had 
failed to realize for it. 

The financial crisis of 1857 was noticed at 
some length in the message, and some sugges- 
tions were made with a view to guard against 
panics in the commercial world. The state of 
the finances of the country was not very flat- 
tering, the public debt having increased to 
nearly fifty-five millions, and the treasury at 
the close of the fiscal year showing a deficit, 
notwithstanding the issue of twenty millions of 
treasury notes. 

The other matters discussed in the message 
were of little interest, except the Pacific Rail- 
road, the construction of which by private 
capital, or companies incorporated by states, 
with the aid of government, was advocated as 
a measure of importance. 

The construction of this railroad was early 
in the session the subject of interesting debates 
in the senate, most of the leading members 
taking a part in them. The expediency, and 
even necessity, of such a road were generally 
admitted, but there was a diversity of opinion 
as to the route to be adopted, and by whom 
it should be constructed. Southern men de- 
manded a southern route ; northern men desired 
a northern or a central route; and there were 
some who favored two or more lines, which 
should satisfy the desires of both sections. 

Mr. Seward, among others, made an able and 
elaborate speech, in which he advocated the 
construction of a railroad from the western 
borders of Missouri, by the most direct and 
feasible route, to San Francisco, adopting a line 
which would be a continuation of the route of 
our great north-western emigration. He urged 
the immediate construction of the road, on the 
grounds of public policy, by the government 
itself. His own plan would be to discard all 
employment of companies and grants of public 
lands, and to build the road as a military, postal, 
and national highway, with the money and 
credit of the federal government, giving the 


74 


lands along the route to actual settlers. The 
road was wanted for political and military pur- 
poses; commerce was a mere adjunct. If such 
means of communication were not provided, 
the Atlantic and Pacific states would not always 
remain united; and the action of Congress 
would determine whether Washington should 
remain the capital of the whole United States, 
or only of the United States of the Atlantic, 
while the city of Mexico should become the 
capital of the United States of the Pacific. 

Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, desired that the com- 
mittee should be instructed to report two routes, 
a northern and a southern one. He beheved the 
dissolution of the Uimon to be at hand, and was un- 
willing to vote money and lands for a road 
which was sure to be located outside of the 
south; but he wished to have a route which 
should aid that section while in the Union, and 
belong to it when out. 

Mr. Bigler advocated the construction of the 
road as a military measure, and preferred a 
central route. Were a war to break out with 
a great maritime power, without this means 
of concentrating our forces, California would 
speedily be cut off from communication with 
the Atlantic states. Six months of such a war 
might cost more than such a railroad. With 
this road, what power would be strong enough 
to meet us on the Pacific? Without it, what 
power would be too weak to annoy us there? 
He could see little difference between the con- 
struction of such a work and the erection of 
forts to defend the commercial cities of the 
seaboard. Three or four hundred millions of 
dollars would, if required, be voted for the 
purchase of Cuba, and why should not a grant 
of public lands be made for the protection of 
California, Washington, and Oregon ? 

Many other members of the senate advocated 
the construction of such a railroad, but the great 
diversity of opinion as to the line to be taken, 
and the policy to be adopted for its construc- 
tion, and the numerous projects, differing in 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


detail, which were proposed, prevented Congress 
from arriving at any conclusion upon this im- 
portant measure, the necessity for which is each 
year demonstrated. After a long discussion, 
the only result was the passage of a resolution 
that the secretary of the interior be authorized 
to advertise for proposals for building the road 
upon three lines—the northern, central, and 
southern. The bill for the construction of the 
road was thus defeated, and the measure wholly 
failed. 

On the subject of the acquisition of Cuba, 
Mr. Slidell presented an elaborate report, setting 
forth the reasons for such acquisition, among 
which were the increase of our national secu- 
rity, the practical abolition of the slave trade, 
and the consequent relief from maintaining a 
squadron on the coast of Africa, the suppres- 
sion of the cooly trade, so far as the West 
Indies were concerned, and the commercial ad- 
vantages to be derived from the possession of 
the island. ‘The mode of acquisition proposed 
was by purchase, and the sum estimated as 
sufficient for the purpose was one hundred and 
twenty millions of dollars. Accompanying the 
report was a bill, which, after setting forth ina 
preamble the reasons therefor, provided “ that 
thirty millions of dollars be placed in the presi- 
dent’s hands for expenditure, either from cash in 
the treasury, or to be borrowed on five per cent. 
bonds of one thousand dollars each, redeemable 
in from twelve to twenty years.” This bill, 
with the various amendments and substitutes 
which were proposed, occupied the attention 
of the senate for some time; but it being evi- 
dent that the measure could not become a law 
at that session of Congress, a test vote was had 
on laying the bill on the table, when it appeared 
that thirty senators sustained the measure, and 
seventeen opposed it. Mr. Broderick,* of Calli- 


* During the recess of Congress, and after the election in Cali- 
fornia, Mr. Broderick was killed in a duel with Judge Terry, of 
that_state. Mr. Broderick’s political course had created many 
enemies in his own party, and it was quite generally asserted 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


fornia, was the only Democratic senator who 
voted with the Republicans to lay the bill on the 
table. The session was so near its close that 
the bill could not be acted upon in the house, 
and it was withdrawn. 

The 4th of March came before Congress 
had passed upon the various subjects before 
them, and with the exception of the principal 
appropriation bills, and the admission of Oregon 
as a state, little had been done. The latter 
measure had passed the senate at the previous 
session, and, after considerable opposition in the 
house, was agreed to in that branch. On the 
last day of the session the president sent a 
message to Congress appealing to them to pre- 
serve the public credit by making some pro- 


vision for the deficit in the treasury, for which 
To provide for) 


nothing had yet been done. 
this exigency at the last moment, a provision 


was attached to one of the appropriation bills) 


for the issue of treasury notes to the amount 
of twenty millions of dollars. The credit of the 
government was thus saved by increasing the 
public debt. 

Among the measures which failed was the 
appropriation for the post office department. 
This was the result of a disagreement between 
the two houses, which had not been settled 
when the session terminated. It threatened to 
derange and materially to curtail the mail 
facilities of the country. There was a large 
deficiency, which should have been provided for, 
and was constantly increasing ; and this, it was 
feared, might bring the department to a stand 
in some of its arrangements. A special session 
of Congress was contemplated, but this was 
finally avoided. ‘The postmaster-general, Aaron 
Vail Brown, died on the 8th of March, and he 


that there was a concerted plan to force him into one or more 
duels for the purpose of killing him. The canvass in California 
was very bitter, and this duel was the consequence of language 
used init. It was also said that Mr. Broderick, when he left 
Washington, was impressed with the idea that he should never 
be permitted by his enemies to return. 


‘attention. 


75 


was succeeded by Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, 
previously commissioner of patents. Mr. Holt 
was a man of ability, energy, and great admin- 
istrative talent, and he determined to carry on 
the department without the necessary provision 
as far as he was able. 

Of the other measures of importance which 
failed, were a bill granting pensions to those 
engaged in the war of 1812, and a bill granting 
homesteads to actual settlers on the public do- 
main, which, having passed the house, were lost 
in the senate. A bill giving large quantities 
of the public lands to the several states and 
territories for the purpose of establishing agri- 
cultural colleges, was vetoed by the president. 

it is worthy of mention that the extension 
of the Capitol, which had been in progress for 
some years, was sufficiently advanced for Con- 
gress to occupy the new halls intended for their 
use. Upon taking leave of the old senate 
chamber, interesting speeches were made, recall- 
ing the scenes of former years, and recollections 
of the illustrious men who had rendered the 
place sacred by their eloquence. 


CHAPTER X. 


State of Political Feeling. — Policy of the Opposition or Republi 
can Party. — Northern Sentiments. — Southern Sentiments. — 
Reopening of the African Slave Trade. — Protest of the Grand 
Jury at Savannah against the Law for the Punishment of Parties 
engaged in the Slave Trade. — Speech of A. H. Stephens. — 
R. Barnwell Rhett. — Jefferson Davis. — Issues for the Presi- 
dential Election. — Mr. Douglas. 


Arter the adjournment of Congress there 
was little of political importance to occupy the 
attention of the country. Great issues were in 
abeyance for a time, there being no practical 
question or measure, in which they were in- 
volved, immediately before the public. Affairs 
in Kurope were assuming such an aspect, too, 
and threatened so serious and general a war, 
that our domestic concerns absorbed less of 
But as it was the year preceding 


76 


the next presidential canvass, the hopes and 
expectations of some were naturally turned in 
that direction, and there were some indications 
of the issues which would be shaped by the 
policy of the contending parties, and by the 
progress of public opinion. A glance at some 
of these may aid in a better appreciation of 
succeeding events. 

The policy of the opposition, or Republican 
party, was well defined on the great issue which 
had brought it into existence. 
political organization against the further exten- 
sion of slavery, and the power and influence of 
slavery in the federal government, with a gen- 
eral advocacy of the interests of free labor in 
its various branches of agriculture, manufac- 
tures,and commerce. It was not an aggressive 
policy, for the origin of the party itself was 
defensive. During this year, as in the preced- 
ing autumn, the Republicans succeeded in elect- 
ing their candidates in many of the northern 
states, and in the canvass the policy and princi- 
ples of their party appear to have been dis- 
tinctly and quite uniformly stated. Governor 
Goodwin, of New Hampshire, who was elected 
by this party, in his message to the legislature, 
used language which is an index of the feeling 
of the party at that time, and of the repeated 
declarations of its public men in all the north- 
ern states. “ New Hampshire,” he said, “ yields 
to no state in her adherence to the Federal 
Union and the constitution, and her people will 
never tolerate the doctrines of nullification, or 
the idea of a dissolution of this confederacy ; 
but while she allows to all other states their 
rights, she will maintain hers. She will never 
meddle with the domestic institutions of her 
sister states, but is bound to prevent the exten- 
sion of slavery over territory now free.” Simi- 
lar opinions were expressed by the governors 
of other northern states, and were reaffirmed 
at the conventions of the Republican party. 

On the other hand the sentiments and policy 
of the south were declared with equal freedom, 


It was simply, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


and the issues for the coming national contest 
were there being more definitely shaped. The 
further recognition and protection of slavery 
under the federal government, both in the terri- 
tories and in relations between the states, were 
insisted upon as a right; and the reopening of the 
slave trade, which had been discussed for some 
years, now found more numerous advocates. One 
or more ship loads of slaves had been brought 
from Africa and landed on the southern coast. 
One vessel was seized and condemned after hav- 
ing landed its load of slaves; but the officers 
and owners were not brought to punishment 
under the law, because of the sentiment which 
prevailed at the south, in opposition to a statute 
that condemned the slave trade as piracy, if not 
absolutely in favor of the trade itself. The 
grand jury at Savannah found bills against the 
parties charged with the offence, as by their 
oaths they were bound to do, but they at the 
same time protested against being compelled to 
do so. 

This protest exhibits the change which south- 
ern sentiment had undergone in respect to this 
subject, and the new demands which were to be 
made upon Congress to remove the stigma 
which had been attached to the African slave 
trade. “We feel humbled,” it states, “as men, 
in the consciousness that we are freemen but in 
name, and that we are living, during the exist- 
ence of such laws, under a tyranny as supreme 
as that of the despotic governments of the old 
world. Heretofore the people of the south, 
firm in their consciousness of right and strength, 
have failed to place the stamp of condemnation 
upon such laws as reflect upon the institution 
of slavery, but have permitted, unrebuked, the 
influence of foreign opinion to prevail in their 
support. Longer to yield to a sickly sentiment 
of pretended philanthropy and diseased mental 
aberration of ‘higher law’ fanatics, the ten- 
dency of which is to debase us in the estima- 
tion of civilized nations, is weak and unwise. - 
Regarding all such laws as tending to encourage 


PRESIDENT’S BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 77 


such results, and consequently as baneful in 
their effects, we unhesitatingly advocate the 
repeal of all laws which directly or indirectly 
condemn this institution, and those who have 
inherited or maintain it, and think it the duty 
of the southern people to require their legisla- 
tors to unite their efforts for the accomplish- 
ment of this object.” 

About the same time the “Southern Commer- 
cial Convention,” which from time to time had 
met to discuss the policy which should promote 
the commercial interests of the south, assembled 
at Vicksburg, and after some opposition, but by 
a very decisive vote, adopted a resolution to 
the effect that “all laws, state or federal, pro- 
hibiting the African slave trade, ought to be 
abolished.” 

Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, who had 
been one of the more conservative statesmen 
of the south, in an address to his constituents, 
upon retiring from Congress, showed that even 
men of his class were taking stronger ground 
in favor of slavery. He declared that the ques- 
tion whether the south should expand and en- 
large, by the people of that section going into 
the territories with their slaves, protected by 
the constitution, had been settled fully up to 
the demands of the south. These measures, 
however, did not go as far as he wished. He 
would have Congress give protection to slave 
property in the public domain so long as it re- 
mained in a territorial condition. But he had 
finally yielded to the doctrine of non-interven- 
tion because it was not aggressive, and because 
it secured all that the south had demanded. 
Mr. Stephens also, while he did not appear to 
advocate openly the renewal of the African 
slave trade, argued that the south could not 
expand by the settlement of the territories un- 
less the number of the African stock is in- 
creased. “States cannot be made without peo- 
ple,’ said he; “rivers and mountains do not 
make them; and slave states cannot be made 
without Africans.’ He believed, however, that 


| slavery was stronger than ever before, and would 

continue to increase in strength whether in the 
Union or out of it. He looked forward to the 
acquisition of Cuba, and considered Mexico and 
Central America as open to the south. 

Mr. Stephens represented the more moderate 
but rapidly diminishing class of southern states- 
men and politicians. The more aggressive and 
increasing class were represented by R. Barn- 
well Rhett, of South Carolina, who considered 
that the doctrines of Calhoun, McDuffie, and 
Hayne had practically fallen to the earth. He 
looked to the formation of a southern confed- 
eracy as the salvation of southern institutions, 
and he congratulated his auditors (the people 
of the seventh congressional district of South 
Carolina) that they had “elected representa- 
tives to a southern Congress, with a view to a 
southern confederacy.” Mr. Rhett lamented 
that the question was not met at the time of 
the admission of Missouri. “The contest,” he 
said, “ would have ended in one of three ways: 
The rights of the south would have been 
conceded; the constitution would have been 
amended; or the Union would have been dis- 
solved. But the evil genius of concession ruled 
our councils. On the very eve of victory the 
leaders of the south surrendered our rights in 
a compromise. They yielded to Congress the 
power of excluding us from the territories. 
The sectional majority of the north grows 
stronger and more resolute every day. They 
have the power of controlling the legislation 
of Congress. They failed in controlling the 
executive in the last presidential election only 
by a few votes. ‘They expect to succeed in the 
next presidential election. Having mastered 
these two great departments of government, 
they openly declare their determination to com- 
mand the third — the judiciary of the United 
States.” The result of this success would be, 
that high tariffs would be imposed; railroads 
‘and other national improvements would be 
undertaken by the government; land would be 


78 


given to the landless, by which means northern 
and immigrant population would take posses- 
sion of the common territory, and make free 
states of it ; squatter sovereignty would be estab- 
lished; no new slave state would be admitted ; 
and finally slavery would be abolished in the 
south. He then urged that the south, in order 
to have a free government, must control i, and he 
advised the south to go into the presidential 
election prepared to meet the one issue, and to 
let no question not immediately connected with 
this divide them. “Our first great duty,” he 
said, “is to place the south above or beyond the 
power of the north. First make our property 
safe under our own control, before we divide as 
to measures for its increase or extension. After 
our safety is accomplished, it will be time enough 
for the south to determine on measures most 
expedient to promote her agricultural interests 
or advance her general prosperity. If our 
rights are victorious in the next presidential 
election, we may consider it as a kind augury 
of a more auspicious future. If they are over- 
thrown, let this be the last contest between the 
north and the south, and the long weary night 
of our dishonor and humiliation be dispersed 
at last by the glorious dayspring of a southern 
confederacy.” 

Mr. Rhett was among the most extreme and 
aggressive of the southern politicians; but his 
sentiments were echoed from the press and 
the platform, and were rapidly extending from 
South Carolina, where they were already quite 
generally entertained, to the other southern 
states. ) 

Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, also delivered 
an elaborate address before the Democratic 
convention of that state, in which he discussed 
the whole question of slavery, in more moderate 
and statesmanlike language than that of Mr. 
Rhett, but advocated the rights and claims of 
the south with as much strength and appar- 
ently with the same ulterior views. He did 
not directly advocate the reopening of the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


African slave trade, but he denounced the law 
of 1820, which branded “ as infamous the source 
from which the chief part of the laboring popu- 
lation of the south is derived,’ and urged the 
repeal of that law and all other national laws 
upon the subject, leaving it entirely to the 
respective states. Mr. Davis also argued that 
slavery should be protected in the territories by 
the enactment of laws by Congress for that 
purpose. He advocated the acquisition of Cuba 
as advantageous to the Union, and as especially 
necessary in the event of the formation of a 
southern confederacy ; and he concluded by ex- 
pressing a wish for the dissolution of the Union 
in case a president is elected on the platform 
of Mr. Seward’s Rochester speech.* 

These speeches, and many similar ones, by 
some of the leading men of the south, together 
with the articles of some of the most influential 
newspapers and periodicals, indicated the senti- 
ments which were to prevail there, and the 
policy upon which it was determined to enter 
into the presidential contest. The issues which 
were thus suggested, if not distinctly offered, 
were direct legislation for the protection of 
slavery in the territories; the repeal of laws 
against the African slave trade; the acquisition 
of Cuba, and, if necessary, of portions of Mexico 
and Central America; and by some were de- 
manded new guaranties for the safety of slavery 
even in the free states. If the south failed in 


|securing such demands by the election of a 


president favorable to them, secession and a 
southern confederacy were held up as the 
alternative and remedy. 

It is but just to say, however, that at this 
time the public sentiment of the south was not 


* The speech of Mr. Seward, which was used much at the south 
for the purpose of replying to its arguments as there stated, was 
not a partisan speech, nor did it indicate or advocate political 
action beyond the limitations of the constitution. It was rather 
a philosophical or politico-economical statement of an “ irrepres- 
sible conflict ” or incompatibility between the systems of free labor 
and slave labor in the same territory, and argued that whenever 
theconflict arose, one or the other would eventually go to the wall. 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


altogether in favor of this policy. ‘There were 
many who were opposed especially to the re- 
opening of the slave trade. Among those who 
most strongly declared their opposition were 
Henry A. Wise, of Virginia,and Samuel Houston, 
of Texas, the latter of whom was elected gov- 
ernor of his state after his declarations against 
the reopening of the slave trade, and appeared 
thus to be indorsed in those views by the people 
of that state. But it was evident that those 
who were now shaping the opinions and actions 
of the people of the Southern States were such 
as maintained substantially the views expressed 
above. And that such was understood — not 
only by Republicans, but by a portion of the 
Democratic party of the north—to be the 
policy of the southern leaders, may be seen by 
the reply of Mr. Douglas to a letter of inquiry 
whether his friends might use his name as a 
candidate for the presidency in the National 
Democratic Convention which was to be held 
at Charleston. In his reply Mr. Douglas re- 
marks that before the question can be finally 
determined, it will be necessary to understand 
distinctly upon what issues the canvass is to be 
conducted; and after presenting briefly the 
principles of the Democratic party as before 
maintained, and upon which he would be a 
candidate, he says, “If,on the contrary, it shall 
become the policy of the Democratic party — 
which I cannot anticipate — to repudiate these 
their time-honored principles, on which we have 
achieved so many patriotic triumphs; and if, 
in lieu of them, the convention shall interpolate 
into the creed of the party such new issues as 
the revival of the African slave trade, or a 
congressional slave code for the territories, or 
the doctrine that the constitution of the United 
States either establishes or prohibits slavery in 
the territories beyond the power of the people 
legally to control it as other property, — it is 
due to candor to say that, in such an event, 
I could not accept the nomination if tendered 
to me.” 


‘ 


( 


79 


CHAPTER XI. 


North-west Boundary Difficulty. — Island of San Juan. — Ques- 
tion of Jurisdiction. — Occupation by United States Troops. 
— General Scott sent to take Charge of Affairs. — Amicable 
Arrangements. — Seizure of Harper’s Ferry Armory. — John 
Brown. — Arrest of Citizens.— Excitement and Alarm. — 
Appearance of Military. — Skirmishing. — Brown and his Asso- 
ciates besieged. — Assault and Capture of the surviving Insur- 
gents. — Indictment and Trial. — Execution. — Excitement in 
Congress. — Character of Debates. — Views of the President. 


Durine this year (1859) the relations between 
the United States and England were disturbed 
by occurrences at the Island of San Juan, one 
of a group of small islands lying between Van- 
couver’s Island and Washington territory, the 
sovereignty of which was not definitely settled 
by the treaty which established the north- 
western boundary. The British government 
claimed that the channel between these islands 
and the continent is the main channel indicated 
by the treaty ; while the United States govern- 
ment contended that the channel between these 
islands and Vancouver’s Island is both wider 
and deeper through its whole length, and should 
therefore be considered the main channel, and 
rested its claim also on the general rule of in- 
ternational law, that the jurisdiction of an island 
belongs to the adjacent main land, rather than 
to a neighboring island. The British had re- 
sorted to the island for fishing, and the Hudson 
Bay Company had an establishment for rais- 
ing sheep there; Lut there was no permanent 
British settlement, while the Americans had a 
settlement there, and Port Townsend had been 
made a port of entry. A difficulty having 
arisen between an employé of the Hudson Bay 
Company and an American settler, the factor 
of that company went to the island in a British 
sloop of war, and threatened to arrest the 
American and take him to Victoria for trial. 
This raised the question of jurisdiction, and at 
the request of the American settlers the island 
was immediately occupied by a small force of 
United States soldiers by order of General 


80 


Harney. The question was then referred to the 
home governments. As the affair threatened 
to assume a somewhat serious aspect, General 
Scott, who had, by his former services on occa- 
sions of border troubles, received the name of 
the “great pacificator,’ was sent there to take 
charge of the interests of the United States. 
It appeared that the reason for the military 
occupancy of the island had not been well 
founded ; but as the question of jurisdiction had 
been raised, the troops remained until that ques- 
tion could be settled, and it was agreed that 
until such settlement the British should occupy 
another part of the island in a similar manner. 
General Scott, having brought matters to an 
amicable understanding, returned. 

This affair, however, did not take hold of the 
public attention very seriously, and the country 
was looking forward to the next year as a more 
eventful one, while the issues of the presiden- 
tial contest were being framed, as indicated in 
the last chapter. But towards the close of the 
year, an event occurred in Virginia which creat- 
ed an excitement throughout the country, and 
served to increase the bitterness of the south, 
and to confirm the political leaders of that sec- 
tion in the policy which they advocated, and 
the remedy which they contemplated. This 
was a singular and insane, though at first suc- 
cessful, attempt to seize Harper’s Ferry armory 
and village, made by a small party of men, 
only twenty-two in all, under the lead of John 
Brown, a native of New York, and of the Kansas 
free state settlers. Brown wasastern opponent 
of the pro-slavery party in Kansas, and, during 
the troubles there, lost two of his sons. He 
thus imbibed a bitter hatred against slavery in 
allits phases. After quiet was restored to Kan- 
sas, he organized a wild scheme for running off 
slaves from their masters, in which he sought to 
enlist all the prominent abolitionists and some 
of the leading Republicans ; but he was regarded 
as a monomaniac, and received little encourage- 
ment from them. He, however, succeeded in 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


| organizing in Canada a project for carrymg into 
effect his wishes, and notwithstanding it was a 
very quixotic project, he enlisted a small num- 
ber of men, white and black, to aid him. With 
two of his.sons he rented a small farm in 
Maryland, near Harper’s Ferry. Here he col- 
lected a quantity of arms and ammunition, and 
_when he was prepared he was joined by seven- 
teen white men and five negroes, and on the 
night of October 16th he made a descent upon 
the town of Harper’s Ferry, a village of five 
thousand inhabitants, and containing the United 
States armory, in which there were upwards 
of one hundred thousand stand of arms. The 
party took possession of the unguarded build- 
ings, and then quietly arrested and confined a 
number of the leading citizens of the place and 
vicinity. In the morning the persons connected 
with the armory, not having heard of the events 
of the night, went to their business in the sev- 
eral buildings, and were also taken prisoners. 
The alarm soon spread, and the most exagger- 
ated reports of the numbers and acts of the 
insurgents were sent through the neighborhood 
and to distant parts of the country. Some 
desultory firing occurred early in the morning, 
and several lives were lost. After a time mili- 
tary companies arrived from some of the larger 
towns in the vicinity, and the insurgents were 
gradually driven within the armory grounds, 
two of their number having been captured. 
POccasional shots were fired, one of which, dis- 
charged by one of Brown’s sons, killed the 
mayor of the town. Brown and his associates, 
with some of their most important prisoners, 
retired to an engine house, a small brick build- 
ing, where they kept the military and the attend- 
ant crowd at bay for a long time; the danger 
of killing their friends, who were held as prison- 
ers, deterring the besiegers from an attack with 
artillery. The doors were finally battered down 
by the forces outside, and the survivors of the 
party — Brown, who was severely wounded, one 


other white man, and two negroes — were cap- 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


81 


tured. Thirteen of Brown’s party had been | north, except by avery few radical abolitionists, 


killed, including one who had previously been 
taken, and was dragged out of his place of con- 
finement and shot; one was mortally wounded, 
and two had gone off with fugitive slaves, but 
were subsequently captured in Pennsylvania, 
and returned to Virginia. 

The grand jury of the county being in session 
at the time, bills of indictment were found 
against the prisoners forthwith, for inciting 
slaves to insurrection, for treason, and murder. 
The trials followed immediately after, and, the 
prisoners demanding to be tried separately, 
Brown was selected for the first trial. He was 
badly wounded and unable to sit up, and he 
therefore requested delay; but it was refused, 
and he went through the trial lying upon a 
mattress in court. A verdict of guilty on all 
the counts was rendered; and Brown, being 
asked if he had any thing to say, responded in 
a characteristic speech, in which he justified his 
action, and declared his only purpose was to aid 
in freeing slaves, not to incite them to insur- 
rection or murder. He was then sentenced to 
be executed on the 2d of December. Four of 
his associates were subsequently tried, found 
guilty, and sentenced to be hanged on the 16th 
of December. One was reserved for trial by 
the United States court, it being supposed that 
Brown had had confederates or accomplices in 
the free states, and the witnesses residing in 
those states, by whom it was expected to im- 
plicate other parties, could only be compelled 
to attend by United States authority. This 
intention was subsequently abandoned, and this 
man was also tried by the state court, found 
guilty, and condemned like the others. 

Great excitement prevailed in Virginia, and 
the most unusual precautions were taken, at 
the time of Brown’s execution, to prevent any 
attempt at rescue. Such precautions were en- 
tirely unnecessary, for there was not the slight- 
est indication of any such attempt. Brown's 


insane raid was condemned by all men at the 
11 


possibly, and there was no good reason to ex- 
pect that any organized attempt at a rescue 
would be made. But the fears of the Virginia 
authorities were excited, and the approach of 
all strangers to Charlestown, the place of exe- 
cution, was prevented; and there, under the 
guard of a considerable body of military, the 
sentence was carried into effect. Previous to 
his execution Brown’s conduct was dignified 
and firm, showing a conviction of having acted 
aright, and with fidelity to his principles. The 
other parties were executed at the time ap- 
pointed, under similar circumstances. 

These events occurred so shortly before the 
assembling of Congress, that that body shared 
in some degree the excitement which was felt 
by the people of the slave states. It was early 
made the subject of debate in the senate, and, 
so far as could be previous to organization, — 
which was long delayed,—in the house. It 
was also made the subject of investigation, with 
a view of discovering the extent of the plot, 
many of the southern members apparently be- 
ing impressed with the belief, or desiring to 
make it appear, that John Brown was aided 
and abetted, or at least encouraged, in his 
scheme by prominent men of anti-slavery senti- 
ments at the north. The committee being au- 
thorized to send for persons and papers, many 
parties, who were supposed to sympathize with 
such movements as this in Virginia, were sum- 
moned before it, and were examined at length. 
Among those thus summoned was Mr. Thaddeus 
Hyatt, of New York, who refused to answer 
the questions put to him, and was consequently 
imprisoned for contempt. Mr. F. B. Sanborn, 
of Concord, Mass., who was supposed to be im- 
plicated with John Brown, and had refused to 
appear before the committee, was arrested at 
his residence at night, by parties acting as the 
deputies of the sergeant at arms of the senate. 
A crowd of citizens prevented the officers from 
taking him away until a writ of habeas corpus 


82 HISTORY OF THE 


could be procured, and upon this he was dis- 
charged by the Supreme Court of Massachu- 
setts, on the ground that the sergeant at arms 
could not depute his authority for such a pur- 
pose to another person. ‘The investigation was 
protracted to a great length, but it failed to show 
any complicity with John Brown’s scheme on 
the part of any prominent men, and the Repub- 
lican members condemned the Harper’s Ferry 
raid as strongly as those of the administration 
party. But this did not prevent some very 
acrimonious debates, and charges against the 
Republicans and their alleged policy, the whole 
question of slavery being discussed on the one 
side and on the other. In these debates it is to be 
observed that the Republicans, while they con- 
demned the system of slavery, and its influence 
on the general government, expressly and uni- 
formly declared that they did not claim for the 
federal government any right to interfere with 
the institutions of the states, but that the party 
was formed to prevent the extension of slavery 
into new territories and states. On the other 
hand it was averred that the question of slavery 
in the territories was settled by the opinion of 
the Supreme Court; the institution of slavery 
was defended and praised as the basis of the 
truest civilization; the Republicans were still 
persistently charged with seeking to assail the 
institution even in the states; and while the 
dissolution of the Union was deprecated, the 
formation of a southern confederacy was dwelt 
upon as the happy result of such a dissolution. 
The frequent reference to a southern confed- 
eracy indicated that the project was quite gen- 
erally discussed among the southern politicians, 
and was probably even then strenuously advo- 
cated by some, contingent, perhaps, upon the 
result of the presidential election. — 

The president, in his message, spoke of the 
Harper’s Ferry affair, taking occasion to urge 
mutual forbearance between the north and 
south, but suggesting gloomy forebodings, which 
he professed he did not entertain, and thus, 


at Harper’s Ferry. 


UNITED STATES. 


perhaps, doing little to allay the feelings which 
he deprecated. “I shall not refer,” he said, “in 
detail, to the recent sad and bloody occurrences 
Still, it is proper to observe 
that these events, however bad and cruel in them- 
selves, derive their chief importance from the 
apprehension that they are but symptoms of an 
incurable disease in the public mind, which may 
break out in still more dangerous outrages, and 
terminate, at last, in an open war by the north 
to abolish slavery in the south. 

“Whilst, for myself, I entertain no such ap- 
prehension, they ought to afford a solemn warn- 
ing to us all to beware of the approach of 
danger. Our Union is a stake of such ines- 
timable value as to demand our constant and 
watchful vigilance for its preservation. In this 
view let me implore my countrymen, north and 
south, to cultivate the ancient feelings of mutual 
forbearance and good will towards each other, 
and strive to allay the demon-spirit of sectional 
hatred and strife now alive in the land. This 
advice proceeds from the heart of an old public 
functionary whose service commenced in the 
last generation, among the wise and conserva- 
tive statesmen of that day, now nearly all passed 
away, and whose first and dearest earthly wish 
is to leave his country tranquil, prosperous, 
united, and powerful. 

“We ought to reflect that in this age, and 
especially in this country, there is an incessant 
flux and reflux of public opinion. Questions 
which in their day assumed a most threatening 
aspect have now nearly gone from the memory 
of men. They are ‘ voleanoes burned out, and 
on the lava, and ashes, and squalid scoria of old 
eruptions grow the peaceful olive, the cheering 
vine, and the sustaining corn. Such, in my 
opinion, will prove to be the fate of the present 
sectional excitement, should those who wisely 
seek to apply the remedy continue always to 
confine their efforts within the pale of the con- 
stitution. If this course be pursued, the exist- 
ing agitation on the subject of domestic slavery, 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S 


like every thing human, will have its day, and 
give place to other and less threatening contro- 
versies. Public opinion in this country is all 
powerful, and when it reaches a dangerous ex- 
cess upon any question, the good sense of the 
people will furnish the corrective, and bring it 
back within safe limits. Still, to hasten this 
auspicious result at the present crisis, we ought 
to remember that every rational creature must 
be presumed to intend the natural consequences 
of his own teachings. Those who announce ab- 
stract doctrines subversive of the constitution 
and the Union must not be surprised should 
their heated partisans advance one step farther, 
and attempt by violence to carry these doctrines 
into practical effect. In this view of the subject 
it ought never to be forgotten that however 
great may have been the political advantages 
resulting from the Union to every portion of 
our common country, these would all prove to 
be as nothing should the time ever arrive when 
they cannot be enjoyed without serious danger 
to the personal safety of the people of fifteen 
members of the confederacy. If the peace of 
the domestic fireside throughout these states 
should ever be invaded, —if the mothers of 
families within this extensive region should not 
be able to retire to rest at night without suffer- 
ing dreadful apprehensions of what may be 
their own fate and that of their children before 
the morning, — it would be vain to recount to 
such a people the political benefits which result 
to them from the Union. Selfpreservation is 
the first instinct of nature; and therefore any 
state of society in which the sword is all the 
time suspended over the heads of the people 
must at last become intolerable. But I indulge 
inno such gloomy forebodings. On the con- 


trary, I firmly believe that the events at Har- | 


per’s Ferry, by causing the people to pause and 
reflect upon the possible peril to their cherished 
institutions, will be the means, under Provi- 


dence, of allaying the existing excitement, 


ADMINISTRATION. 83 


character. ‘They will resolve that the constitu- 
tion and the Union shall not be endangered by 
rash counsels, knowing that should ‘the silver 
cord be loosed or the golden bowl be broken .. . 
at the fountain, human power could never re- 
unite the scattered and hostile fragments.” 


CHAPTER XII. 


Thirty-sixth Congress. — Delay in organizing the House. — Bal- 
lots for Speaker. — “ The Impending Crisis.” — Debates. — 
The Candidates. — Withdrawal of Mr. Sherman. — Election of 
Mr. Pennington. — Character of Opposition to Mr. Sherman. 
— President’s Message. — Political Discussions. — Party Prin- 
ciples and Policy. — Democratic Resolutions. — Speech of 
Mr. Seward. — Measures before Congress. — Homestead Bill. 
—Covode Investigating Committee. — Protest of the Presi- 
dent. — Discovery of an important Letter. — Further Results. 
— The Japanese Embassy. 


Tue thirty-sixth Congress assembled on the 
5th of December, 1859 ; but the parties were so 
nearly balanced in the house that it was many 
weeks before that branch was organized. On 
the first ballot for speaker Mr. Bocock, Demo- 
crat, of Virginia, received eighty-six votes; Mr. 
Sherman, Republican, of Ohio, sixty-six; Mr. 
Grow, Republican, of Pennsylvania, forty-three ; 
Mr. Boteler, American, of Virginia, fourteen ; 
and the remaining twenty-one votes were di- 
vided among ten candidates. As one hundred 
and sixteen were necessary for a choice, there 
was no election. Mr. Grow then withdrew his 
name. Mr. Clark, of Missouri, introduced a 
resolution to the effect that the sentiments of 
a book called “The Impending Crisis at the 
South,”* the circulation of which had been 
recommended by many persons at the north, 
were incendiary and hostile to the peace and 
tranquillity of the country, and that no person 


*Mr. Helper, the author of this book, was a native of North 
Carolina, and was long a resident of the south. The work con- 
tained statistics concerning slavery, and its economical value, 


| together with the views of the fathers of the republic upon the 
: cia || institution, and other matter which was considered objectionable 
and preventing further outbreaks of a similar | 


by the friends of that system of labor. 


84 


who recommended or indorsed it was fit to be 
speaker of the house. This resolution was 
aimed at Mr. Sherman, who, among many 
others, had given the book some sort of a rec- 
ommendation. A long debate arose upon this 
resolution, and was continued from time to time 
during the contest for the election of speaker, 
the question furnishing occasion for numerous 
speeches upon slavery and general political 
issues which might be involved in the approach- 
ing presidential election. After Mr. Grow had 
withdrawn his name, the Republican vote was 
concentrated upon Mr. Sherman, and continued 
to be thrown for him through many ballots, in 
which he lacked from two to six votes of the 
number required for a choice. The American 
vote, which was composed principally of the 
southern opposition, with a few members from 
the northern states, was given at different times 
to Mr. Gilmer and Mr. Smith, of North Carolina, 
Mr. Boteler and Mr. Millson, of Virginia, the 
latter of whom also received at one ballot a 
large part of the Democratic vote. The Demo- 
crats took a number of candidates at different 
times, and on several ballots supported Mr. 
Smith, who on one occasion lacked but three 
votes ofanelection. At this point Mr.Sherman, 
who had been uniformly supported by the Re- 
publicans, withdrew his name, and urged his 
friends to vote for a gentleman who could re- 
ceive a larger number of votes than himself, 
saying that he should regard it as a national 
calamity that any supporter of the administra- 
tion, or any one who had expressed disunion 
sentiments, should be chosen speaker. The 
Republicans and two or three others then voted 
for Mr. Pennington, of New Jersey, and on the 
succeeding ballot Mr. Pennington was elected. 

The election was effected on the Ist of Feb- 
ruary, 1860, the house having been in session 
about two months. During this time but forty- 
four ballots were had, most of the time being 
consumed in speeches, the greater part of 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


of the south, the Republicans generally taking 
but little part in the debates. During the dis- 
cussion strong disunion sentiments were avowed 
by some of the southern members, and a south- 
ern confederacy was freely spoken of. It also 
appeared that an agreement was entered into 
among some of these members to employ par- 
liamentary tactics to prevent the choice of a 
speaker during the whole session, rather than 
to permit the election of Mr. Sherman. 

The president, after waiting three weeks, and 
finding little prospect of the immediate organ- 
ization of the house, sent his message to Con- 
gress on the 27th of December. The views of 
the president on the Harper’s Ferry affair, with 
which the message commenced, have been given 
in the preceding chapter. The other subjects 
which were mentioned most at length, were 
the African slave trade and Mexican affairs. 
The message opposed the revival of the slave 
trade as injurious to both the master and the 
native-born slave, and as likely to retard the 
civilization of Africa. Of Mexican affairs the 
president spoke at some length, and after re- 
counting our unsatisfactory relations with that 
country and its unhappy condition, he again 
urged upon Congress to authorize him to em- 
ploy a military force for the purpose of obtain- 
ing redress for grievances and security against 
future injuries, and also on the ground that 
without foreign interference that country will 
be given up to anarchy and ruin. The presi- 
dent also pressed upon the attention of Con- 
gress, again, the acquisition of Cuba. The other 
topics treated of in the message were matters 
of less interest. 

The organization of the house, while it enabled 
Congress to pass some necessary appropriation 
bills, as that for the post office department, for 
which the previous Congress had failed to make 
provision, did not materially advance the gen- 
eral legislation. The time was occupied too 
much with debates, or rather with set speeches, 


which were made by the administration men || upon the issues which were to be settled by the 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


presidential election. 
charged upon Congress that its sessions, espe- 
cially in the year of the national election, have 
been devoted almost wholly to president-mak- 
ing. The thirty-sixth Congress was probably 
as open to this charge as its predecessors, while 
the issues involved were discussed with more 
than usual rancor, and disgraceful scenes were 
not infrequent. 

The Democratic party, in caucus, adopted 
certain resolutions declaring the principles and 
policy on which they would have the govern- 
ment administered, and they were submitted to 
the senate by Mr. Davis, of Mississippi. These 
resolutions declared that in the adoption of the 
federal constitution the states acted as sover- 
eigns, — otherwise, asserted the state rights doc- 
trine, — the whole of them maintaining the invi- 
olability of slavery in the states where it exists, 
its recognition by the constitution, and the 
right of the slaveholder to be protected in his 
property in the territories. They affirmed that 
neither Congress nor a territorial legislature 
possesses the power, directly or indirectly, to 
impair the right of any citizen to take his 
slaves into any territory, and to hold them while 
the territorial condition remains; and that if 
at any time experience should prove that the 
judiciary and executive authority do not possess 
the means to secure protection to constitutional 
rights in a territory, and if the territorial gov- 
ernments should fail to provide the necessary 
remedies, it will be the duty of Congress to 
supply the deficiency. But even this did not 
satisfy some of the southern members, who 
thought that Congress ought to legislate with- 
out delay for the protection of slavery in the 
territories. 

The Republicans did not formally offer any 
declaration of their principles, but speeches 
were made by some of their most prominent 
men which showed the position occupied by 
the party. Among these was the speech of 
Mr. Seward on presenting the memorial of the 


It has repeatedly been | 


85 
legislature of Kansas for admission to the Union, 
in which he discussed at length the merits of 
free and slave labor. In the slave states, he 
said, the laborer is regarded not as a person, 
but as capital; in the free states he was in- 
vested with the rights of personality, and gen- 
erally of citizenship. In the one case capital 
invested in slaves becomes a great political 
force; in the other, labor, thus enfranchised 
and ennobled, becomes the dominating political 
power. Hence he called the one “labor states,” 
and the other “capital states.” He then re- 
viewed the history of the national legislation 
and compromises between the labor and capital 
states down to 1850, when the compromise of 
that year, collated with the ordinance of 1787, 
the Missouri prohibitory law of 1820, and the 
articles of Texas annexation, disposed by law 
of slavery in the territories, and was considered 
a final and absolute settlement of all disputes 
concerning it under the federal authority. But 
hardly had this adjustment been accepted be- 
fore it was stricken down by the assumption 
that the compromise abrogated the Missouri 
prohibition. The Democratic party adopted 
this view, and the Whig representatives of the 
capital (or slave) states coneurred. The Whig 
party went down, never to rise again, and the 
Republican party was formed. Between the 
principles of this and the Democratic party 
was now the only choice of the nation. The 
Democratic party now held the principle that 
both territorial governments and Congress were 
incompetent to legislate against slavery in the 
territories, while they are not only competent, 
but obliged, when it is necessary, to legislate 
for its protection there. 

Of the Republican party Mr. Seward said 
that he knew of but one policy which it had 
adopted or avowed in relation to this subject, 
namely, the saving of the territories of the 
United States, if possible, by constitutional and 
lawful means, from being homes for slavery 
and polygamy. He defended the Republican 


36 


party from being sectional, contending that it 
was no more so than the Democratic party, 
and much less intolerant and proscriptive. He 
denied that the Republican party proposed to 
introduce the equality of the negro and the 
whites at the south, and said, “ We are excluded 
justly, wisely, and contentedly from all political 
power and responsibility in the capital states. 
You are sovereigns on the subject of slavery 
within your own borders, as we are on the 
same subject within our borders.” Mr. Seward 
also condemned the attempt of John Brown as 
an act of sedition and treason. 

As Mr. Seward was looked upon at that time 
as the probable candidate for the presidency 
on the part of the Republicans, and as his anti- 
slavery sentiments were quite as extreme as 
those of a great portion of his party, his views, 
thus deliberately expressed, and his statement 
of the policy and principles of the party, were 
well entitled to be considered as authoritative. 
What there was in this policy and declaration 
of political principles to excite the rancor of 
southern politicians, and to lead to threats of 
disunion, the reader in future years will be at 
a loss to understand. 

While the discussion of such questions occu- 
pied the greater part of the time in both houses 
of Congress, a few of the important measures 
before them were from time to time acted upon. 
A homestead bill, giving lands from the public 
domain to actual settlers who were heads of 
families, after some differences between the two 
houses, was passed by both, but was vetoed 
by the president. A bill for the admission of 
Kansas under the Wyandot constitution, framed 
by a convention held the preceding autumn, 
and adopted by the people by a large vote, 
was passed in the house, but was not acted 
upon in the senate. The Pacific Railroad, the 
tariff, and other matters of importance also 
failed to be acted upon; and indeed little of 
general interest beyond the necessary appropri- 
ation bills was finally acted on in both houses; 


HISTORY OF THE 


UNITED STATES. 


and of these, the post office appropriation for 
the current year failed, through disagreement 
between the senate and the house. 

One measure of importance and interest was 
the appointment of a committee, of which Mr. 
Covode, of Pennsylvania, was the chairman, for 
the purpose of investigating whether the pres- 
ident or any officer of the government had 
sought to influence the passage of any law ap- 
pertaining to the rights of any state or terri- 
tory; or had attempted to defeat the execution 
of any law; or had failed or refused to compel 
the execution of any law. Against this com- 
mittee the president earnestly protested in a 
message to the house, in which he character- 
ized this action of that body as a violation of 
the rights of the executive, and subversive of 
its constitutional independence. 

The committee, however, proceeded with the 
work assigned them, and among other matters 
of interest which were revealed was the letter 
of instructions, written in July, 1857, by Mr. 
Buchanan to Mr. R. J. Walker, then appointed 
governor of Kansas. In this letter the presi- 
dent wrote, “The point on which your and our 
success depends is the submission of the consti- 
tution to the people ; and by the people I mean, 
and I have no doubt you mean, the actual 
bona fide residents, who haye been long enough 
in the territory to identify themselves with its 
fate. 2 2 si | 

“On the question of submitting the con- 
stitution to the dona fide resident settlers of 
Kansas I am willing to stand or fall. It is the 
principle of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, the prin- 
ciple of popular sovereignty, and the principle 
at the foundation of all popular government. 
The more it is discussed, the stronger it will 
become. Should the convention of Kansas 
adopt this principle, all will be settled harmo- 
niously, and you will return triumphantly from 
your arduous, important, and responsible mis- 
sion. The strictures of the Georgia and Missis- 
sippl conventions will then pass away, to be 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


speedily forgotten. * * * Should you 
answer the resolution of the latter, I would 
advise you to make the great principle of the 
submission of the constitution to the bona fide 
residents of Kansas conspicuously prominent. 
On this you will be irresistible.” 

Mr. Walker, as observed in preceding pages, 
acted up to the principle so strongly urged 
in this letter; but, as has also been seen, 
Mr. Buchanan’s administration did not support 
him in his policy, and he consequently left the 
territory and resigned his office. The policy 
adopted by the convention which framed the 
Lecompton constitution was very different from 
that proposed in Mr. Buchanan’s letter; but its 
advocates maintained that it was in accordance 
with the wishes of the administration, and the 
course of the administration in relation to 
Kansas proved that they had reason for so say- 
ing. The existence of this letter, which Mr. 
Walker had alluded to in some of his corre- 
spondence, was positively denied by members 
of the administration; but after making some 
objections, Mr. Walker laid it before the com- 
mittee of investigation. He took occasion to 
say, however, that while he believed the scheme 
of the Lecompton constitution was framed by 
members of the administration, he was con- 
vinced that it was done without the approval 
of the president. Among those who had de- 
nied the existence of the letter was Mr. Black, 
the attorney-general; and Mr. Walker, constru- 
ing this denial as a charge of falsehood, sent a 
challenge to Mr. Black, which the latter refused 
to accept. 

The committee of investigation discovered, 
also, gross frauds and abuses connected with 
the public printing, and that not only had a 
great amount beyond the value of the work 
been paid, but that large sums had been given 
to the partisan press and to others for polit- 
ical purposes. The report of the committee 
reflected severely upon the conduct of the ad- 
ministration in relation to the matters above 


87 


mentioned, and to contracts, and contained a 
great amount of evidence in support of the 
charges. When this report was made, the pres- 
ident again protested against the action of the 
committee, and of the house in appointing it. 
The house, however, subsequently adopted reso- 
lutions condemning the course of the adminis- 
tration in relation to certain contracts for the 
navy, the distribution of patronage to members 
of Congress, and the award of contracts ac- 
cording to the party relations of the bidders. 
Before entering upon the record of the pres- 
idential contest and the succeeding eventful 
period, it may be proper to mention an event 
which served for a time to distract public at- 
tention from the political discussions of Congress 
and the excitement of the opening campaign. 
This was the visit of ambassadors from the 
emperor of Japan. They were brought in a 
national vessel to Panama, and, having crossed 
the isthmus, were transferred to another na- 
tional vessel, which took them to New York, 
and thence directly to Washington. The em- 
bassy-was a happy result of the treaty nego- 
tiated with the government of Japan by Mr. 
Harris, the United States commissioner. It con- 
sisted of two principal ambassadors, princes of 
high rank, and two assistant ambassadors of 
inferior rank, together with a large retinue 
of officers, artists, interpreters, and servants. 
They were received with all due respect and 
solemnity, and entertained in a liberal manner 
by the government, great pains being taken to 
impress them with the wealth, power, and civ- 
ilization of the country. The ambassadors 
were observant, and their artists and historian 
were constantly taking pictures and notes of 
much that they saw. After being entertained 
by the government at Washington, the embassy 
proceeded to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New 
York, where they were lavishly entertained in a 
manner characteristic of the metropolis. The 
journey of the ambassadors terminated at New 
York, and they were soon after conveyed to 


88 HISTORY OF THE 


their own country in the United States steamer 
Niagara. As the first embassy from Japan to 
the “barbarians” of the west, this visit was a 
matter of great interest; but in its results it 
appears to have been of less account than was 
at first anticipated. 


CHAPTER XIII. 


Nominations for the Presidency. — Democratic Convention. — 
“Platforms.” — Majority and Minority Reports. — Adoption 
of Minority Platform. — Secession of Delegates. — Unsuc- 
cessful Ballots. — Adjournment. — Convention of Seceding 
Delegates. — Convention at Baltimore. — More Troubles. — 
Another Secession. — Nomination of Mr. Douglas. — Con- 
vention of Seceders. — Platform. — Nomination of Mr. Breck- 
inridge. — Constitutional Union Convention. — Platform. — 
Nomination of Messrs. Bell and Everett. — Republican Con- 
vention. — Resolutions. — Ballots. — Nomination of Mr. Lin- 
coln.— The Campaign opened.—Its Features. — The Elec- 
tion. — Results. 


Brrore the session of Congress terminated, 
the political contest which had occupied so 
much of its time was transferred to the peo- 
ple themselves. Public attention was turned 
towards the national conventions of the several 
parties which were to nominate the candidates 
and organize for the canvass, and the delegates 
to which, since the commencement of the year, 
had been chosen from time to time in the sev- 
eral states. 

The first convention held was that of the 
Democratic party, which assembled at Charles- 
ton, 8. C., on the 23d of April. Every state in 
the Union was fully represented, and from New 
York there were two sets of delegates, the one, 
headed by Dean Richmond, representing that 
section of the party known in New York as the 
“softs,” and the other, headed by Fernando 
Wood, representing the section known as the 
“hards.” Of these the “soft” delegation was 
admitted to the convention after an exciting 
examination of the claims of the rival parties. 
Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, was chosen 
president of the convention. At the outset it 


UNITED STATES. 


was resolved that the convention would not 
ballot for candidates until a declaration of prin- 
ciples or “ platform” had been adopted. Fora 
long time there had been warm discussion in 
the Democratic meetings and in the press upon 
this subject, the question being whether the 
“Cincinnati platform,’ adopted by the Demo- 
cratic convention of 1856, should remain, with- 
out alteration, as the platform of the party in 
the canvass of 1860. Most of the northern 
press and politicians were disposed to adhere to 
that declaration of principles, while at the south 
new declarations were demanded, looking to a 
guaranty of their rights and claims as now set 
forth. It was anticipated, therefore, that the 
convention would experience some difficulty in 
settling this point. A committee of thirty-three, 
one member from each state, was appointed to 
prepare the platform. After refusing to report 
the “ Cincinnati platform” unaltered, the com- 
mittee found much difficulty in agreeing upon 
the additions to be reported, and occupied sev- 
eral days in wrangling over the matter. At 
last seventeen of the thirty-three, being the 
delegates from the fifteen slave states, with 
those from California and Oregon, agreed to 
the following resolutions : — 

“ Resolved, That the platform adopted at Cin- 
cinnati be affirmed, with the following resolu- 
tions : — 

“That the Democracy of the United States 
hold these cardinal principles on the subject of 
slavery in the territories: first, that Congress 
has no power to abolish slavery in the terri- 
tories; second, that the territorial legislature 
has no power to abolish slavery in any terri- 
tory, nor to prohibit the introduction of slaves 
therein, nor any power to exclude slavery 
therefrom, nor any power to destroy or impair 
the right of property in slaves by any legisla- 
tion whatever. © 

“ Resolved, That the enactments of state legis- 


latures to defeat the faithful execution of the 


fugitive slave law are hostile in character, 


PRESIDENT’S BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


subversive of the constitution, and revolution- 
ary in their effect. 

“ Resolved, hat it is the duty of the federal 
government to protect, when necessary, the 
rights of person and property on the high seas, 
in the territories, or wherever else its constitu- 
tional authority extends. 

“ Resolved, That the Democracy of the nation 
recognize it as the imperative duty of this 
government to protect the naturalized citizen 
in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign 
lands, to the same extent as its native-born 
citizens. 

“ Resolved, That the National Democracy ear- 
nestly recommend the acquisition of the Island 
of Cuba at the earliest practicable period. 

“ Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of 
the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and 
military point of view, is a speedy communica- 
tion between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts, — 
therefore be it 

“ Resowed, That the National Democratic party 
do hereby pledge themselves to use every means 
in their power to secure the passage of some 
bill for the construction of a Pacific Railroad, 
from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, 
at the earliest practicable moment.” 

A minority series of resolutions agreed to by 
delegates from twelve states, was presented, as 
follows : — 

“ Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the 
Union, in convention assembled, hereby declare 
our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously 
adopted, and declared as a platform of princi- 
ples by the Democratic Convention at Cincin- 
nati, in the year 1856, believing that Demo- 
cratic principles are unchangeable in their na- 
ture when applied to the same subject matters ; 
and we recommend as our only further resolu- 
tions the following : — 

“JTnasmuch as differences of opinion exist in 
the Democratic party as to the nature and extent 
of the powers of a territorial legislature, and as 


to the powers and duties of Congress, under the 
12 


86 


constitution of the United States, over the in- 
stitution of slavery within the territories, — 

“ Resolved, That the Democratic party will 
abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court 
of the United States on the questions of con- 
stitutional law. 

“ Resolved, That it is the duty of the United 
States to afford ample and complete protection 
to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, 
and whether native or foreign. 

“ Resolved, That one of the necessities of the 
age, in a military, commercial, and postal point 
of view, is speedy communication between the 
Atlantic and Pacific states; and the Democratic 
party pledge such constitutional government 
aid as will insure the construction of a railroad 
to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicak’ 
period. 

“ Resolved, That the Democratic party are in 
favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba 
on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves 
and just to Spain. 

“ Resolved, That the enactments of state legis- 
latures to defeat the faithful execution of the 
fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub- 
versive of the constitution, and revolutionary 
in their effect.” 

Another minority “platform” was presented 
by the delegates from Massachusetts, Illinois, In- 
diana, and Minnesota. This simply reaffirmed 
the “ Cincinnati platform,” without alteration or 
addition. It was voted down by a large ma- 
jority. The minority resolutions, after long 
and fierce debate, were substituted for those of 
the majority by a vote of one hundred and 
sixty-five to one hundred and thirty-eight. Of 
those who voted to substitute the minority 
resolutions, twelve were from the slave states 
and one hundred and fifty-three were from the 
free states ; of those who opposed the substitu- 
tion, one hundred and eight were from the 
slave states and thirty were from the free 
states. Most of the southern delegates then 
declined to vote upon the adoption of the 


90 


“platform,” and the resolutions were adopted 
separately by large majorities. At this stage of 
the proceedings the Alabama delegation with- 
drew from the convention, and were followed 
in that course by a majority of the delegations 
from South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Missis- 
sippl, Louisiana, and Arkansas. There was great 
excitement consequent upon these proceedings, 
not only in Charleston, but throughout the 
country where the telegraph announced them. 
The convention, however, having adopted a 
“platform,” proceeded on the eighth day of its 
session to ballot for a candidate for the presi- 
dency. At an earlier stage of the proceedings 
a rule had been adopted that two hundred and 
two votes, or two thirds of the whole number 
of delegates, should be requisite for a nomina- 
tion. Notwithstanding some fifty delegates 
from the states above named had withdrawn 
from the convention, this rule still remaimed in 
force. 

On the first ballot Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, 
received one hundred and forty-five and a half 
votes; Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, forty-two; Mr. 
Guthrie, of Kentucky, thirty-six and a half; 
Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, twelve; Mr. 
Dickinson, of New York, seven; Mr. Lane, of 
Oregon, six; Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, 
one. Fifty-seven ballots were taken with little 
variation in the result. On the last ballot Mr. 
Douglas received one hundred and fifty-one and 
a half votes; Mr. Hunter sixteen; Mr. Guthrie 
sixty-five and a half; Mr. Dickinson two; Mr. 
Lane sixteen; Mr. Davis one. It was now evi- 
dent that no nomination could be made, Mr. 
Douglas, the highest candidate, not receiving 
the votes of two thirds even of the remaining 
delegates, while he lacked fifty votes of the 
number required by the rule. All propositions 
for a change of the rule were scouted, and there 
was no possibility of the majority succeeding 
in the nomination of their favorite, or uniting 
upon a compromise candidate who would be 
stronger. The convention therefore adjourned 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


to meet at Baltimore on the 18th of June, 
after adopting a vote requesting that new dele- 
gates should be chosen in the place of those who 
had seceded. 

Meanwhile the seceding delegates met in 
separate convention, — Mr. Bayard, of Delaware, 
acting as chairman,— and adopted the resolu- 
tions reported by the majority of the committee, 
on account of the rejection of which they had 
withdrawn from the regular convention. They 
then adjourned, without making any nomina- 
tions, to meet at Richmond on the 11th of 
June, one week preceding the Baltimore con- 
vention, inviting all states which approved their 
“platform” to send delegates to the adjourned 
meeting. : 

When the regular convention assembled in 
Baltimore serious questions arose concerning 
the admission of delegates from those states 
whose original delegates had withdrawn. In 
some of the states new delegates were chosen, 
and the original delegates also claimed seats 
in the convention, thus presenting difficulties 
which must be settled before any nomination 
could be made. The committee on credentials 
made two reports, the majority being in favor 
of admitting the new delegates where the 
original delegates did not appear, portions of 
each delegation where there were contestants, 
and the original delegates where there were no 
contestants, with special provisions in certain 
cases. Several of the southern states were whol- 
ly or partially unrepresented. The minority 
of the committee reported in favor of admitting 
the original delegates in all cases. The minority 
report was rejected, and that of the majority 
was accepted. This result brought on another 
crisis, many of the delegates from the southern 
states, the entire delegations from California 
and Oregon, and a few members from other 
free states, withdrawing from the convention. 
Among those who thus withdrew was Mr. Cush- 


ing, the president of the convention. The re- 
‘maining delegates, having reorganized, then 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


proceeded to ballot for a candidate for the 
presidency. On the first ballot two hundred 
and twelve and a half votes were cast ; of which 
Mr. Douglas received one hundred and seventy- 
three and a half; Mr. Guthrie nine; Mr. Breck- 
inridge five ; four gentlemen received one each, 
and there were twenty-one blank votes. On 
the second ballot Mr. Douglas received one 
hundred and eighty and a half votes out of one 
hundred and ninety-four and a half, the whole 
number cast, and he was then by resolution 
unanimously nominated. Benjamin Fitzpatrick, 
of Alabama, was nominated for vice-president ; 
but after the adjournment of the convention, 
Mr. Fitzpatrick declined the nomination, and 
the ticket was completed by the nomination 
of Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia. 

The seceding delegates organized as a con- 
vention, Mr. Cushing presiding, and after adopt- 
ing the majority “ platform ” which the conven- 
tion at Charleston had rejected, they nominated 
John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for presi- 
dent, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for vice- 
president. Meanwhile the convention which 
met at Richmond had adjourned to await the 
action at Baltimore, and, after the nominations 
were made, reassembled and adopted the candi- 
dates of the seceding convention. 

The “ Constitutional Union” party, which was 


composed of the remnants of the old Whig 


party and of the more recent American party, 
held a national convention at Baltimore on the 
10th of May. The convention did not put forth 
any formal declaration of principles, but adopted 
the following resolution : — 

“ Whereas, Experience has shown that all plat- 
forms adopted by political parties have the 
effect to mislead and to cause political divisions 


by encouraging geographical and sectional par- | 


ties, — therefore 

“ Resolved, That both patriotism and duty re- 
guire that we should recognize no policy or 
principles but those resting on the broad foun- 
dation of the constitution of the United States 


91 


and the enforcement of the laws; and that as 
representatives of the Constitutional Union 
party and of the country, we pledge ourselves 
to maintain, protect, and defend these princi- 
ples, thus affording security at home and abroad, 
and securing the blessings of liberty to our- 
selves and posterity.” 

The convention then proceeded to ballot for 
a candidate for the presidency ; and John Bell, 
of Tennessee, was unanimously nominated on 
the. second ballot. Edward Everett, of Massa- 
chusetts, was then nominated by acclamation as 
candidate for the vice-presidency. 

The Republican convention was held at Chi- 
cago on the 16th of May, in a spacious building 
which had been erected expressly for the pur- 
pose by the Republicans of that city. T'wenty- 
four states were represented, including all the 
free states, and Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
Kentucky, Missouri, and Texas. The slave 
states, however, did not all have full delega- 
tions. George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, was 
chosen president of the convention, which pro- 
ceeded to business without much delay and with 
great harmony. The “ platform,” or declaration 
of principles, was reported without division in 
the committee appointed to prepare it, and 
after a slight amendment was adopted by the 
convention with great unanimity and enthu- 
It set forth at length the principles and 
policy of the party, as follows : — 

“ Resolved, That we, the delegated representa- 
tives of the Republican electors of the. United 
States, in convention assembled, in the discharge 
of the duty we owe to our constituents and our 
country, unite in the following declarations : — 

“1. That the history of the nation during 
the last four years has fully established the pro- 
priety and necessity of the organization and 
perpetuation of the Republican party, and that 
the causes which called it into existence are 
permanent in their nature, and now, more than 
ever before, demand its peaceful and constitu- 
tional triumph, _ 


siasm. 


99: 

“2. That the maintenance of the principles 
promulgated in the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, 
‘that all men are created equal; that they are 
endowed by their Creator with certain inalien- 
able rights; that among these are life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure 
these rights governments are instituted among 
men, deriving their just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed, is essential to the pres- 
ervation of our republican institutions; and 
that the federal constitution, the rights of the 
states, and the union of the states, must and 
shall be preserved. 

“3. That to the union of the states this na- 
tion owes its unprecedented increase in popu- 
lation, its surprising development of material 
resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its 
happiness at home and its honor abroad; and 
we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, 
come from whatever source they may, and we 
congratulate the country that no Republican 
member of Congress has uttered or counte- 
nanced the threats of disunion so often made 
by Democratic members of Congress without 
rebuke, and with applause from their political 
associates; and we denounce those threats of 
disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their 
ascendency, as denying the vital principles of 
a free government, and as an avowal of con- 
templated treason, which it is the imperative 
duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke 
and forever silence. 

“4. That the maintenance inviolate of the 
rights of the states, and especially the right of 
each state to order and control its own domestic 
institutions according to its own judgment ex- 
clusively, is essential to that balance of powers 
on which the perfection and endurance of our 
political fabric depend; and we denounce the 
lawless invasion by an armed force of any state 
or territory, no matter under what pretext, as 
among the gravest of crimes. 

“5. That the present Democratic administra- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


tion has far exceeded our worst apprehensions 
in its measureless subserviency to the exactions 
of a sectional interest, as especially evident in 
its desperate exertions to force the infamous 
Lecompton constitution upon the protesting 
people of Kansas; in construing the personal 
relation between master and servant to involve 
an unqualified property in persons; in its at- 
tempted enforcement every where, on land and 
sea, through the intervention of Congress and 
the federal courts, of the extreme pretensions 
of a purely local interest, and in its general 
and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted 
to it by a confiding people. 

“6, That the people justly view with alarm 
the reckless extravagance which pervades in 
every department of the federal government; 
— that a return to rigid economy and account- 
ability is indispensable to arrest the systematic 
plunder of the public treasury by favored par- 
tisans, while the recent startling developments 
of fraud and corruption at the federal metrop- 
olis show that an entire change of administra- 
tion is imperatively demanded. 

“7. That the new dogma that the constitu- 
tion of its own free force carries slavery into 
any or all of the territories of the United 
States, is a dangerous political heresy, at vari- 
ance with the explicit provisions of that instru- 
ment itself, with contemporaneous exposition, 
and with legislative and judicial precedent — 
is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive 
of the peace and harmony of the country. 

“8. That the normal condition of all the ter- 
ritory of the United States is that of freedom ; 
that as our republican fathers, when they had 
abolished slavery in all our national territory, 
ordained that ‘no person should be deprived 
of life, liberty, or property without due process 
of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, 
whenever such legislation is necessary, to main- 
tain this provision of the constitution against 
all attempts to violate it; and we deny the 
authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


or of any individuals, to give legal existence 
to slavery in any territory of the United States. 

“9. That we brand the recent reopening of 
the African slave trade, under the cover of our 
national flag, aided by perversions of judicial 
power, as a crime against humanity, a burning 
shame to our country and age, and we call 
upon Congress to take prompt and efficient 
measures for the total and final suppression of 
that execrable traffic. 

“10. That.in the recent vetoes by their fed- 
eral governors of the acts of the legislatures 
of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery. in 
those territories, we find a practical illustration 
of the boasted Democratic principle of non- 
intervention and popular sovereignty embodied 
in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a denunciation 
of the deception and fraud involved therein. 

“11. That Kansas should of right be imme- 
diately admitted as astate under the constitu- 
tion recently formed and adopted by her peo- 
ple, and accepted by the house of representa- 
tives. 

“12. That, while providing revenue for the 
support of the general government, by duties 
upon imports, sound policy requires such an 
adjustment of these imposts as to encourage 
the development of the industrial interests of 
the whole country, and we commend that policy 
of national exchanges which secures to the 
working men liberal wages, to agriculture re- 
munerating prices, to mechanics and manufac- 
turers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, 
and enterprise, and to the nation commercial 
prosperity and independence. 

“13. That we protest against any sale or 
alienation to others of the public lands held by 
actual settlers, and against any view of the free 
homestead policy which regards the settlers as 
paupers or suppliants for public bounty, and we 
demand the passage by Congress of the com- 
plete and satisfactory homestead measure which 
has already passed the house. 


93 


to any change in our naturalization laws, or any 
state legislation by which the rights of citizen- 
ship, hitherto accorded to immigrants from for- 
eign lands, shall be abridged or impaired; and 
in favor of giving a full and efficient protection 
to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether 
native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. 

“15, That appropriations by Congress for 
river and harbor improvements of a national 
character, required for the accommodation and 
security of an existing commerce, are author- 
ized by the constitution, and justified by the 
obligation of government to protect the lives 
and property of its citizens. 

“16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is 
imperatively demanded by the interests of the 
whole country; that the federal government 
ought to render immediate and efficient aid in 
its construction, and that, as a preliminary 
thereto, a daily overland mail should be prompt- 
ly established. | 

“17. Finally, having thus set forth our dis- 
tinctive principles and views, we invite the 
cooperation of all citizens, however differing on 
other questions, who substantially agree with 
us in their affirmance and support.” 

On the third day the convention proceeded 
to ballot for a candidate for the presidency. 
Mr. Seward had been the most prominent can- 
didate previous to the convention, and was 
supported by ardent and firm friends. But 
he was also as strenuously opposed by many, 
chiefly on the grounds of expediency; and there 
were other gentlemen whose friends pressed 
their claims to the nomination. On the first 
ballot the vote stood: for Mr. Seward, of New 
York, one hundred and seventy-three and a 
half; for Mr. Lincoln, of Illinois, one hundred 
and two; for Mr. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 
fifty and a half; for Mr. Chase, of Ohio, forty- 
nine; for Mr. Bates, of Missouri, forty-eight ; 
for Mr. Dayton, of New Jersey, fourteen; for 
Mr. McLean, of Ohio, twelve ; for Mr. Collamer, 


“14. That the Republican party is opposed ||of Vermont, ten; and six other votes were 


94. 


given for four different gentlemen. On the 
second ballot several of the candidates were 
dropped; Mr. Seward’s vote was one hundred 
and eighty-four and a half, and Mr. Lincoln’s 
one hundred and eighty-one. The third ballot, 
when the delegates had all voted, stood: for 
Mr. Seward, one hundred and eighty and a 
half; for Mr. Lincoln, two hundred and _ thirty- 
one and a half, the number required for a choice 
being two hundred and thirty-three. Before 
the vote was declared, however, the delegates 
from several states changed their votes, giving 
to Mr. Lincoln three hundred and fifty-four. 
Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, was therefore de- 
clared the nominee, and the nomination was 
then unanimously confirmed. Hannibal Ham- 
lin, of Maine, was subsequently nominated with 
equal unanimity as candidate for the vice- 
presidency. 

The several nominations being thus made, 
the campaign was opened, and was carried on 


with much spirit.and some rancor from an early 


day. The Republican party, though some por- 
tions of it were disappoited in the result of 
the convention, heartily accepted the nomina- 
tion of Mr. Lincoln, and the canvass was con- 
ducted by them, especially at the west, with an 
earnestness which augured success. The division 
of the Democratic party rendered it probable 
that the Republicans would carry the election 
in all the northern states unless the two factions 
were united; and attempts were made to bring 
about a union, but each faction claimed to be 
the true Democratic party, and was almost as 
bitterly opposed to the other as both were to 
the Republicans. In two or three states, how- 
ever, a partial arrangement was made, by which 
an electoral ticket composed of members from 
each party opposed to the Republicans was 
nominated. But such tickets failed to receive 
the cordial support of either party. 

At the south the campaign was carried on 
with exceeding bitterness. The success of the 


Republican party was regarded as an outrage! 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


upon their rights; and notwithstanding the dec- 
larations of that party justified no such inter- 
pretation, it was asserted constantly that it was 
the purpose of the party to interfere with the 
institutions of the southern states, and to over- 
throw slavery. The course pursued by the op- 
ponents of the Republicans in the free states 
was calculated to encourage these feelings. 
The consequence was, that during the canvass 
the southern leaders not only declared that 
they would not submit to the administration 
of the federal government by a Republican 
president, but made preparations for resistance 
and secession. At the north such threats of 
disunion were generally regarded as a repeti- 
tion of the empty menaces by which the south- 
ern politicians had long sought to accomplish 
their purposes. But the temper of the south 
had been growing more violent, and the can- 
vass afforded opportunities for the disunionists 
to spread their pernicious doctrines. A south- 
ern convention was proposed, and other meas- 
ures were taken to unite the state governments 
in the policy to be pursued. 

As beyond the border slave states there was 
no Republican organization, the Douglas Demo- 
crats met with bitter local opposition, and were 
professedly regarded with hardly less dislike 
than the Republicans themselves. The result 
of the election was of so much doubt that 
each party expressed confidence of success. 
The Republicans claimed that they should se- 
cure the electoral vote of all the free states, 
with the possible exception of California and 
Oregon, and would thus succeed in electing Mr. 
Lincoln. The friends of Mr. Douglas claimed 
that he would carry most of the western and 
southern states, and secure a majority of the 
electoral votes. The Breckinridge Democrats 
claimed all the southern states and enough from 
the middle and western states to carry the 
election. The Constitutional Union party ex- 
pected to carry a few states both at the north 


‘and at the south, but believed that there would 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


95 


be no election by the electoral colleges, and |] tors at the meeting of the electoral college) gave 


that the choice of a president would devolve 
on the house of representatives, in which case 
they claimed that their candidate would event- 
ually be chosen. 

The state elections in Pennsylvania, Indiana, 
and Ohio, which took place in October, indi- 
cated the result of the national election in those 
states, the first two of which had been consid- 
ered doubtful; and it seemed almost certain 
that the Republicans would elect their candi- 
date, unless their opponents, by a hearty union 
in some of the free states, should succeed in 
carrying them. A perfect union, however, was 
impossible, and the result showed that it would 
have been of no avail. The election was con- 
ducted with spirit, and Mr. Lincoln proved more 
popular than even his friends had hoped. 

By means of the electric telegraph the re- 
sult was early known throughout the country. 
The doubtful states had gone for Mr. Lincoln 
by large majorities, even where there had been 
a “fusion” of all the opposition parties against 
him ; and it was soon ascertained that he was 
certainly elected, having carried all the free 
states east of the Rocky Mountains except New 
Jersey, where four of the electoral votes were 
for Mr. Lincoln and three for Douglas. When 
the returns were received from California and 
Oregon, it appeared that those states had also 
voted for the Republican candidate, and thus 
every one of the free states—except New 
Jersey in part — had given its vote for Abraham 
Lincoln. Mr. Douglas had received a large 
vote in most of the free states, — but had car- 
ried three electoral votes only, in New Jersey, — 
and a small vote in the slave states, except 
Missouri, which alone gave him a majority.* 
Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia (the latter 
by the non-attendance of six Breckinridge elec- 


* The entire vote for Mr. Douglas in the slave states, excluding 
Missouri, was only about one hundred thousand; less than half 
of the vote actually given for him in New York — not two thirds 
of the vote given him either in Illinois or Ohio. 


their electoral vote for Mr. Bell. All the other 
slave states, with Virginia in part, gave their 
vote for Mr. Breckinridge, except South Caro- 
lina, where the electors are chosen by the legis- 
lature, but whose voters were generally in favor 
of Mr. Breckinridge. 


CHAPTER XIV. 


Effect of the Presidential Election at the South. — Excitement. — 
Violent Measures advocated. — South Carolina Legislature — 
Message of the Governor. — Secession proposed. — Military 
Organization. — Convention for Secession called. — Action in 
other States. — Alabama. — Georgia. — Secession Convention 
of South Carolina. — Election of Delegates. — Sentiment of 
People. —Mr. Rhett. — Secession Ordinance. — Its Effect. — 
Demonstrations of Approval. — Announcement in Congress. — 
Offers of Military Aid to South Carolina. — Fort Moultrie. — 
Major Anderson. — Withdrawal to Fort Sumter. — Effect of 
the Movement.— Return demanded. — Occupation of Fort, 
Moultrie and Castle Pinckney by State Troops. — Seizure of 
Arsenal. — New Fortifications. — Conduct towards Major An- 
derson. — Seizure of Forts and Arsenals in other States. — 
Feeling at the North.— Cannon at Pittsburg for Southern 
Forts. — Shipment stopped. —Compromise.— Close of the 
Year. 


Tue result of the presidential election was 
hardly ascertained, when the oft-repeated threats 
of southern politicians assumed a new earnest- 
ness, and there were immediate indications that 
they were about to be carried into effect. The 
greatest excitement prevailed throughout the 
south. A portion of the press teémed with 
articles calling upon the slave states to secede, 
and the people to resist the authority of a Re- 
publican administration. Speeches more vio- 
lent and bitter than ever were made to excited 
assemblies, calling for immediate measures to 
defend the rights of the south and to dissolve 
the Union. The state authorities, especially in 
the more southern states, taking counsel from 
the strongest disunionists, made preparations for 
military defence, and initiated at once measures 
for secession, or for combining the slave states 
in resistance to federal authority. 

The legislature of South Carolina, which had 


36 


been convened for the purpose of choosing 
presidential electors, was still in session when 
the election returns made it certain that Mr. 
Lincoln must be chosen president. The gov- 
ernor sent them a message recommending that 
they remain in permanent session and take ac- 
tion to prepare the state for the crisis. He 
considered secession the only remedy for the 
threatening evils, and believed that such a step 
on the part of South Carolina would be fol- 
lowed by the entire south. He recommended 
military reorganization, that every able-bodied 
citizen be furnished with the most approved 
fire-arms, and that ten thousand volunteers be 
prepared at once for service. The legislature 
adopted resolutions indorsing the action and 
views of the governor, and proceeded to carry 
his advice into effect by legislation. The militia 
was reorganized, purchases of arms were pro- 
vided for, and other military preparations “for 
defence” were made, and a state loan authorized 
to meet the great expenses. The legislature 
also passed an act for a convention to dissolve 
the connection of the state with the Union. 
They had virtually seceded, or put the state in 
rebellion, without the aid of a convention ; but 
it was considered that such a body could with 
due solemnity and better effect absolve the state 
from relations which were assumed by similar 
action. In the mean time, the federal officers, 
excepting the officers of the customs and post- 
masters, resigned, and there was no means of 
enforcing the federal laws in the ordinary way. 
The governor was in communication with other 
states who were also expected to secede; but it 
was the purpose of the leaders, and evidently the 
desire of the people of South Carolina, to take 
separate action, and to leave the formation of a 
new confederacy for future consideration. The 
people of that state were, in fact, completely 
imbued with the spirit of secession. Those who 
opposed it were so few in number and of so lit- 
tle influence that they were of no account; and 
the only form in which opposition dared to 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


show itself was to favor delay and codperation 
with all the slaveholding states, rather than 
immediate and separate action. 

Meanwhile the spirit of secession and revo- 
lution spread rapidly through the Gulf states, 
and the leaders of the movement were pressing 
the state governments to follow the course of 
South Carolina. In Alabama, the legislature, 
before the election, had instructed the governor 
of that state to call a convention immediately 
upon the election of a Republican president; 
and the instruction was obeyed with alacrity. 
In Georgia, the governor sent a special message 
to the legislature, opposing immediate secession, 
and advising that delegates should not be sent 
to the southern convention, which was then 
earnestly proposed. He, nevertheless, urged 
retaliatory measures against the citizens and 
interests of those states by whose action the 
citizens of Georgia may have suffered. The 
legislature, however, were better disposed to- 
wards disunion than the governor, and took 
measures to increase the military resources of 
the state and to prepare the way for secession. 
Other states, by their governors, took initiato- 
ry steps; the legislatures were convened, prep- 
arations for “arming the states” were quite 
generally made, commissioners were sent to 
each of the other slave states to secure a union 
of action, and conventions were called; but all 
seemed to await the action of South Carolina 
as the leader of the movement. 

The election of delegates to the convention 
in South Carolina took place on the 6th of 
December, and the result was the choice of a 
large majority in favor of immediate secession, 
most of the opponents of that action being 
“ codperationists” rather than friends of the 
Union. The feeling which actuated some of 
the most violent secessionists —and a senti- 
ment of no recent origim—may be measured 
by the language of Mr. Rhett on the occasion 
of his election to the convention. In the course 


of a speech to his constituents he said, — 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“Nineteen years have I served as a repre- 
sentative of the people of South Carolina, in 
her long contest for her rights and liberties. 
I began in 1828. For thirty-two years have 
I followed the quarry. Behold it, at last, in 
sight! A few more bounds, and it falls— the 
Union falls; and with it falls its faithless op- 
pressions — its insulting agitations — its vulgar 
tyrannies and fanaticism. The bugle blast of 
our victory and redemption is on the wind; 
and the south will be safe and free.” 

This was a flourish of rhetoric, indeed, and 
it is but just to say that a large party, even 
in South Carolina, were as yet not quite so 
thorough or so old disunionists ; but the popu- 
lar demonstrations there, under the lead of men 
like Mr. Rhett, exhibited enthusiastic approval 
of such sentiments. And it may here be again 
remarked that the movement for secession and 
the establishment of a southern confederacy 
was, to most of its leaders as to Mr. Rhett, an old 
and settled purpose, for which the recent elec- 
tion was rather the pretext than the cause. In 
a letter upon the crisis, Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, 
one of the presidential candidates, wrote upon 
this point as follows : — 

“What gives me the greatest concern at 
present is the painful conviction that the move- 
ment in favor of secession, in Mississippi and 
other states of the south, 1s led, for the most 
part, by men of distinguished ability and influ- 
ence, with whom the expediency of secession is 
a foregone conclusion and a settled conviction ; 
men who can be reached by no argument or 
remonstrance; men who do not want to be 
convinced of the insufficiency of existing griev- 
ances to justify a disruption of the Union; 
men whose imaginations have been taken pos- 
session of, and their judgments led captive, by 
the dazzling, but, as I think, delusive vision of 
a new, great, and glorious republican empire, 
stretching far into the south. The scheme of 
disunion, as I have reason to believe, has been 
long cherished by some of these leaders, and 


97 


they have only waited a pretext more plausible 
than any heretofore presented to attempt the 
accomplishment of it.” 

The convention assembled on the 17th of 
December, at Columbia, the capital, but imme- 
diately adjourned to Charleston, on account of 
the prevalence of the small-pox at the former 
place. A committee was appointed to prepare 
an ordinance for secession, which was soon re- 
ported in the following form :— 

“We, the people of the state of South Caro- 
lina, in convention assembled, do declare and 
ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, 
that the ordinance adopted by us in convention 
on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 
1788, whereby the constitution of the United 
States of America was ratified, and also all acts 
or parts of acts of the general assembly of this 
state ratifying the amendments to said consti- 
tution, are hereby repealed, and that the union 
now subsisting between South Carolina and 
other states under the name of the United 
States of America is hereby dissolved.” 

After a brief debate the ordinance was passed, 
December 20th, by a unanimous vote, and its 
adoption was followed by the wildest dem- 
onstrations of joy, both within the convention 
and among the people outside, who were await- 
ing this formal ratification of what was a fore- 
gone conclusion. The next day a declaration 
of the causes justifying secession was adopted 
and published to the world. The announce- 
ment of the passage of the secession ordinance 
caused general enthusiasm in all the more 
southern slave states, and was received with 
unrestrained satisfaction by large numbers in 
the border slave states. It was announced in 
the house of representatives at Washington, 
by Mr. Garnet, of Virginia, in a speech which 
he was making, as follows: “ Why, sir, while 
your bill is under debate, one of the sovereign 
states of this confederacy has, by the glorious 
act of her people, withdrawn, in vindication of 
her rights, from the Union.” And even there 


98 


the announcement was greeted with applause. 
In many of the principal towns at the south the 
event was celebrated with great demonstrations 
of joy, and every where the excitement occa- 
sioned by it was used to press forward the 
secession cause in the other states. 

Offers of aid by military companies in other 
states had been made to the governor of South 
Carolina from the commencement of the seces- 
sion movement. After the secession ordinance 
had been adopted, these tenders were multi- 
plied, and a new impetus was given to the 
organization of such companies. Some corre- 
spondence and communications between the 
representatives of South Carolina and the na- 
tional administration had already taken place 
in relation to the forts in the harbor of Charles- 
ton. A small garrison occupied Fort Moultrie, 
and repairs were being made on Fort Sumter. 
The occupation of these forts by the federal 
government seemed to annoy the secessionists 
of Charleston. They desired to obtain posses- 
sion of them, if possible, before any reénforce- 
ments could be sent there. They remembered 
that in the days of “nullification” the strong 
federal force in the forts had compelled the 
submission of the nullifiers, and they were 
somewhat tender upon the subject of the occu- 
pation of the forts by a force which might 
threaten a similar compulsion. They perhaps 
felt, too, that upon this question would first 
come the conflict between the federal govern- 
ment and the state in its assumed independence. 
From President Buchanan, through Secretary 
Floyd, they received some assurance that the 
forts should not be reénforced; at the same time 
he had declared that he must see that the fed- 
eral laws were observed and the federal prop- 
erty protected. The position of the federal 
administration on this point was quite unsatis- 
factory to the South Carolina leaders, and after 
the declaration of secession further negotiations 
or correspondence took place, with a view to 
secure the release or abandonment of the forts 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


to the state government without bringing on 
any conflict. While these negotiations were 
occasionally going on, there were repeated 
threats among the people of an attack on the 
forts so weakly garrisoned, and seizure of the 
property claimed by the state. A very ill feel- 
ing, akin to that entertained by the people of 
the colonies towards the British soldiers on the 
eve of the revolutionary struggle, was cherished 
towards Major Anderson and the garrison under 
his command. Knowing that such ill feeling 
was prevailing among that portion of the peo- 
ple who would join in a mob assault, and that 
policy only prevented the men of character and 
influence from openly encouraging such an as- 
sault, Major Anderson strengthened his position 
in Fort Moultrie, to be prepared for an attack. 
Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, was a much 
stronger fortification, though not complete in 
all respects, nor fully provided with ordnance. 
Not being garrisoned, it was lable to seizure at 
any time by the South Carolina military, which 
was now mustering, or even by the mob, and 
Fort Moultrie would thus be at the mercy of 
assailants. Foreseeing the danger which the 
government at Washington could not or would 
not notice, on the 26th of December Major 
Anderson caused his command, with their pro- 
visions and ammunition, to be transferred to 
Fort Sumter, leaving only a few men in Fort 
Moultrie, who spiked the guns and burned the 
gun carriages. The night was clear, and the 
moon shone brightly ; but though an armed 
guard boat of the state authorities passed near 
the vessels transporting the garrison, the move- 
ment was not noticed. 

This act of Major Anderson caused great ex- 
citement and indignation among the people of 
Charleston when discovered. They had, un- 
doubtedly, been assured by the secretary of 
war, Floyd, that the existing state of things in 
relation to the forts in Charleston harbor should 
continue unchanged, and there was a quasz prom- 
ise on their part that no attack should be made; 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


and when Major Anderson abandoned Moultrie 
and took possession of Sumter, they declared 
that it was a “breach of faith” and “an act of 
war.” They were, perhaps, chagrined, too, that 
they had not acted more promptly in their de- 
signs to get possession of the forts. While they 
were promising to make no assault, they were 
making every preparation for such an act; but 
they had been outgeneraled. 

Military organization, now received a new 
impulse, and there seemed to be a general call 
to arms in South Carolina, while a like spirit in 
other states led to renewed offers of military 
aid to “repel the invasion of South Carolina.” 

Having taken the first decisive step, the gov- 
ernment of South Carolina seemed now deter- 
mined to carry their hostile measures to the 
extreme. They complained bitterly that the 
promise of the secretary of war was broken; but 
while demanding that Major Anderson should 
be ordered. back to Fort Moultrie, a military 
force of the state took possession of that post, 
and would thus have prevented the return, had 
it been contemplated. But though Major An- 
derson had not been authorized to retire from 
Moultrie to Sumter, the president declined to 
order him back, and Mr. Floyd made this re- 
fusal a pretext for tendering his resignation as 
secretary of war; while among the secessionists 
it was proclaimed as a determination on the part 
of the federal government to “ coerce” the state 
into the Union again. There was a great out- 
cry at this time among the secessionists, and 
even those who claimed to be Union men at the 
south, against “coercion.” If a state secedes, 
was the argument, there is no power in the 
federal government, under the constitution, to 
coerce such state or its people to remain in the 
Union. Specious arguments against “coercion” 
were urged north and south, and while the 
doubtful and the timid were listening to them 
and weighing them, the work of disunion went 
on as if there were authority for ¢hat under the 
constitution. 


9& 


F. W. Pickens was now governor of South 
Carolina, a strong secessionist, and a man who 
was disposed to carry out the will of the lead- 
ers of rebellion. On the 24th of December 
he issued a proclamation, embodying the final 
clause of the declaration of the causes for seces- 
sion, that South Carolina was a free, independ- 
ent, and sovereign state. By his order the state 
troops the same day occupied Castle Pinckney 
(a small fort near the city) and Fort Moultrie, 
and a day or two afterwards another body of 
state troops took possession of the United States 
arsenal in the city, in which were many thou- 
sand arms and large quantities of military stores. 
Every where the “ palmetto flag” of South Caro- 
lina was raised in the place of the flag of the 
Union. Immediate measures were taken to re- 
pair Fort Moultrie, and for the erection of new 
fortifications about the harbor of Charleston, 
with a view of preventing reénforcements to Fort 
Sumter, and of compelling that stronghold to 
yield. Fora time Major Anderson’s communica- 
tions with the government at Washington were 
cut off, and he was refused the privilege of 
purchasing fresh provisions in the city. 

The secessionists of other states followed the 
example of South Carolina, and seized the na- 
tional forts and arsenals which were undefended. 
In some instances this was done by the direct 
authority or sanction of the state governments, 
and in some by unauthorized acts of mobs or 
military organizations. In Savannah the reve- 
nue cutter was thus seized by a party of seces- 
sionists, and was released by the governor of 
Georgia; but Fort Pulaski was taken possession 
of by order of the same governor. In North 
Carolina a similar unauthorized seizure of forts 
was made, and the governor directed them to 
be abandoned, but with the declaration that the 
order was given in the belief that the existing 
national administration would not resort to 
coercion. 

While these things were going on at the 
south, they produced a different kind of feeling 


100 HISTORY OF 


at the north. There the Union was looked upon 
as indissoluble, and the right of secession was 
admitted by scarcely any one. When South 
Carolina took measures for seceding, and claimed 
that the federal forts belonged to the state, there 
was a general feeling that the government 
ought not to, and could not, permit such proceed- 
ings without asserting its authority. Finding 
that the national administration, through divided 
counsels, or inefficiency, did not take any steps 
to maintain the rights of the government and 
to protect the public property, a feeling of in- 
dignation pervaded the community. And when 
it was found that even in the cabinet there were 
those who were using all their power and influ- 
ence to promote the purposes of the secession- 
ists, the northern public were dismayed at the 
prospect. The doubts which for some time 


hung over the question of retaining the forts| 


in Charleston harbor created intense anxiety. 
But when Major Anderson, on his own responsi- 
bility, took a step which indicated that the 


rights of the federal government were not to | 


be pusillanimously abandoned,a feeling of relief 
and joy followed. The determination of the 
government not to order Major Anderson to 
retrace his steps, and thus far, at least, re- 
solving to assert the rights of the Union, re- 
assured the people. The feeling was almost 
universal in favor of decided steps, except 
among some of the blind adherents of the ad- 


ministration ; and had the president taken such | 


measures he would have been heartily sup- 
ported. 

While the secessionists were arming and 
seizing the national arsenals, an inquiry natu- 
rally arose as to the military stores in the similar 
establishments at the north; and it was found 
that for some time arms had been freely sent 


THE UNITED STATES. 


from the northern arsenals and from the na- 
tional armories to the south. At Pittsburg, 
Pennsylvania, a quantity of ordnance belong- 
ing to the government had been ordered to be 
shipped south. A considerable portion of it 
yet remained to be transported, when the events 
occurring at the south indicated that it would 
pass immediately into the hands of the enemies 
of the Union, if sent as ordered. The people of 
Pittsburg were consequently determined to- 
resist any further shipment. By their action 
they prevented it, until at last, when there was 
a change in the war department, the order for 
shipment was revoked. 

There was a desire on the part of many that 
some measures might be adopted by Congress, 
or a national convention, to settle the questions 
of difference between the north and the south ; 
yet there was, undoubtedly, a large majority 
of the people of the north who were opposed 
to any compromise which should in any way — 
recognize secession or simply postpone the crisis. 
What disposition there was to compromise, 
however, extended only to those slave states 
which had not seceded, or taken measures for 
that end; but towards South Carolina, and 
those states which were disposed hastily to fol- 
low her example, there was generally a feeling 
of resentment, which looked to the measure so 
much deprecated at the south — coercion. 

Such was the state of affairs at the close of 
the year 1860; secession, disunion, rebellion, 
making rapid strides through the southern 
states; an administration weak through the 
timidity of some of its members and the dis- 
loyalty of others; among the people of the 
north suspense and anxiety, but withal a de- 
termination to maintain the Union, and to assert 
and defend its rights. 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER XV. 


Second Session of Thirty-sixth Congress. — President’s Message. 
— His Views of the Causes of the unhappy Condition of the 
Country; of Secession and Coercion. — Select Committees in 
each Branch of Congress.— Propositions for Compromise. — 
Mr. Crittenden’s Proposition. — Border State Plan. — Spirit 
of Secession at Washington. — Secession in the Cabinet. — 
Resignation of Mr. Cobb, Secretary of Treasury. — Resigna- 
tion of Mr. Cass, Secretary of State. — Resignation of Mr. 
Floyd, Secretary of War.— Mr. Holt in the War Depart- 
ment. — Resignation of Mr. Thompson, Secretary of Interior, 
and of Mr. Thomas, Mr. Cobb’s Successor. — Character of these 
Cabinet Officers. — Influence on the Administration of Mr. 
Buchanan. — Better Counsel and more decided Policy. — Na- 
tional Fast Day. — Secession in Congress. — Withdrawal of 
South Carolina Members. — Mr. Toombs. — Efforts of Mem- 
bers for Secession. 


Wuz the excitement at the south was yet 
increasing, but before the disunion movement 
had culminated in secession, the second session 
of the thirty-sixth Congress commenced. It 
was hoped and believed by many, both north 
and south, that through the action of Congress 
the excitement would be allayed, and the states 
threatening secession would be content to re- 
main in the Union. There was a desire, too, to 
know what course would be adopted by south- 
ern members of Congress, what demands and 
what concessions were to be made; and while 
it was feared that the conflict of opinion be- 
tween the north and the south on these ques- 
tions, which entirely engrossed public attention, 
might for a time be fiercer than ever, it was 
hoped that a free discussion might eventually 
lead to some good result. 

To this session of Congress President Bu- 
chanan transmitted his last annual message. 
The events transpiring at the south, and the 
questions arising therefrom, of course demanded 
from him especial attention, and he presented 
his views at length in the opening of the mes- 
sage, as follows: — 

“ Throughout the year since our last meeting, 
the country has been eminently prosperous in 
all its material interests. The general health 
has been excellent, our harvests have been 


101 


abundant, and plenty smiles throughout the 
land. Our commerce and manufactures have 
been prosecuted with energy and industry, and 
have yielded fair and ample returns. In short, 
no nation in the tide of time has ever presented 
a spectacle of greater material prosperity than 
we have done, until within a very recent period. 

“ Why is it, then, that discontent now so ex- 
tensively prevails, and the union of the states, 
which is the source of all these blessings, is 
threatened with destruction ? 

“The long-continued and intemperate inter- 
ference of the northern people with the ques- 
tion of slavery in the southern states has at 
length produced its natural effects. The differ- 
ent sections of the Union are now arrayed 
against each other, and the time has arrived, so 
much dreaded by the father of his country, 
when hostile geographical parties have been 
formed. 

“J have long foreseen, and often forewarned, 
my countrymen of the now impending danger. 
This does not proceed solely from the claim on 
the part of Congress or the territorial legisla- 
tures to exclude slavery from the territories, 
nor from the efforts of different states to defeat 
the execution of the fugitive slave law. All or 
any of these evils might have been endured by 
the south, without danger to the Union, (as 
others have been,) in the hope that time and re- 
flection might apply the remedy. The imme- 
diate peril arises not so much from these causes 
as from the fact, that the incessant and violent 
agitation of the slavery question throughout 
the north for the last quarter of a century has 
at length produced jts malign influence on the 
slaves, and inspired them with vague notions 
of freedom. Hence a sense of security no 
longer exists around the family altar. This 
feeling of peace at home has given place to 
apprehensions of servile insurrections. Many 
a matron throughout the south retires at night 
in dread of what may befall herself and her 
children before the morning. Should this 


102 


apprehension of domestic danger, whether real 
or imaginary, extend and intensify itself, until 
it shall pervade the masses of the southern 
people, then disunion will become inevitable. 
Selfpreservation is the first law of nature, and 
has been implanted in the heart of man by his 
Creator, for the wisest purpose; and no politi- 
eal union, however fraught with blessings and 
benefits in all other respects, can long continue, 
if the necessary consequence be to render the 
homes and the firesides of nearly half the par- 
ties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. 
Sooner or later the bonds of such a Union must 
be severed. It is my conviction that this fatal 
period has not yet arrived; and my prayer to 
God is, that he would preserve the constitution 
and the Union throughout all generations. 

“ But let us take warning in time, and remove 
the cause of danger. It cannot be denied that 
for five and twenty years the agitation at the 
north against slavery has been incessant. In 
1835 pictorial handbills and inflammatory ap- 
peals were circulated extensively throughout 
the south, of a character to excite the passions 
of the slaves, and, in the language of General 
Jackson, ‘ to stimulate them to insurrection, and 
produce all the horrors of a servile war’ This 
agitation has ever since been continued by the 
public press, by the proceedings of state and 
eounty conventions, and by abolition sermons 
and lectures. The time of Congress has been 
occupied in violent speeches on this never-end- 
ing subject; and appeals, in pamphlet and other 
forms, indorsed by distinguished names, have 
been sent forth from this central point and 
spread broadcast over the Union. 

“How easy would it be for the American 
people to settle the slavery question forever, 
and to restore peace and harmony to this dis- 
tracted country! They, and they alone, can 
do it. All that is necessary to accomplish the 
object, and all for which the slave states have 
ever contended, is to be let alone and per- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


their own way. As sovereign states, they, and 
they alone, are responsible before God and the 
world for the slavery existing among them. 
For this the people of the north are not more 
responsible, and have no more right to inter- 
fere, than with similar institutions in Russia or 
in Brazil. 

“Upon their good sense and patriotic for- 
bearance, I confess, I still greatly rely. With- 
out their aid it is beyond the power of any 
president, no matter what may be his own po- 
litical proclivities, to restore peace and harmony 
among the states. Wisely limited and _ re- 
strained as is his power under our constitution 
and laws, he alone can accomplish but little for 
good or for evil on such a momentous question. 

“And this brings me to observe, that the 
election of any one of our fellow-citizens to the 
office of president does not of itself afford just 
cause for dissolving the Union. ‘This is more 
especially true if his election has been effected 
by a mere plurality, and not a majority, of the 
people, and has resulted from transient and 
temporary causes, which may probably never 
again occur. In order to justify a resort to 
revolutionary resistance, the federal government 
must be guilty of ‘a deliberate, palpable, and 
dangerous exercise’ of powers not granted by 
the constitution. The late presidential election, 
however, has been held in strict conformity 
with its express provisions. How, then, can 
the result justify a revolution to destroy this 
very constitution? Reason, justice, a regard 
for the constitution, all require that we shall 
wait for some overt and dangerous act on the 
part of the president elect, before resorting to 
such a remedy. It is said, however, that the 
antecedents of the president elect have been 
sufficient to justify the fears of the south that 
he will attempt to invade their constitutional 
rights. But are such apprehensions of contin- 
gent danger in the future sufficient to justify 


the immediate destruction of the noblest sys- 
mitted to manage their domestic institutions in| tem of government ever devised by mortals? 


» 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


103 


From the very nature of his office, and its high}; of future danger is no good reason for an im- 


responsibilities, he must necessarily be conserva- 
tive. The stern duty of administering the vast 
and complicated concerns of this government 
affords in itself a guarantee that he will not 
attempt any violation of a clear constitutional 
right. 

“ After all, he is no more than the chief ex- 
ecutive officer of the government. His province 
is not to make, but to execute, the laws; and it 
is a remarkable fact in our history that, not- 
withstanding the repeated efforts of the anti- 
slavery party, no single act has ever passed 
Congress, unless we may possibly except the 
Missouri compromise, impairing in the slightest 
degree the rights of the south to their property 
in slaves. And it may also be observed, judg- 
ing from present indications, that no probability 
exists of the passage of such an act by a ma- 
jority of both houses, either in the present or 
the next Congress. Surely, under these cir- 
cumstances we ought to be restrained from 
present action by the precept of Him who spake 
as man never spoke, that ‘sufficient unto the 
day is the evil thereof’? ‘The day of evil may 
never come unless we shall rashly bring it upon 
ourselves. 

“Tt is alleged as one cause for immediate se- 
cession, that the southern states are denied 
equal rights with the other states in the com- 
mon territories. But by what authority are 
these denied? Not by Congress, which has 
never passed, and I believe never will pass, any 
act to exclude slavery from these territories. 
And certainly not by the Supreme Court, which 
has solemnly decided that slaves are property, 
and, like all other property, their owners have 
aright to take them into the common terri- 
tories and hold them there under the protec- 
tion of the constitution. 

“So far then as Congress is concerned, the ob- 
jection is not to any thing they have already 
done, but to what they may do hereafter. It 
will surely be admitted that this apprehension 


mediate dissolution of the Union. It is true 
that the territorial legislature of Kansas, on the 
23d February, 1860, passed in great haste an 
act over the veto of the governor, declaring 
that slavery ‘is, and shall be forever, prohibited 
in this territory. Such an act, however, plainly 
violating the rights of property secured by the 
constitution, will surely be declared void by the 
judiciary, whenever it shall be presented in a 
legal form. 

“Only three days after my inauguration the 
Supreme Court of the United States solemnly 
adjudged that this power did not exist in a ter- 
ritorial legislature. Yet such has been the fac- 
tious temper of the times that the correctness 
of this decision has been extensively impugned 
before the people, and the question has given 
rise to angry political conflicts throughout the 
country. Those who have appealed from this 
judgment of our highest constitutional tribunal 
to popular assemblies, would, if they could, in- 
vest a territorial legislature with power to annul 
the sacred rights of property. This power 
Congress is expressly forbidden by the federal 
constitution to exercise. LHvery state legisla- 
ture in the Union is forbidden by its own con- 
stitution to exercise it. It cannot be exercised 
in any state except by the people in their high- 
est sovereign capacity when framing or amend- 
ing their state constitution. In like manner it 
can only be exercised by the people of a terri- 
tory, represented in a convention of delegates, 
for the purpose of framing a constitution pre- 
paratory to admission as a state into the Union. 
Then, and not until then, are they invested 
with power to decide the question whether 
slavery shall or shall not exist within their 
limits. This is an act of sovereign authority, 
and not of subordinate territorial legislation. 
Were it otherwise, then indeed would the 
equality of the states in the territories be de- 
stroyed and the rights of property in slaves 
would depend not upon the guarantees of the 


104 


constitution, but upon the shifting majorities 
of an irresponsible territorial legislature. Such 
a doctrine, from its intrinsic unsoundness, can- 
not long influence any considerable portion of 
our people, much less can it afford a good rea- 
son for a dissolution of the Union. 

“The most palpable violations of constitu- 
tional duty which have yet been committed con- 
sist in the acts of different state legislatures to 
defeat the execution of the fugitive slave law. 
It ought to be remembered, however, that for 
these acts neither Congress nor any president 
can justly be held responsible. Having been 
passed in violation of the federal constitution, 
they are therefore null and void. All the courts, 
both state and national, before whom the ques- 
tion has arisen, have, from the beginning, de- 
clared the fugitive slave law to be constitutional. 
The single exception is that of a state court in 
Wisconsin; and this has not only been reversed 
by the proper appellate tribunal, but has met 
with such universal reprobation, that there can 
be no danger from it as a precedent. The 
validity of this law has been established over 
and over again by the Supreme Court of the 
United States with perfect unanimity. It is 
founded upon an express provision of the con- 
stitution, requiring that fugitive slaves who es- 
cape from service in one state to another shall 
be ‘delivered up’ to their masters. Without 
this provision it is a well-known historical fact 
that the constitution itself could never have 
been adopted by the convention. In one form 
or other, under the acts of 1793 and 1850, both 
being substantially the same, the fugitive slave 
law has been the law of the land from the days 
of Washington until the present moment. Here, 
then, a clear case is presented, in which it will 
be the duty of the next president, as it has 
been my own, to act with vigor in executing 
this supreme law against the conflicting enact- 
ments of state legislatures. Should he fail in 
the performance of this high duty, he will then 
have manifested a disregard of the constitution 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


and laws, to the great injury of the people of 
nearly one half of the states of the Union. 
But are we to presume in advance that he will 
thus violate his duty? This would be at war 
with every principle of justice and of Christian 
charity. Let us wait for the overt act. The 
fugitive slave law has been carried into execu- 
tion in every contested case since the com- 
mencement of the present administration ; 
though often, it is to be regretted, with great 
loss and inconvenience to the master, and with 
considerable expense to the government. Let 
us trust that the state legislatures will repeal 
their unconstitutional and obnoxious enact- 
ments. Unless this shall be done without un- 
necessary delay, it 1s impossible for any human 
power to save the Union. 

“The southern states, standing on the basis 
of the constitution, have a right to demand this 
act of justice from the states of the north. 
Should it be refused, then the constitution, to 
which all the states are parties, will have been 
wilfully violated by one portion of them ina 
provision essential to the domestic security and 
happiness of the remainder. In that event the 
injured states, after having first used all peace- 
ful and constitutional means to obtain redress, 
would be justified in revolutionary resistance to 
the government of the Union. — 

“J have purposely confined my remarks to 
revolutionary resistance, because it has been 
claimed within the last few years that any state, 
whenever this shall be its sovereign will and 
pleasure, may secede from the Union in accord- 
ance with the constitution, and without any 
violation of the constitutional rights of the 
other members of the confederacy; that as 
each became parties to the Union by the vote 
of its own people assembled in convention, so 
any one of them may retire from the Union in 
a similar manner by the vote of such a con- 
vention. 

“Jn order to justify secession as @ constitu- 
tional remedy, it must be on the principle that 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the federal government is a mere voluntary 
association of states, to be dissolved at pleasure 
by any one of .the contracting parties. If this 
be so, the confederacy is a rope of sand, to be 
penetrated and dissolved by the first adverse 
wave of public opinion in any of the states. 
In this manner our thirty-three states may re- 
solve themselves into as many petty, jarring, 
and hostile republics, each one retiring from the 
Union without responsibility whenever any sud- 
den excitement might impel them to such a 
course. By this process a Union might be 
entirely broken into fragments in a few weeks 
which cost our forefathers many years of toil, 
privation, and blood to establish. 

“Such a principle is wholly inconsistent with 
the history as well as the character of the fed- 
eral constitution. After it was framed with the 
greatest deliberation and care, it was submitted 
to conventions of the people of the several 
states for ratification. Its provisions were dis- 
eussed at length in these bodies, composed of 
the first men of the country. Its opponents 
contended that it conferred powers upon the 
federal government dangerous to the rights of 
the states, whilst its advocates maintained that, 
under a fair construction of the instrument, 
there was no foundation for such apprehen- 
sions. In that mighty struggle between the 
first intellects of this or any other country, it 
never occurred to any individual, either among 
its opponents or advocates, to assert, or even to 
intimate, that their efforts were all vain labor, 
because the moment that any state felt herself 
aggrieved she might secede from the Union. 


What a crushing argument would this have| 


proved against those who dreaded that the 
rights of the states would be endangered by 
the constitution! The truth is, that it was not 
until many years after the origin of the federal 
government that such a proposition was first 
advanced. It was then met and refuted by the 
conclusive arguments of General Jackson, who, 
in his message of the 16th January, 1853, trans- 
. 14 


106 


mitting the nullifying ordinance of South Caro- 
lina to Congress, employs the following lan- 
guage; ‘The right of the people of a single 
state to absolve themselves at will and without 
the consent of the other states from their most 
solemn obligations, and hazard the liberty and 
happiness of the millions composing this Union, 
cannot be acknowledged. Such authority is 
believed to be utterly repugnant both to the 
principles upon which the general government 
is constituted, and to the objects which it was 
expressly formed to attain,’ 

“Tt is not pretended that any clause in the 
constitution gives countenance to such a theory. 
It is altogether founded upon inference, not 
from any language contained in the instrument 
itself, but from the sovereign character of the 
several states by which it was ratified. But 
is it beyond the power of a state, ike an indi- 
vidual, to yield a portion of its sovereign rights 
to secure the remainder? In the language of 
Mr. Madison, who has been called the father of 
the constitution, ‘It was formed by the states 
— that is, by the people in each of the states, 
acting in their highest sovereign capacity, and 
formed consequently by the same authority 
which formed the state constitutions.’ ‘ Nor is 
the government of the United States, created 
by the constitution, less a government, in the 
strict sense of the term, within the sphere of 
its powers, than the governments created by the 
constitutions of the states are within their sev- 
eral spheres. It is, ike them, organized into 
legislative, executive, and judiciary depart- 
ments. It operates, like them, directly on per- 
sons and things; and, like them, it has at com- 
mand a physical force for executing the powers 
committed to it. 

“Tt was intended-to be perpetual, and not to 
be annulled at the pleasure of any one of the 
contracting parties. The old articles of con- 
federation were entitled,‘ Articles of Confedera- 
tion and Perpetual Union between the States ;’ 
and by the thirteenth article it is expressly 


106 


declared that ‘ the articles of this confederation 
shall be inviolably observed by every state, and 
the union shall be perpetual’ The preamble 
to the constitution of the United States having 
express reference to the articles of confedera- 
tion, recites that it was established ‘in order to 
form a more perfect union. And yet it is con- 
tended that this ‘ more perfect union’ does not 
include the essential attribute of perpetuity. 

“But that the union was designed to be per- 
petual, appears conclusively from the nature 
and extent of the powers conferred by the con- 
stitution on the federal government. These 
powers embrace the very highest attributes 
of national sovereignty. They place both the 
sword and the purse under its control. Con- 
gress has power to make war and to make 
peace; to raise and support armies and navies, 
and to conclude treaties with foreign govern- 
ments. It is invested with the power to coin 
money, and to regulate the value thereof, and 
to regulate commerce with foreign nations and 
among the several states. It is not necessary 
to enumerate the other high powers which have 
been conferred upon the federal government. 
In order to carry the enumerated powers into 
effect, Congress possesses the exclusive right to 
lay and collect duties on imports, and, in com- 
mon with the states, to lay and collect all other 
taxes. 

“ But the constitution has not only conferred 
these high powers upon Congress, but it has 
adopted effectual means to restrain the states 
from interfering with their exercise. For that 
purpose it has in strong prohibitory language 
expressly declared that ‘no state shall enter into 
any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant let- 
ters of marque and reprisal; coin money ; emit 
bills of credit; make any thing but gold and 
silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass 
any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law im- 
pairing the obligation of contracts” Moreover, 
‘without the consent of Congress no state shall 
lay any imposts or duties on any imports or ex- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


ports, except what may be absolutely necessary 

for executing its inspection laws, and if they 

exceed this amount, the excess shall belong to 

the United States. And ‘no state shall, without, 
the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, 

keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, en- 

ter into any agreement or compact with another 

state, or with a foreign power, or engage in 
war, unless actually invaded or in such immi- 

nent danger as will not admit of delay, 

“Jn order still further to secure the uninter- 
rupted exercise of these high powers against 
state interposition, it is provided ‘ that this con- 
stitution, and the laws of the United States 
which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and 
all treaties made, or which shall be made, under 
the authority of the United States, shall be the 
supreme law of the land; and the judges in 
every state shall be bound thereby, any thing 
in the constitution or laws of any state to the 
contrary notwithstanding’ — 

“The solemn sanction of religion has been 
superadded to the obligations of official duty, 
and all senators and representatives of the 
United States, all members of state legislatures, 
and all executive and judicial officers, ‘both of 
the United States and of the several states, 
shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support 
this constitution, 

“In order to carry into effect these powers, 
the constitution has established a perfect gov- 
ernment in all its forms, legislative, executive, 
and judicial; and this government, to the extent 
of its powers, acts directly upon the individual 
citizens of every state, and executes its own | 
decrees by the agency of its own officers. In 
this respect it differs entirely from the govern- 
ment under the old confederation, which was 
confined to making requisitions on the states in 
their sovereign character. This left it in the 
discretion of each whether to obey or to refuse, 
and they often declined to comply with such 
requisitions. It thus became necessary, for the 
purpose of removing this barrier, and ‘in order 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to form a more perfect union, to establish a goy- 
ernment which could act directly upon the peo- 
ple, and execute its own laws without the inter- 
mediate agency of the states. This has been 
accomplished by the constitution of the United 
States. In short, the government created by 
the constitution, and deriving its authority from 
the sovereign people of each of the several 
states, has precisely the same right to exercise 
its power over the people of all these states 
in the enumerated cases, that each one of them 
possesses over subjects not delegated to the 
United States, but ‘reserved to the states re- 
spectively or to the people.’ 

“To the extent of the delegated powers the 
constitution of the United States is as much 
a part of the constitution of each state, and is 
as binding upon its people, as though it had 
been textually inserted therein. 

“This government, therefore, is a great and 
powerful government, invested with all the 
attributes of sovereignty over the special sub- 
jects to which its authority extends. Its fram- 
ers never intended to implant in its bosom the 
seeds of its own destruction, nor were they at 
its creation guilty of the absurdity of providing 
for its own dissolution. It was not intended 
by its framers to be the baseless fabric of a vis- 
ion, which, at the touch of the enchanter, would 
vanish into thin air, but a substantial and mighty 
fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of 
time, and of defying the storms of ages. In- 
deed, well may the jealous patriots of that day 
have indulged fears that a government of such 
high powers might violate the reserved rights 
of the states, and wisely did they adopt the 
rule of a strict construction of these powers to 
prevent the danger. But they did not fear, 
nor had they any reason to imagine that the 
constitution would ever be so interpreted as to 
enable any state by her own act, and without 
the consent of her sister states, to discharge her 
people from all or any of their federal obliga- 
tions. 


107 


“Jt may be asked, then, Are the people of the 
states without redress against the tyranny and 
oppression of the federal government? By no 
means. ‘The right of resistance on the part of 
the governed against the oppression of their 
governments cannot be denied. It exists inde- 
pendently of all constitutions, and has been 
exercised at all periods of the world’s history. 
Under it old governments have been destroyed, 
and new ones have taken their place. It is 
embodied in strong and express language in 
our own Declaration of Independence. But 
the distinction must ever be observed that this 
is revolution against an established government, 
and not a voluntary secession from it by virtue 
of an inherent constitutional right. In short, 
let us look the danger fairly in the face ; seces- 
sion is neither more nor less than revolution. 
It may or it may not be a justifiable revolution ; 
but still it 1s revolution. 

“ What, in the mean time, is the responsibility 
and true position of the executive? He is 
bound by solemn oath, before God and the 
country, ‘to take care that the laws be faith- 
fully executed, and from this obligation he can- 
not be absolved by any human power. But 
what if the performance of this duty, in whole 
or in part, has been rendered impracticable by 
events over which he could have exercised no 
control? Such, at the present moment, is the 
case throughout the state of South Carolina, so 
far as the laws of the United States to secure 
the administration of justice by means of the 
federal judiciary are concerned. All the federal 
officers within its limits, through whose agency 
alone these laws can be carried into execution, 
have already resigned. We no longer have a 
district judge, a district attorney, or.a marshal 
in South Carolina. In fact, the whole machin- 
ery of the federal government necessary for the 
distribution of remedial justice among the peo- 
ple has been demolished, and it would be dif- 
ficult, if not impossible, to replace it. 

“The only acts of Congress on the statute 


108 


book bearing upon this subject are those of 
the 28th February, 1795, and 3d March, 1807. 
These authorize the president, after he shall 
have ascertained that the marshal, with his 
posse comitatus, is unable to execute civil or 
criminal process in any particular case, to call 
forth the militia and employ the army and navy 
to aid him in performing this service, having 
first by proclamation commanded the insurgents 
‘to disperse and retire peaceably to their re- 
spective abodes within a limited time’ This 
duty cannot by possibility be performed in a 
state where no judicial authority exists to issue 
process, and where there is no marshal to exe- 
cute it, and where, even if there were such an 
officer, the entire population would constitute 
one solid combination to resist him. 

“The bare enumeration of these provisions 
proves how inadequate they are without further 
legislation to overcome a united opposition in a 
single state, not to speak of other states who 
may place themselves in a similar attitude. 
Congress alone has power to decide whether 
the present laws can or cannot be amended so 
as to carry out more effectually the objects of 
the constitution. 

“The same insuperable obstacles do not lie 
in the way of executing the laws for the collec- 
tion of the customs. The revenue still contin- 
ues to be collected, as heretofore, at the custom 
house in Charleston, and should the collector 
unfortunately resign, a successor may be ap- 
pointed to perform this duty. 

“Then, in regard to the property of the United 
States in South Carolina. This has been pur- 
chased for a fair equivalent, ‘by the consent of 
the legislature of the state, ‘for the erection of 
forts, magazines, arsenals, &c., and over these 
the authority ‘ to exercise exclusive legislation’ 
has been expressly granted by the constitution 
to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt 
will be made to expel the United States from 
this property by force; but if in this I should 
prove to be mistaken, the officer in command 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


of the forts has received orders to act: strictly 
on the defensive. In such a contingency the 
responsibility for consequences would rightfully 
rest upon the heads of the assailants. 

“ Apart from the execution of the laws, so far 
as this may be practicable, the executive has no 
authority to decide what shall be the relations 
between the federal government and South 
Carolina. He has been invested with no such 
discretion. He possesses no power to change 
the relations heretofore existing between them, 
much less to acknowledge the independence of 
that state. This would be to invest a mere 
executive officer with the power of recognizing 
the dissolution of the confederacy among our 
thirty-three sovereign states. It bears no re- 
semblance to the recognition of a foreign de 
facto government, involving no such responsi- 
bility. Any attempt to do this would, on his 
part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, there- 
fore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole 
question in all its bearings. The course of 
events is so rapidly hastening forward that the 
emergency may soon arise when you may be 
called upon to decide the momentous question 
whether you possess the power, by force of 
arms, to compel a state to remain in the Union. 
I should feel myself recreant to my duty were 
I not to express an opinion on this important 
subject. 

“The question fairly stated is: Has the con- 
stitution delegated to Congress the power to 
coerce a state into submission which is attempt- 
ing to withdraw or has actually withdrawn from 
the confederacy? If answered in the affirma- 
tive, it must be on the principle that the power 
has been conferred upon Congress to declare 
and to make war against a state. After much 
serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclu- 
sion that no such power has been delegated to 
Congress or to any other department of the 
federal government. It is manifest, upon an 
inspection of the constitution, that this is not 
among the specific and enumerated powers 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


granted to Congress ; and it is equally apparent 
that its exercise is not ‘necessary and proper 
for carrying into execution’ any one of these 
powers. So far from this power having been 
delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused 
by the convention which framed the constitution. 

“Tt appears from the proceedings of that 
body that on the 3lst May, 1787, the clause 
‘mithorizing an exertion of the force of the whole 
against a delinquent state’ came up for considera- 
tion. Mr. Madison opposed it in a brief but 
powerful speech, from which I shall extract but 
a single sentence. He observed, ‘The use of 
force against a state would look more like a 
declaration of war than an infliction of punish- 
ment, and would probably be considered by the 
party attacked as a dissolution of all previous 
eompacts by which it might be bound.” Upon 
his motion the clause was unanimously post- 
poned, and was never, I believe, again presented. 
Soon afterwards, on the 8th June, 1787, when 
incidentally adverting to the subject, he said, 
‘Any government for the United States, formed 
on the supposed practicability of using force 
against the unconstitutional proceedings of the 
states, would prove as visionary and fallacious 
as the government of Congress, evidently mean- 
ing the then existing Congress of the old con- 
federation. 

“Without descending to particulars, it may 
be safely asserted that the power to make war 
against a state is at variance with the whole 
spirit and intent of the constitution. Suppose 
such a war should result in the conquest of a 
state: how are we to govern it afterwards? 
Shall we hold it as a province and govern it by 
despotic power? In the nature of things, we 
could not, by physical force, control the will of 
the people, and compel them to elect senators 
and representatives to Congress, and to perform 
all the other duties depending upon their own 
volition, and required from the free citizens of a 
free state as a constituent member of the con- 
federacy. 


109 


“ But, if we possessed this power, would it be 
wise to exercise it under existing circumstances? 
The object would doubtless be to preserve the 
Union. War would not only present the most 
effectual means of destroying it, but would 
banish all hope of its peaceable reconstruction. 
Besides, in the fraternal conflict a vast amount 
of blood and treasure would be expended, ren- 
dering future reconciliation between the states 
impossible. In the mean time, who can foretell 
what would be the sufferings and privations of 
the people during its existence ? 

“The fact is, that our Union rests upon public 
opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood 
of its citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot 
live in the affections of the people, it must one 
day perish. Congress possesses many means 
of preserving it by conciliation; but the sword 
was not placed in their hand to preserve it by 
force. | 

“But may I be permitted solemnly to invoke 
my countrymen to pause and deliberate, before 
they determine to destroy this, the grandest 
temple which has ever been dedicated to human 
freedom since the world began. It has been 
consecrated by the blood of our fathers, by the 
glories of the past, and by the hopes of the 
future. The Union has already made us the 
most prosperous, and ere long will, if preserved, 
render us the most powerful nation on the face 
of the earth. In every foreign region of the 
globe the title of American citizen is held in 
the highest respect, and when pronounced in a 
foreign land, it causes the hearts of our country- 
men to swell with honest pride. Surely, when 
we reach the brink of the yawning abyss we 
shall recoil with horror from the last fatal 
plunge. 

“ By such a dread catastrophe, the hopes of 
the friends of freedom throughout the world 
would be destroyed, and a long night of leaden 
despofism would enshroud the nations. Our 
example for more than eighty years would 
‘not only be lost, but it would be quoted asa 


110 


conclusive proof that man is unfit for selfgov- 
ernment. 

“Jt is not every wrong — nay, it is not every 

grievous wrong — which can justify a resort to 
such a fearful alternative. This ought to be the 
last desperate remedy of a despairing people, 
after every other constitutional means of con- 
ciliation had been exhausted. We should re- 
flect that, under this free government, there is 
an incessant ebb and flow in public opinion. 
The slavery question, like every thing human, 
will have its day. I firmly believe that it has 
reached and passed the culminating point. But 
if, in the midst of the existing excitement, the 
Union shall perish, the evil may then become 
irreparable. 
- “Congress can contribute much to avert it, 
by proposing and recommending to the legis- 
latures of the several states the remedy for 
existing evils which the constitution has itself 
provided for its own preservation. This has 
been tried at different critical periods of our 
history, and always with emiment ‘success. — It 
is to be found in the fifth article, providing for 
its ownamendment. Under this article amend- 
ments have been proposed by two thirds of both 
houses of Congress, and have been ‘ ratified by 
the legislatures of three fourths of the several 
states, and have consequently become parts of 
the constitution. ‘To this process the country 
is indebted for the clause prohibiting Congress 
from passing any law respecting an establish- 
ment of religion, or abridging the freedom of 
speech or of the press, or of the right of peti 
tion. ‘T’o this we are, also, indebted for the bill 
of rights, which secures the people against any 
abuse of power by the federal government. 
Such were the apprehensions justly entertained 
by the friends of state rights at that period as 
to have rendered it extremely doubtful whether 
the constitution could have long survived with- 
out those amendments. 

“ Again, the constitution was amended by the 
same process, after the election of President 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


Jefferson by the house of representatives, in 
February, 1803. This amendment was ren- 
dered necessary to prevent a recurrence of the 
dangers which had seriously threatened the 
existence of the government during the pen- 
dency of that election. ‘The article for its own 
amendment was intended to secure the amicable 
adjustment of conflicting constitutional ques- 
tions like the present, which might arise between 
the governments of the states and that of the 
United States. This appears from contempo- 
raneous history. In this connection, I shall 
merely call attention to a few sentences in Mr. 


'Madison’s justly celebrated report, in 1799, to 


the legislature of Virginia. In this he ably and 
conclusively defended the resolutions of the 
preceding legislature, against the strictures of 
several other state legislatures. These were 
mainly founded upon the protest of the Virginia 
legislature against the ‘alien and sedition acts, 
as ‘palpable and alarming infractions of the 
constitution. In pointing out the peaceful and 
constitutional remedies —and he referred to 
none other — to which the states were author- 
ized to resort on such occasions, he concludes 
by saying, that ‘the legislatures of the states 
might have made a direct representation to 
Congress, with a view to obtain a rescinding of 
the two offensive acts, or they might have rep- 
resented to their respective senators in Con- 
gress their wish that two thirds thereof would 
propose an explanatory amendment to the con- 
stitution, or two thirds of themselves, if such 
had been their option, might, by an application - 
to Congress, have obtained a convention for the 
same object. This is the very course which I 
earnestly recommend, in order to obtain an 
‘explanatory amendment’ of the constitution 
on the subject of slavery. This might originate 
with Congress or the state legislatures, as 
may be deemed most advisable to attain the 
object. 

“The explanatory amendment might be con- 
fined to the final settlement of the true con- 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


struction of the constitution on three special 
points : — 

“], An express recognition of the right of 
property in slaves in the states where it now 
exists or may hereafter exist. 

“2. The duty of protecting this right in all the 
common territories throughout their territorial 
existence, and until they shall be admitted as 
states into the Union, with or without slavery, 
as their constitutions may prescribe. 

«3. A like recognition of the right of the 
master to have his slave, who has escaped from 
one state to another, restored and ‘delivered 
up’ to him, and of the validity of the fugitive 
slave law enacted for this purpose, together 
with a declaration that all state laws impairing 
or defeating this right are violations of the 
constitution, and are consequently null and 
void. It may be objected that this construc- 
tion of the constitution has already been set- 
tled by the Supreme Court of the United States ; 
and what more ought to be required? The 
answer is, that a very large proportion of the 
people of the United States still contest the 
correctness of this decision, and never will cease 
from agitation and admit its binding force until 
clearly established by the people of the several 
states in their sovereign character. Such an 
explanatory amendment would, it is believed, 
forever terminate the existing dissensions, and 
restore peace and harmony among the states. 

“It ought not to be doubted that such an 
appeal to the arbitrament established by the 
constitution itself would be received with favor 
by all the states of the confederacy. In any 
event, it ought to be tried in a spirit of con- 
ciliation before any of these states shall sep- 
arate themselves from the Union.” 

This portion of the message was referred in 
the senate to a committee of thirteen, and in 
the house to a select committee of thirty-three, 
one member from each state, from whose delib- 
erations it was hoped some measure might result 
which should prevent secession, or at least con- 


VEL 


fine it to a few of the more southern states, and 
eventually lead even those to reconsider their 
action. Some of the southern members declined 
to vote on this proposition, on the ground that 
their states had already taken measures for 
seceding. While, however, it was hoped that 
conciliation and a purpose to stand by the con- 
stitution, on the part of the north, might allay 
the excitement at the south, and prevent the 
spread of disunion, there was, nevertheless, a 
determination not to yield to any arrogant 
demands, or to concede any new vantage ground 
to slavery. A president had been elected ac- 
cording to constitutional forms, who would 
administer the government in a constitutional 
way, and it was felt that his Inauguration and 
exercise of the duties and privileges of the 
office were not to be purchased by the aban- 
donment of any constitutional principle on 
which the people had elected him, or by the 
permanent and unalterable establishment of 
the principles and policy of those who had op- 
posed him. It was soon apparent that nothing 
short of such entire abandonment of principle, 
or even the relinquishment of the government 
itself by the Republicans, would satisfy the real 
secessionists. But there were some true friends 
of the Union at the south, especially in the 
border slave states, and some quasi Unionists, 
whose attachment to the Union was qualified 
by their attachment to the institution of slavery. 
They desired to enjoy the blessings of the Union, 
but they wished for additional guaranties for 
the permanence of that institution. A variety 
of propositions was submitted to each com- 
mittee and discussed, but the opinions of mem- 
bers were so various that no conclusion could 
be readily arrived at. Among those which 
attracted most attention was one submitted by 
Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, which provided 
for the practical reéstablishment of the Missouri 
compromise, prohibited Congress from abolish- 
ing slavery in places under its exclusive juris- 
diction if in slave states, or in the District of 


412 


Columbia, without compensation to owners, so 
long as slavery exists in Virginia or Maryland, 
and proposed new guaranties for the faithful 
execution of the fugitive slave law. This, 
however, was not altogether satisfactory to 
many of the southern members, who demanded 
at least that the right to take slaves into any 
of the territories should be recognized. ‘The 
tepublicans, on the other hand, were willing to 
provide for an amendment to the constitution 
declaring that the federal government should 
have no power to interfere with slavery in the 
states, that being in accordance with the spirit 
of the constitution, but were not disposed to 
agree to any guaranties for its extension. A 
proposition was also submitted by a committee 
of the border states, including New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois from 
the north, and Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
North Carolina, Kentucky, and Missouri from 
the south, which suggested certain guaranties 
for the enforcement of the fugitive slave law, 
and modification of some of its objectionable 
details, and also provided that no new territory 
shall be acquired by the United States without 
the consent of three fourths of the senate. 
While these propositions were still before 
the committees, and the country was awaiting 
events and some possible solution of difficulties, 
the spirit of secession was at work at Washing- 
ton, in Congress, in the cabinet, among the 
people. The administration, as before observed, 
either from a division of counsel or from supine- 
ness, exhibited an inefficiency which was re- 
garded with dismay among the loyal people 
at the north. Besides the lack of decision and 
strong will in the president himself, which were 
demanded in emergencies like the present, it 
soon became evident that the secessionists con- 
trolled a portion of the cabinet, and that the 
treason which was plotting disunion in the 
southern states had aiders and abettors among 
the advisers and executive officers of the presi- 
dent. Mr. Cobb, secretary of the treasury, re- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


signed his office on the 10th of December. In 
his letter of resignation he stated, that while 
he differed from the president in some of the 
views contained in the message, and in the 
hope, therein expressed, of the preservation of 
the Union, yet he concurred generally in the 
policy and measures of the administration. 
Up to this time, however, the policy of the 
administration had been as lenient and forbear- 
ing towards secession as could well be desired. 
It was, confessedly, not on account of any dif 
ference with the president, that the resignation 
was tendered, but because Mr. Cobb was a lead- 
ing secessionist himself, and, either from ambi- 
tious motives or from thorough sympathy with 
disunion, desired to take part in the active 
measures for its accomplishment. In an address 
to the people of Georgia, issued about this 
time, Mr. Cobb, after reviewing the condition of 
affairs, said, “I should feel that I had done in- 
justice to my own convictions, and been unfaith- 
ful to you, if I did not in conclusion warn you 
of the dangers of delay, and impress upon you 
the hopelessness of any remedy for these evils 
short of secession.” He then called upon them 
to arouse, and take Georgia out of the Union 
before the 4th of March. The president, not- 
withstanding Mr. Cobb’s position must have 
been known to him, in accepting the resigna- 
tion expressed his regret at losing Mr. Cobb 
from his cabmet, and complimented him upon 
the fidelity and ability with which he had dis- 
charged his duties. Philip F. Thomas, of Mary- 
land, was appointed in the place of Mr. Cobb; 
but the appointment was such as inspired but 
little confidence among the loyal people, who 
rejoiced that the cabinet had been relieved of 
one secessionist. 

Four days after the resignation of Mr. Cobb, 
another resignation was tendered, which occa- 
sioned regret rather than satisfaction among 
the people of the north, especially as its cause 
indicated the weakness or inefficiency of the 
government. This was the resignation of Mr. 


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PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Cass, secretary of state, which was tendered on 
account of the refusal of the president to reén- 
force the garrison under Major Anderson, then 
still at Fort Moultrie, and to use his constitu- 
tional powers to enforce the laws in South 
Carolina. The secretary of war, Mr. Floyd, 
protested against such reénforcement; the 
president adopted the policy of the secretary 
of war, and Mr. Cass accordingly resigned a 
position which he felt he could not hold with 
honor if such a course was to be pursued. Mr. 
Black, attorney-general, was appointed as suc- 
cessor to Mr. Cass. The president, it appeared, 
was firm in his determination not to reénforce 
Major Anderson, although he had been most 
earnestly besought to do so by men of influence, 
and by Major Anderson’s wife, as a measure of 
safety to the officers and men of the garrison. 
There was without doubt an agreement, express 
or implied, between the government and the 
secessionists of South Carolina, that if the gar- 
rison at Fort Moultrie was not reénforced, or, 
as the secessionists asserted, if affairs in Charles- 
ton harbor should remain in statu quo, no attack 
should be made during the administration of 
Mr. Buchanan. 

When Major Anderson removed his command 
from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, Mr. Floyd 
demanded authority to order him back at once. 
This the president refused, upon consultation, 
and Mr. Floyd then resigned his office also, on 
the 29th of December. This resignation was 
promptly accepted by the president, and Mr. 
Holt, postmaster-general, was at once placed in 
charge of the war department. This change 
was highly satisfactory to the loyal people ; and 
when Mr. Holt’s views and efficiency were 
more fully realized, as they were shortly after, 
the country found cause for gratitude. 

On the 8th of January, Mr. Thompson, secre- 
tary of the interior, resigned for reasons similar 
to those assigned for Mr. Floyd’s resignation. 
Under the influence of the new members of 
his cabinet, the president was disposed to adopt 

15 


113 


a more decided policy with regard to the forts 
in Charleston harbor, and Mr. Thompson re- 
signed in consequence. Still another resigna- 
tion occurred on the 11th of January, when 
Mr. Thomas also retired from the treasury 
department, which he had held but a month, 
because he could not agree with the adminis- 
tration in its policy, as now indicated, towards 
South Carolina. John A. Dix, of New York, 
was promptly invited to take the place, and 
accepted. 

Thus within a month five members of Mr. 
Buchanan’s cabinet had resigned. With the 
exception of that of Mr. Cass, the loyal people 
rejoiced at these resignations. From the first 
open acts towards secession some of the cabinet 
had been looked upon with distrust, for they 
were known to belong to that political school 
which was now attempting to destroy the Union. 
Mr. Cobb’s administration of the finances of 
the country had been such as to reduce the 
government from an overflowing treasury to a 
considerable debt, and to weaken it for any 
emergency like that which was about to arise. 
Whether he had pursued such a policy to aid 
disunion or not, he;was known to be a seces- 
sionist, and the later acts of his administration 
were perhaps justly. considered as being for the 
benefit of secession: Mr. Floyd, it was found, 
had illegally issuet! acceptances for a large 
amount alleged to be due to certain contractors ; 
and it seine also in connection with ihis 
operation, that $870,000 of the Indian Trust 
Funds, in charge of the department of the in- 
terior, had been abstracted by aclerk of that 
department, and turned over to these con- 
tractors, for a part of which Mr. Floyd’s illegal 
acceptances had been pledged. ‘The secretary 
of the interior was not implicated in the 
abstraction of the bonds, nor was Mr. Floyd; 
but the investigation revealed the unwarranted 
issue of acceptances by the latter, and his loose 
and careless methods of business. 

It also appeared, from subsequent investiga- 


114 


tions, that under Mr. Floyd’s administration of 
the war department, a large quantity of arms, 
many of them of the most approved patterns, 
had been distributed among the southern states, 
in excess of the proportion distributed among 
the northern states. The quota of arms for 
1861 had been in some cases distributed in 
advance, and the order from South Carolina 
had been filled but a few days previous to the 
passage of the secession ordinance. The national 
arsenals at the south had also been replenished 
in some instances, and heavy ordnance had 
been sent south for the armament of fortifica- 
tions, while equally important works at the 
north had been neglected. Mr. Floyd’s course 
in relation to the garrison at Charleston, and 
his actions after leaving the cabinet, were suffi- 
cient to confirm the general belief that he had 
been using his office to advance the interests 
of the south in case of disunion, and that more 
recently he had been plotting treason by pro- 
moting secession. He went forth from the 
cabinet execrated by all loyal men as a traitor. 
He was afterwards indicted by the grand jury 
for maladministration of office, complicity in 
the abstraction of the Indian bonds, and for 
conspiracy against the government. 

Mr. Thompson, the secretary of the interior, 
was a man of somewhat different stamp, but 
of his loyalty there was also some question. 
He was a codperationist, desiring that the south 
should act in concert, and that the states should 
not secede separately. He visited several states 


in the early part of the winter, with the alleged 


purpose of inducing them to join in a southern 
convention, which should present the demands 
of the south to the free states, and if they were 
not acceded to should take measures to form at 
once a southern confederacy. While he did 
not openly advocate immediate secession, he 
represented a large class who were waiting for 
an opportunity to form a southern confederacy, 
and needed but a slight pretext to desert the 
government and join them. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


With such counsellors as these Mr. Buchanan 
needed great selfreliance and an iron will to 
save his administration from the charges of im- 
becility, and even of leaning towards secession. 
He seemed most anxious to go through with 
his administration without collision either in or 
out of the cabinet, and from the opening events 
of secession he halted between the desire to 
perform his duty and the fear of offending 
somebody. ‘Thus the scheming’ secessionists 
held him in such subjection that the people 
began to feel that they had no government to 
save their country from speedy destruction. 
Relieved from the evil influences of secession 
counsel, however, and prompted by the patriotic 
energy of such men as Mr. Holt and Mr. Stan- 
ton, (who had been appointed attorney-gen- 
eral,) the president pursued a more decided 
policy, though not so strong and energetic as 
to secure the hearty approval of the loyal 
people, and escape the charge of vacillation. 
At the same time, he urged upon Congress, in 
a special message, the adoption of some meas- 
ures of compromise without delay. 

Amid the perplexities which surrounded him, 
and at the time when his cabinet was divided and 


|| breaking up, the president issued a recommen- 


dation for a national fast, to be observed on the 
4th day of January, 1861. The governors of 
many of the states codperated with the presi- 
dent’s recommendation, and it was generally 
appropriately observed. 

In Congress, more than in the cabinet, the 
spirit of secession was prevalent. The mem- 
bers of those states which were considered as 
certain to secede at an early day, acted as if 
they were already out of the Union, though 
they continued to occupy their seats, and some 
of them to express their opinions freely. Even 
before the secession ordinance was adopted in 
South Carolina, the senators from that state 
withdrew from the senate ; and, upon the formal 
announcement of the secession of the state, 
the representatives sent to the speaker of the 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


house a communication announcing that “the 
people of South Carolina have resumed the 
powers heretofore delegated by them to the 
federal government of the United States, and 
have thereby dissolved our connection with the 
house of representatives.” 

The formal secession of South Carolina, and 
the withdrawal of her representatives from 
Congress, seemed to excite in the other seces- 
sion members a desire to hasten similar pro- 
ceedings in their own states, and to prevent any 
lingering feeling for the Union from influencing 
the conventions about to be held; while they 
made new efforts to spread the poison of seces- 
sion and treason among the members from the 
border states, and the public officers of the 
government. Even before the South Carolina 
members retired, Mr. Toombs, senator from 
Georgia, telegraphed an address to the people 
of his state, in which he stated that there was 
no hope of a compromise ; that the propositions 
which he had submitted in the senate com- 
mittee of thirteen had been treated with 
derision or contempt; that Mr. Crittenden’s 
resolutions were “voted against unanimously 
by the Black Republicans ;” that the committee 
of thirty-three in the house was “ controlled by 
the Black Republicans, your enemies, who only 
seek to amuse you with delusive hope till your 
election, that you may defeat the friends of 
secession.” The address concluded as follows: 
“If you are deceived by them it shall not be 
my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. 
It is decisive against you now. I tell you, upon 
the faith of a true man, that all further looking 
to the north for security for your constitutional 


115 


rights in the Union, ought to be instantly 
abandoned. It is fraught with nothing but 
ruin to yourselves and your posterity. Seces- 
sion by the 4th day of March next should be 
thundered from the ballot-box by the unani- 
mous vote of Georgia on the 2d day of Jan- 
uary next. Such a voice will be your best 
guaranty for liberty, security, tranquillity, and 
glory.” 

This address indicated a fear lest more mod- 
erate counsels might prevail with the people 
of Georgia, and that delay might be dangerous 
to secession. Perhaps it was a well-grounded 
fear; for secession was the fruit of excitement 
and hasty and intemperate action, and if attach- 
ment to the Union could be encouraged by 
hope till some adjustment could be made, or 
the south come to a better understanding of 
the principles of the incoming administration, 
secession might be doomed. But the people 
of the south are easily excited, and such ad- 
dresses as these sent from Washington by a 
majority of the members of Congress from the 
states most disaffected, enabled the secessionists 
to control public opinion, or at least its expres- 
sion at the ballot-box and in the conventions. 
The Alabama and Mississippi delegations in 
Congress held a conference on the 6th of Jan- 
uary, and telegraphed to the conventions of 
their respective states to advise immediate 
secession; and a caucus of southern senators 
agreed to advocate separate and immediate 
secession. Thus were men who composed in 
part the government of the United States, and 


-were sworn to maintain it, treasonably laboring 


for its overthrow. 


116 


CHAPTER XVI 


Commissioners from South Carolina at Washington. — Communi- 
cation to the President. — President’s Reply. — Rejoinder of 
Commissioners. — Its Insolent Character. — Refusal to receive 
it. — Effect in South Carolina. — The Secession Press. — Plans 
for capturing Fort Sumter. — Change of Policy by the Ad- 
ministration. — Attempt to reénforce Fort Sumter. — The Star 
of the West. — Arrival off Charleston Harbor. — Fired into by 
the South Carolina Batteries. — Forced to retire. — Major 
Anderson’s Letter to Governor Pickens. — He threatens Re- 
taliation. — The Governor’s Reply.— The Matter referred to 
the Government. — Lieutenant Talbot goes to Washington. — 
Effect of these Events at Charleston. — Action of South Caro- 
lina Authorities. — A Surrender of Fort Sumter demanded. — 
Mr. Hayne sent an Envoy to Washington. — Demand of Goy- 
ernor Pickens on the Government for Surrender of Fort Sum- 
ter. — Action of Senators from seceding States. —A Delay in 
presenting the Demand. — Mr. Holt’s Letter to the Senators. 
— Mr. Hayne presents his Demand with Modifications. — Mr. 
Holt’s Reply. — Return of Lieutenant Talbot. — Instructions 
to Major Anderson. — Rumors. — Position of Affairs. 


Wuen South Carolina had seceded, one of the 
first steps of her authorities was to send com- 
missioners to Washington, duly accredited as 
from a foreign state, to negotiate with the fed- 
eral government. ‘These commissioners, Messrs. 
Barnwell, Orr, and Adams, arrived in Washing- 
ton on the 26th of December; but before they 
presented their credentials or opened their ne- 
gotiations the removal from Fort Moultrie to 
Fort Sumter occurred, and they probably then 
awaited instructions before acting. In the mean 
time they were cordially received by the seces- 
sion members from the south, and were not 
neglected by certain men of the north. On the 
29th of December they sent to the president 
the following communication : — 


‘“WasHInGton, December 28, 1860. 

“Sm: We have the honor to transmit to you 
a copy of the full powers from the convention 
of the people of South Carolina under which we 
are ‘authorized and empowered to treat with 
the government of the United States for the 
delivery of the forts, magazines, lighthouses, 
and other real estate, with their appurtenances, 
within the limits of South Carolina; and also 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


for an apportionment of the public debt, and a 
division of all other property held by the gov- 
ernment of the United States as agent of the 
confederated states of which South Carolina was 
recently a member; and generally to negotiate 
as to all other measures and arrangements 
proper to be made and adopted in the existing 
relations of the parties, and for the continuance 
of peace and amity between this commonwealth 
and the government at Washington,’ 

“Tn the execution of this trust, it is our duty 
to furnish you, as we now do, with an official 
copy of the ordinance of secession, by which the 
state of South Carolina has resumed the powers 
she delegated to the government of the United 
States, and has declared her perfect sovereignty 
and independence. 

“It would also have been our duty to have 
informed you that we were ready to negotiate 
with you upon all such questions as are neces- 
sarily raised by the adoption of this ordinance ; 
and that we were prepared to enter upon this 
negotiation with the earnest desire to avoid all 
unnecessary and hostile collision, and so to in- 
augurate our new relations as to secure mutual 
respect, general advantage, and a future of good 
will and harmony, beneficial to all parties con- 
cerned. 

“ But the events of the last twenty-four hours 
render such an assurance impossible. We came 
here the representatives of an authority which 
could at any time within the past sixty days 
have taken possession of the forts in Charleston 
harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a 
manner that we cannot doubt, determined to 
trust to your honor rather than to its own pow- 
er. Since our arrival an officer of the United 
States, acting, as we are assured, not only with- 
out but against your orders, has dismantled one 
fort and occupied another, thus altering to a 
most important extent the condition of affairs 
under which we came. 

* Until these circumstances are explained na 
manner which relieves us of all doubt as to the 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


spirit in which these negotiations shall be con- 
ducted, we are forced to suspend all discussion 
as to any arrangements by which our mutual 
interests might be amicably adjusted. 

“ And, in conclusion, we would urge upon you 
the immediate withdrawal of the troops from.the 
harbor of Charleston. Under present circum- 
stances they are a standing menace, which ren- 
ders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent 
experience shows, threatens speedily to bring 
to a bloody issue questions which ought to be 
settled with temperance and judgment. 

“We have the honor to be, sir, very respect- 
fully, your obedient servants, 


“R. W. Barnwett, 
“ J. H. Apams, 


“James L. Orr, 


“ Conumissioners. 
«‘The PresIpENT OF THE UNITED STATES.” 


To this letter the president replied as fol- 


lows: — 
‘¢ WAsHINGTON Crry, December 31, 1860. 


“GernTLEMEN: I have had the honor to re- 
ceive your communication of the 28th instant. 
*  *  * ‘Tn answer to this communication, 
I have to say that my position as president of 
the United States was clearly defined in the 
message to Congress on the 3d instant. In that 
I stated that ‘apart from the execution of the 
laws, so far as this may be practicable, the ex- 
ecutive has no authority to decide what shall be 
the relations between the federal government 
and South Carolina. He has been invested with 
no such discretion. He possesses no power to 
change the relations heretofore existing be- 
tween them, much less to acknowledge the in- 
dependence of that state. This would be to 
invest a mere executive officer with the power 
of recognizing the dissolution of the confeder- 
acy among our thirty-three sovereign states. 
It bears no resemblance to the recognition of a 
foreign de facto government, involving no such 
responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, 
on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, 


17 


therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the 
whole question in all its bearings’ 

“Such is still my opinion, and I could there- 
fore meet you only as private gentlemen of the 
highest character, and I was quite willing to 
communicate to Congress any proposition you 
might have to make to that body upon the sub- 
ject. Of this you were well aware. 

“It was my earnest desire that such a dispo- 
sition might be made of the whole subject by 
Congress, who alone possess the power, as to 
prevent the inauguration of a civil war between 
the parties in regard to the possession of the 
federal forts in the harbor of Charleston; and I 
therefore deeply regret that, in your opinion, 
‘the events.of the last twenty-four hours ren- 
der this impossible’ In conclusion, you urge 
upon me ‘the immediate withdrawal of the 
troops from the harbor of Charleston, stating 
that, ‘under present circumstances, they are a 
standing menace which renders negotiation im- 
possible, and, as our recent experience shows, 
threatens speedily to bring to a bloody issue 
questions which ought to be settled with tem- 
perance and judgment.’ 

“The reason for this change in your position 
is, that, smce your arrival in Washington, ‘an 
officer of the United States, acting, as we [you] 
are assured, not only without but against your 
[my] orders, has dismantled one fort and occu- 
pied another, thus altering to a most important 
extent the condition of affairs under which we 
[you] came. You also allege that you came 
here ‘the representatives of an authority which 
could at any time within the past sixty days 
have taken possession of the forts in Charleston 
harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a man- 
ner that we [you] cannot doubt, determined to 
trust to your [my] honor rather than to its 
own power.’ 

“'This brings me to a consideration of the na- 
ture of those alleged pledges, and in what man- 
ner they have been observed. In my message 
of the 8d of December instant, I stated, in regard 


118 


to the property of the United States in South 
Carolina, that it ‘has been purchased for a fair 
equivalent “by the consent of the legislature 
of the state for the erection of forts, magazines, 
arsenals,” &c., and over these the authority “ to 
exercise exclusive legislation” has been ex- 
pressly granted by the constitution to Congress. 
It is not believed that any attempt will be made 
to expel the United States from this property 
by force; but if in this I should prove to be 
mistaken, the officer in command of the forts 
has received orders to act strictly on the defen- 
sive. In such a contingency the responsibility 
for consequences would rightfully rest upon the 
heads of the assailants.’ 


“This being the condition of the parties on | 


Saturday, December 8, four of the representa- 
tives from South Carolina called upon me and 
requested an interview. We had an earnest 
conversation on the subject of these forts and 
the best means of preventing a collision between 
the parties, for the purpose of sparing the effu- 
sion of blood. I suggested, for prudential rea- 
sons, that it would be best to put in writing 
what they said to me verbally. They did so 
accordingly, and on Monday morning, the 10th 
instant, three of them presented to me a paper 
signed by all the representatives of South Caro- 
lina, with a single exception, of which the fol- 
lowing is a copy :— 
«¢¢ WASHINGTON, December 9, 1860. 

“¢In compliance with our statement to you 
yesterday, we now express to you our strong 
convictions that neither the constituted authori- 
ties nor any body of the people of the state of 
South Carolina will either attack or molest the 
United States forts in the harbor of Charleston 
previously to the action of the convention, and 
we hope and believe not until an offer has been 
made through an accredited representative to 
negotiate for an amicable arrangement of all 
matters between the state and the federal gov- 
ernment, provided that no reénforcements shall 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


be sent into those forts, and their relative mili- 
tary status shall remain as at present.’ 


“And here I must, in justice to myself, remark 
that at the time the paper was presented to me 
I objected to the word ‘provided, as it might 
be construed into an agreement on my part 
which I never would make. They said that 
nothing was further from their intention; they 
did not so understand it, and I should not so 
consider it. It is evident they could enter into 
no reciprocal agreement with me on the subject. 

“They did not profess to have authority to do 
this, and were acting in their individual charac- 
ter. I considered it as nothing more in effect 
than the promise of highly-honored gentlemen 
to exert their influence for the purpose ex- 
pressed. The event has proven that they have 
faithfully kept this promise, although I have 
never since received a line from any one of them, 
or from the convention, on the subject. It is well 
known that it was my determination -— and this 
I freely expressed — not to reénforce the forts 
in the harbor, and thus produce a collision, until 
they had been actually attacked, or until I had 
certain evidence that they were about to be at- 
tacked. This paper I received most cordially, 
and considered it as a happy omen that peace 
might be still preserved, and that time might 
thus be gained for reflection. This is the whole 
foundation for the alleged pledge. 

“ But I acted in the same manner as I would 
have done had I entered into a positive and 
formal agreement with parties capable of con- 
tracting, although such an agreement would 
have been on my part, from the nature of my 
official duties, impossible. The world knows 
that I have never sent any reénforcements to 
the forts in Charleston harbor, and I have cer- 
tainly never authorized any change to be made 
‘in their relative military status’ Bearing upon 
this subject, I refer you to an order issued by 
the secretary of war, on the 11th instant, to 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Major Anderson, but not brought to my notice 
until the 21st instant. It is as follows : — 

«<You are carefully to avoid every act which 
would needlessly tend to provoke aggression, 
and for that reason you are not, without evi- 
dent and imminent necessity, to take up any 
position which could be construed into the as- 
sumption of a hostile attitude; but you are to 
hold possession of the forts m this harbor, and 
if attacked, you are to defend yourself to the 
last extremity. The smallness of your force 
will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more 
than one of the three forts; but an attack on or 
attempt to take possession of either one of them 
will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you 
may then put your command into either of 
them which you may deem most proper to in- 
crease its power of resistance. You are also 
authorized to take similar defensive steps when- 
ever you have tangible evidence of a design to 
proceed to a hostile act.’ 

_ &These were the last instructions transmitted 

to Major Anderson before his removal to Fort 
Sumter, with a single exception in regard to a 
particular which does not in any degree affect 
the present question. Under these circum- 
stances, it is clear that Major Anderson acted 
upon his own responsibility and without au- 
thority, unless, indeed, he had ‘tangible evidence 
of a design to proceed to a hostile act’ on the 
part of the authorities of South Carolina, which 
has not yet been alleged. Still he is a brave 
and honorable officer, and justice requires that 
he should not be condemned without a fair 
hearing. 

“ Be this as it may, when I learned that Major 
Anderson had left Fort Moultrie and proceeded 
to Fort Sumter, my first promptings were to 
command him to return to his former position, 
and there await the contingencies presented in 
his instructions. This could only have been 
done with any degree of safety to the command 
by the concurrence of the South Carolina au- 
thorities. But before any steps could possibly 


119 


have been taken in this direction, we received 
information, dated on the 28th instant, that the 
‘palmetto flag floated out to the breeze at Castle 
Pinckney, and a large military force went over 
last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie’? Thus 
the authorities of South Carolina, without wait- 
ing or asking for any explanation, and doubtless 
believing, as you have expressed it, that the 
officer had acted not only without but against 
my orders, on the very next day after the night 
when the movement was made, seized by a mili- 
tary force two of the three federal forts in the 
harbor of Charleston, and have covered them 
under their own flag instead of that of the 
United States. At this gloomy period of our 
history startling events succeed each other rap- 
idly. On the very day, the 27th instant, that 
possession of these two forts was taken, the 
palmetto flag was raised over the federal cus- 
tom house and post office in Charleston; and 
on the same day every officer of the customs — 
collector, naval officer, surveyor, and apprais- 
ers — resigned their offices; and this although 
it was well known from the language of my 
message that, as an executive officer, I felt my- 
self bound to collect the revenue at the port of 
Charleston under the existing laws. 

“In the harbor of Charleston we now find 
three forts confronting each other, over all of 
which the federal flag floated only four days 
ago; but now over two of them this flag has 
been supplanted, and the palmetto flag has been 
substituted in its stead. It is under ail these 
circumstances that I am urged immediately to 
withdraw the troops from the harbor of Charles- 
ton, and am informed that without this negotia- 
tion isimpossible. This I cannot do; this I will 
not do. Such an idea was never thought of by 
me in any possible contingency. No allusion 
had ever been made to it in any communication 
between myself and any human being. But the 
inference is, that | am bound to withdraw the 
troops from the only fort remaining in the pos- 
session of the United States in the harbor of 


120 


Charleston, because the officer there in com- 
mand of all the forts thought proper, without 
instructions, to change his position from one of 
them to another. I cannot admit the justice 
of any such inference. And at this point of 
writing I have received information by tele- 
graph from Captain Humphreys, in command of 
the arsenal at Charleston, that it ‘has to-day 
(Sunday, the 30th) been taken by force of arms.’ 
Comment is needless. It is estimated that the 
property of the United States in this arsenal 
was worth half a million of dollars. 

“ After this information, | have only to add 
that, whilst it is my duty to defend Fort Sum- 
ter, as a portion of the public property of the 
United States, against hostile attacks, from what- 
ever quarter they may come, by such means as 
I may possess for this purpose, I do not perceive 
how such a defence can be construed into a 
menace against the city of Charleston. 

“ With great personal regard, I remain, yours, 

“Very respectfully, 
“James BucHANaN. 
«Hons. R. W. Barnwett, J. H. Apams, J. L. Orr.” 


The commissioners rejoined in another long 
communication, in which they attempted to 
refute, and not in the most courteous or 
respectful manner, the president’s statements 
in relation to any pledge. They reviewed the 
history of the matter as they understood it, as 
follows : — 

“Some weeks ago the state of South Carolina 
declared her intention, in the existing condition 
of public affairs, to secede from the United 
states. She called a convention of her people 
to put her declaration in force. The conven- 
tion met, and passed the ordinance of secession. 
All this you anticipated, and your course of 
action was thoroughly considered in your 
annual message. You declared you had no 
right, and would not attempt, to coerce a 
seceding state, but that you were bound by 
your constitutional oath, and would defend the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


property of the United States within the bor- 
ders of South Carolina, if an attempt was 
made to take it by force. Seeing very early 
that this question of property was a difficult 
and delicate one, you manifested a desire to 
settle it without collision. You did not reén- 
force the garrison in the harbor of Charleston. 
You removed a distinguished and veteran 
officer from the command of Fort Moultrie 
because he attempted to increase his supply of 
ammunition. You refused to send additional 
troops to the same garrison when applied for 
by the officer appointed to succeed him. You 
accepted the resignation of the oldest and most 
eminent member of your cabinet, rather than 
allow the garrison to be strengthened. You 
compelled an officer stationed at Fort Sumter 
to return immediately to the arsenal forty 
muskets which he had taken to arm his men. 
You expressed not to one, but to many of the 
most distinguished of our public characters, 
whose testimony will be placed upon the record 
whenever it is necessary, your anxiety for a 
peaceful termination of this controversy, and 
your willingness not to disturb the military 
status of the forts, if commissioners should be 
sent to the government, whose communications 
you promised to submit to Congress. You re- 
ceived and acted on assurances from the highest 
official authorities of South Carolina, that no 
attempt would be made to disturb your pos- 
session of the forts and property of the United 
States, if you would not disturb their existing 
condition until the commissioners had been 
sent, and the attempt to negotiate had failed. 
You took from the members of the house of 
representatives a written memorandum that no 
such attempt should be made, ‘ provided that 
no reénforcements should be sent into those 
forts, and their relative military status shall 
remain as at present.” And although you 
attach no force to the acceptance of such a 
“paper — although you ‘considered it as noth- 
‘ing more in effect than the promise of highly 


re 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


honorable gentlemen’—as an obligation on 
one side, without corresponding obligation on 
the other — it must be remembered (if we were 
rightly informed) that you were pledged, if you 
ever did send reénforcements, to return it to 
those from whom you had received it, before 
you executed your resolution. You sent orders 
to your officers commanding them strictly to 
follow a line of conduct in conformity with 
such an understanding. Besides all this, you 
had received formal and official notice from the 
governor of South Carolina that we had been 
appointed commissioners, and were on our way 
to Washington. You knew the implied condi- 
tion under which we came; our arrival was 
notified to you, and an hour appointed for an 
interview. Wearrived in Washington on Wed- 
nesday at three o’clock, and you appointed an 
interview with us atone the next day. Larly 
on that day (Thursday) the news was received 
here of the movement of Major Anderson. That 
news was communicated to you immediately, 
and you postponed our meeting until half past 
two o’clock on Friday, in order that you might 
consult your cabinet. On Friday we saw you, 
_and we called upon you then to redeem your 
pledge. You could not deny it. With the 
facts we have stated, and in the face of the 
crowning and conclusive fact that your secre- 
tary of war had resigned his seat in the cabinet, 
upon the publicly avowed ground that the 
action of Major Anderson had violated the 
pledged faith of the government, and _ that 
unless the pledge was instantly redeemed, he 
was dishonored, denial was impossible; you 
did not deny it. You do not deny it now, but 
you seek to escape from its obligation on the 
grounds, first, that we terminated all negotia- 
tion by demanding, as a preliminary, the with- 
drawal of the United States troops from the 
harbor of Charleston; and, second, that the 
authorities of South Carolina, instead of asking 
explanation, and giving you the opportunity to 
16 


121 


vindicate yourself, took possession of other 
property of the United States. * * * 

“Tn relation to the withdrawal of the troops 
from the harbor, we are compelled, however, to 
notice one passage of your letter. Referring to 
it you say, ‘This | cannot do. This I will not 
do. Such an idea was never thought of by me 
in any possible contingency. No allusion to it 
had ever been made in any communication 
between myself and any human being.’ 

“Tn reply to this statement we are compelled 
to say that your conversation with us left upon 
our minds the distinct impression that you did 
seriously contemplate the withdrawal of the 
troops from Charleston harbor. And in support 
of this impression we would add that we have 
the positive assurance of gentlemen of the 
highest possible public reputation and the 
most unsullied integrity —— men whose name 
and fame, secured by long service and patrr 
otic achievement, place their testimony beyond 
cavil — that such suggestions had been made 
to and urged upon you by them, and had 
formed the subject of more than one earnést 
discussion with you. And it was this knowl- 
edge that induced us to urge upon you a 
policy which had to recommend it its own 
wisdom and the weight of such authority.” 

The following is the menacing conclusion of 
this rude and ill-tempered communication : — 

“You have decided — you have resolved — 
to hold by force what was obtained through mis- 
placed confidence, and converted Major An- 
derson’s violation of orders into a: legitimate 
executive order. You have rendered civil war 
inevitable. Be it so. If you choose to force 
the issue upon South Carolina, she will accept 
it, relying upon Him who is the God of justice 
as well as the God of hosts, and she will 
endeavor to do her duty bravely and hopefully.” 

The president properly refused to receive 
this communication, and it was returned to 
them with an indorsement to that effect. 


122 


Finding that the president would receive no 
further communication from them, the commis- 
sioners left Washington for Charleston, con- 
sidering the abrupt termination of their mission 
an insult to themselves and their state, and 
proclaiming it as a declaration of war. But 
South Carolina, without awaiting the result of 
this mission, had already ordered new fortifica- 
tions to be constructed in and around the harbor 
of Charleston, to resist any attempt to reénforce 
Fort Sumter, and threatening the safety of that 
post. Upon the receipt of the intelligence of 
the failure of the commissioners to accomplish 
their errand, the attitude of the government 
was regarded as warlike, and military prepara- 
tions were pushed with renewed vigor. Fort 


Moultrie was repaired and strengthened, new | 


batteries were erected on Sullivan’s Island and 
on Morris’s Island, and subsequently on Cum- 
mings Point. A floating battery was com- 
menced, and one or two steamers and other 
small vessels were taken possession of and 
armed. The revenue cutter William Aiken 
had been previously betrayed into the hands 
of the state authorities by the commander, 
Captain Coste, and became a part of the South 
Carolina navy. The press was very warlike, 
teeming with falsehood and bombast to keep 
up the excitement, and anonymous appeals 
intended to stir up the people to attack Fort 
Sumter; andthe demonstrative portion of the 
people echoed the voice of the press with 
manifold variations. 

A variety of plans for capturing Fort Sum- 
ter was proposed through the newspapers and 
directly to the government, such as sending 
down to the fort huge fire rafts to smoke out 
the garrison; or bribing the men to surrender ; 
or filling bombs with prussic acid or other offen- 
sive substance, the explosion of which would 
suffocate ; or sending down a floating battery, 
constructed of cotton bales, which should codp- 
erate with Fort Moultrie and the other land 
batteries, and an armed fleet, and thus, with 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the aid of sharp-shooters to pick off the garri- 
son, man by man, compel the few survivors to 
capitulate. But with all these schemes to cap- 
ture an unfinished, partially-armed fortification, 
garrisoned by about seventy men, and with 
all the military ardor which manifested itself 
throughout the state, and the warlike spirit 
and hatred towards the United States, which 
was ever veady to threaten such an enterprise, 
the authorities appeared to be inclined to no 
such demonstration. 

When the changes in the cabinet had infused 
more vigor into the administration, and the 
course pursued by the South Carolina commis- 
sioners had revealed to the president the char- 
acter of secession, he consented to a change of 
his policy in regard to reénforcing the little 
garrison of Fort Sumter. Accordingly, the 
merchant steamship Star of the West was 
chartered to transport troops, stores, and am- 
munition to that post. This vessel, unarmed, 
cleared at New York for Havana and New 
Orleans on the 5th of January, 1861, and 
quietly taking on board in the bay two. hun- 
dred artillerists and marines, with the necessary 
ammunition and provisions, proceeded on her 
voyage to Charleston. Upon her arrival there 
the hostile intentions of South Carolina were 
unequivocally manifested. The Star of. the 
West arrived off Charleston bar in the night, 
and, the lights having been extinguished, was 
obliged to await daylight before entering the 
harbor. At daybreak, on the 9th of January, 
a steamer which had been on the watch — the 
South Carolina authorities probably being in- 
formed of the expedition— burned signal lights 
and steamed up the harbor. The Star of the 
West proceeded over the bar and up the chan- 
nel as soon as it was sufficiently light. When 
about two miles from Fort Moultrie, and the 
same distance from Fort Sumter, the new bat- 
tery on Morris Island opened fire upon her. 
The American flag was flying at the staff, and 
another large American flag was now hoisted 


° PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


at the fore, but the battery continued to fire, 
seconded by Fort Moultrie. Two shots took 
effect without doing material damage, and sev- 
eral others came near doing serious injury. 
The vessel being unarmed, and being obliged, 
in following the channel, to approach Fort 
Moultrie within easy range of its guns, and 
as a vessel apparently armed was seen coming 
down the harbor, towed by a steamer, it was 
deemed too dangerous to attempt to reach Fort 
Sumter, and the commander accordingly put 
the vessel about, and sailed out of the harbor, 
the Morris Island battery continuing its fire 
until the shot fell short. 

These proceedings were watched with intense 
interest from Fort Sumter, and the guns front- 
ing Fort Moultrie and Morris Island were run 
out, but no further demonstration was made. 
When the Star of the West retreated from the 
harbor, Major Anderson sent a messenger to Goy- 
ernor Pickens, bearing the following note : — 


‘¢To rHE Governor or Soutu CaRouina. 
. 


“Sir: Two of your batteries this morning 
fired on an unarmed vessel bearing the flag of 
my government. As I have not been notified 
that war has been declared by South Carolina 
_against the United States, I cannot but think 
this hostile act was committed without your 
authority. Under that hope I refrain from 
opening fire on your batteries. I Tespectfully 
ask whether the above-mentioned act — one 
which I believe without a parallel im the history of 
this country or of any other civilized government —was 
committed in obedience to your instructions, 
and notify you that if it is not disclaimed, I 
shall regard it as an act of war, and shall not, 
after a reasonable time for the return of my 
messenger, permit any vessel to pass within 
- the range of the guns of my fort. In order to 
save as far as in my power the shedding of 
blood, I beg you will take due notification of 
my decision, for the good of all concerned ; 


123 


hoping, however, your answer may justify a 
further continuance of forbearance on my 
part. 
“J remain, respectfully, 
“ ROBERT ANDERSON.” 


To this Governor Pickens replied, after 
stating the position of South Carolina towards 
the United States, that any attempt to send 
government troops to reénforce the forts would 
be regarded as an act of hostility, and any 
attempt to reénforce Fort Sumter, or to retake 
and resume possession of the forts within the 
waters of South Carolina, which Major Ander- 
son had abandoned, would be regarded as coer- 
cive of the state. Special agents had been off 
the bar to warn vessels with troops for Fort 
Sumter not to enter the harbor. Special orders 
had been given the commanders of the forts 
not to fire into vessels until a shot across their 
bows should warn them. Under such orders 
and circumstances the Star of the West was 
fired into; “and the act,’ said the governor, 
“is perfectly justified by me.” In response to 
Major Anderson’s threat about vessels in the 
harbor, he said, “You must be the judge of 
your own responsibility. Your position in the 
harbor has been tolerated by the authorities of 
the state ; and, while the act of which you com- 
plain is in perfect consistency with the rights 


|and duties of the state, it is not perceived how 


far the conduct you propose to adopt can find 
a parallel in the history of any country, or 
be reconciled with any other purpose than that 
the government is imposing on South Carolina 
the condition of a conquered province.” 

Major Anderson replied to the governor 
that, upon further consideration, he deemed it 
proper to refer the whole matter to the gov- 
ernment, and would defer the course he indi- 
cated in his former note until the arrival of 
instructions from Washington. Lieutenant Tal- 
bot was accordingly despatched to Washington 


124 HISTORY OF 


to lay the matter before the government, Major 
Anderson requesting that the governor would 
afford every facility for his departure and return. 


This affair created great excitement at Charles- | 


ton, and gave additional impetus to the military 
preparations. The first gun had been fired ; the 
attempt to reénforce Fort Sumter was a dec- 
laration of war on the part of the federal goy- 
ernment; it had been defeated by an appeal to 
arms, and would not be renewed ; but if it were, 
the soldiers of South Carolina would only be 
too glad to repel it. Such was the common 
sentiment; and the state authorities acted in a 
similar spirit, the legislature adopting a resolu- 
tion that any new attempt to reénforce Fort 
Sumter would be considered a declaration of 
war. But further measures were forthwith 
adopted to demand the surrender of the fort, 
before taking the final hostile step which the 
excited people demanded. 
The governor demanded of Major Anderson 
a surrender of Fort Sumter; but that gallant 
officer declined doing what he had no authority 
to do. Isaac W. Hayne, attorney-general of 
South Carolina, was then sent to Washington 
with the following formal demand on the presi- 
dent to deliver the fort into the possession of 
South Carolina : — 
«Srare or Sour CaroninaA, ExEcuTiIvE OFFIcr, 
HEADQUARTERS, CHARLESTON, January 12, 1861. } 
“Sir: At the time of the separation of the 
state of South Carolina from the United States, 
Fort Sumter was, and still is, in possession of 
troops of the United States, under the command 
of Major Anderson. I regard that possession 
as not consistent with the dignity or safety of 
the state of South Carolina, and have this day 
addressed to Major Anderson a communication 
to obtain from him the possession of that fort 
by the authorities of this state. The reply of 
Major Anderson informs me that he has no 
authority to do what I required; but he desires 
a reference of the demand to the president of 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


the United States. Under the circumstances 
now existing, and which need no comment by 
me, I have determined to send to you the Hon. 
I. W. Hayne, the attorney-general of the state 
of South Carolina, and have instructed him to 
demand the delivery of Fort Sumter, in the 
harbor of Charleston, to the constituted authori- 
ties of the state of South Carolina. The de- 
mand I have made of Major Anderson, and 
which I now make of you, is suggested because 
of my earnest desire to avoid, the bloodshed 
which a persistence in your attempt to retain 
possession of that fort will cause, and which 
will be unavailing to secure to you that pos- 
session, but induce a calamity most deeply to 
be deplored. If consequences so unhappy shall 
ensue, I will secure for this state, in the demand 
which I now make, the satisfaction of having ex- 
hausted every attempt to avoid it. 

“In relation to the public property of the 
United States within Fort Sumter, the Hon. I. 
W. Hayne, who will hand you this communica- 
tion, is authorized to give you the pledge of 
the state that the valuation of such property 
will be accounted for by this state upon the 
adjustment of its relations with the United 
States, of which it was a part. 

“FF. W. Pickens. 


“The PresIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.” 


Before presenting this letter to the president, 
however, ten senators from the seceding states 
held a correspondence with Mr. Hayne to in- 
duce him to delay the delivery of it until after 
the seceded states had met in convention to 
form a new confederation, urging that it was 
due from South Carolina to their states that she 
should avoid initiating hostilities. Mr. Hayne 
acceded so far as to submit their proposition to 
the government of South Carolina, if they had 


|| assurances that in the mean time Fort Sumter 


should not be reénforced. This correspondence 
was sent to the president by the senators 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


participating in it, and was replied to by 
Mr. Holt, secretary of war, who in his letter! 
said, — 

“In regard to the proposition of Colonel 
Hayne, ‘ that no reénforcements will be sent to 
Fort Sumter in the interval, and that public 
peace will not be disturbed by any act of hos- 
tility towards South Carolina, it is impossible 
for me to give you any such assurances. The 
president has no authority to enter into such 
an agreement or understanding. As an execu- 
tive officer, he is simply bound to protect the 
public property, so far as this may be practica- 
ble; and it would be a manifest violation of his 
duty to place himself under engagements that 
he would not perform this duty either for an 
indefinite or a limited period. At the present 
moment it is not deemed necessary to reénforce 
Major Anderson,-because he makes no such re- 
quest, and feels quite secure in his position. 
Should his safety, however, require reénforce- 
ments, every effort will be made to supply 
them. ‘ $ Ci 

“JT am glad to be assured, from the letter of 
Colonel Hayne, that ‘Major Anderson and his 
command do now obtain all necessary supplies, 
including fresh meat and vegetables, and, I be- 
lieve, fuel and water, from the city of Charles- 
ton, and do now enjoy communication, by post 
and special messenger, with the president, and 


will continue to do so, certainly until the door 
to negotiation has been closed. I trust that 
these facilities may still be afforded to Major 
Anderson. This is as it should be. Major An- 
derson is not menacing Charleston; and I am 
convinced that the happiest result which can 
_ be obtained is, that both he and the authorities 
of South Carolina shall remain on their present 
amicable footing, neither party being bound 
by any obligations whatever, except the high 
Christian and moral duty to keep the peace, and 
to avoid all causes of mutual irritation.” 

Mr, Hayne, having referred the proposition 


125 


to the authorities of his state, received new 
instructions, showing a disposition on the part 
of South Carolina not to delay entering upon 
negotiations, but modifying the character of 
the demand, as appears by the following reply 
to Mr. Hayne’s letter, made by Mr. Holt : — 


‘War DerarrMent, February 6, 1861. 


“Sir: The president of the United States has 
received your letter of the 31st ultimo, and 
has charged me with the duty of replying 
thereto. 

“In the communication addressed to the 
president by Governor Pickens, under date of 
the 12th of January, and which accompanies 
yours now before me, his excellency says, ‘I 
have determined to send to you the Hon. I. W. 
Hayne, the attorney-general of the state of 
South Carolina, and have instructed him to 
demand the surrender of Fort Sumter, in the 
harbor of Charleston, to the constituted author- 
ities of the state of South Carolina. The de- 
mand I have made of Major Anderson, and 
which I now make of you, is suggested because 
of my earnest desire to avoid the bloodshed 
which a persistence in your attempt to retain 
the possession of that fort will cause, and which 
will be unavailing to secure to you that posses- 
sion, but induce a calamity most deeply to be 
deplored” The character of the demand thus 
authorized to be made appears (under the influ- 
ence, I presume, of the correspondence with the 
senators to which you refer) to have been modi- 
fied by subsequent instructions of his excel- 
lency, dated the 26th, and received by yourself 
on the 30th of January, in which he says, ‘If 
it be so that Fort Sumter is held as property, 
then, as property, the rights, whatever they 
may be, of the United States can be ascer- 
tained, and for the satisfaction of these rights 
the pledge of the state of South Carolina you 
are authorized to give. The full scope and 
precise purport of your instructions, as thus 


126 


modified, you have expressed in the following 
words: ‘I do not come as a military man to 
demand the surrender of a fortress, but as the 
legal officer of the state — its attorney-general 
—to claim for the state the exercise of its un- 
doubted right of eminent domain, and to pledge 
the state to make good all injury to the rights 
of property which arise from the exercise of 
the claim” And lest this explicit language 
should not sufficiently define your position, you 
add, ‘The proposition now is, that her [South 
Carolina’s] law officer should, under authority 
of the governor and his council, distinctly pledge 
the faith of South Carolina to make such com- 
pensation, in regard to Fort Sumter and its ap- 
purtenances and contents, to the full extent of 
the money value of the property of the United 
States delivered over to the authorities of South 
Carolina by your command. You then adopt 
his excellency’s train of thought upon the sub- 
ject, so far as to suggest that the possession of 
Fort Sumter by the United States, ‘if continued 
long enough, must lead to collision? and that 
‘an attack upon it would scarcely improve it as 
property, whatever the result; and if captured, 
it would no longer be the subject of account.’ 
“The proposal, then, now presented to the 
president, is simply an offer on the part of 
South. Carolina to buy Fort Sumter and con- 


not permitted to make the purchase she will, 


seize the fort by force of arms. As the initia- 
tion of a negotiation for the transfer of property 
between friendly governments, this proposal 
impresses the president as having assumed a 
most unusual form. He has, however, investi- 


gated the claim on which it professes to be 


based, apart from the declaration that accom- 
panies it. And it may be here remarked, that 
much stress has been laid upon the employment 
of the words ‘ property’ and ‘ public property’ 
by the president in his several messages, These 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


are the most comprehensive terms which can 
be used in such a connection; and surely, when 
referring to a fort or any other public establish- 
ment, they embrace the entire and undivided 
interest of the government therein. 

“The title of the. United States to Fort 
Sumter is complete and incontestable. Were 
its interests in this property purely proprietary, 
in the ordinary acceptation of the term, it might 
probably be subjected to the exercise of the 
right of eminent domain; but it has also polit- 
ical relations to it of a much higher and more 
imposing character than those of mere pro- 
prietorship. It has absolute jurisdiction over 
the fort and the soil on which it stands. This 
jurisdiction consists in the authority to ‘exer- 
cise exclusive legislation’ over the property 
referred to, and is therefore clearly incompati- 


ble with the claim of eminent domain now in- 


sisted upon by South Carolina. This authority 
was not derived from any questionable revolu- 
tionary source, but from the peaceful cession of 
South Carolina herself, acting through her legis- 
lature, under a provision of the constitution of 
the United States. South Carolina can no more 
assert the right of eminent domain over Fort 
Sumter than Maryland can assert it over the 
District of Columbia. The political and pro- 


_prietary rights of the United States in either 
tents as property of the United States, sus- | 
tained by a declaration, in effect, that if she is | 


case rest upon precisely the same ground, 
“The president, however, is relieved from the 
necessity of further pursuing this inquiry by 
the fact that, whatever may be the claim of 
South Carolina to this fort, he has no consti- 
tutional power to cede or surrender it. The 
property of the United States has been acquired 
by force of public law, and can only be disposed 
of under the same solemn sanctions. The 
president, as the head of the executive branch 
of the government only, can no more sell and 
transfer Fort Sumter to South Carolina than he 
can sell and convey the Capitol.of the United 
States to Maryland or to any other state or 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


individual seeking to possess it. His excel- 
lency the governor is too familiar with the con- 
stitution of the United States, and with the 
limitations upon the powers of the chief magis- 
trate of the government it has established, not 
to appreciate at once the soundness of this 
legal proposition. 

“The question of reénforcing Fort Sumter is 
so fully disposed pf in my letter to Senator Sh- 
dell and others, under date of the 22d of Jan- 
uary, a copy of which accompanies this, that its 
discussion will not now be renewed. I then 
said, ‘At the present moment it is not deemed 
necessary to reénforce Major Anderson, because 
he makes no such request. Should his safety, 
however, require reénforcements, every effort 
will be made to supply them.” I can add 
nothing to the explicitness of this language, 
which still applies to the existing status. The 
right to send forward reénforcements when, in 
the judgment of the president, the safety of 
the garrison requires them, rests on the same un- 
questionable foundation as the right to occupy 
the fortress itself 

“In the letter of Senator Davis and others to 
yourself, under date of the 1dth ultimo, they 
say,‘ We therefore think it especially due from 
South Carolina to our states — to say nothing 
of other slaveholding states — that she should, 
as far as she can consistently with her honor, 
avoid initiating hostilities between her and the 
United States or any other power;’ and you 
now yourself give to the president the gratify- 
ing assurance that ‘South Carolina has every 
disposition to preserve the public peace;’ and 


since he is himself sincerely animated by the 


same desire, it would seem that this common 
and patriotic object must be of certain attain- 
ment. It is difficult, however, to reconcile with 


this assurance the declaration on your part that | 
of the president’s pacific purposes in continuing 
the occupation of Fort Sumter until the ques- 


‘it is a consideration of her [South Carolina’s] 
own dignity as a sovereign, and the safety of 
her people, which prompts her to demand that 


127 


this property should not longer be used as a 
military post by a government she no longer 
acknowledges, and the thought you so con- 
stantly present, that this occupation must lead 
to a collision of arms and the prevalence of 
civil war. Fort Sumter is in itself a military 
post, and nothing else; and it would seem that 
not so much the fact as the purpose of its use 
should give to it a hostile or friendly character. 
‘This fortress is now held by the government of 
the United States for the same objects for which 
it has been held from the completion of its 
construction. These are national and defen- 
sive; and were a public enemy now to attempt 
the capture of Charleston or the destruction of 
the commerce of its harbor, the whole force 
of the batteries’ of this fortress would be at 
once exerted for their protection. How the 
presence of a small garrison, actuated by such 
a spirit as this, can compromise the dignity or 
honor of South Carolina, or become a source 
of irritation to her people, the president is at a 
loss to understand. The attitude of that gar- 
rison, as has been often declared, is neither 
menacing, nor defiant, nor unfriendly. It is 
acting under orders to stand strictly on the de- 
fensive; and the government and people of 
South Carolina must well know that they can 
never receive aught but shelter from its guns, 
unless, in the absence of all provocation, they 
should assault it and seek its destruction. The 
intent with which this fortress is held by the 
president is truthfully stated by Senator Davis 
and others in their letter to yourself of the 
15th January, in which they say, ‘It is not 
held with any hostile or unfriendly purpose 
towards your state, but merely as property of 


‘the United States, which the president deems 
‘it his duty to protect and preserve.’ 


“Tf the announcement, so repeatedly made, 


tion shall have been settled by competent au- 


128 


thority, has failed to impress the government 
of South Carolina, the forbearing conduct of 
his administration for the last few months should 
be received as conclusive evidence of his sin- 
cerity. And if this forbearance, in view of the 
circumstances which have so severely tried it, 
be not accepted as a satisfactory pledge of the 
peaceful policy of this administration towards 
South Carolina, then it may be safely affirmed 
that neither language nor conduct can possibly 
furnish one. If, with all the multiplied proofs 
which exist of the president’s anxiety for peace, 
-and of the earnestness with which he has pur- 
sued it, the authorities of that state shall assault 
Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the hand- 
ful of brave and loyal men shut up within its 
walls, and thus plunge our common country 
into the horrors of civil war, then upon them 
and those they represent must rest the respon- 
sibility. 
“Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 


“J. Hour, Secretary of War. 
‘“‘Hon. I. W. Hayne, 
“« Attorney-General of the State of South Carolina.” 


Meanwhile Lieutenant Talbot had returned 
to Fort Sumter with verbal instructions to Ma- 
jor Anderson to hold and defend the fort at 
all hazards, and to protect vessels bearing the 
American flag. It was understood, however, to 
be the policy of the government not to make 
any further attempt to reénforce the garrison 
unless an attack was threatened. Rumors al- 
ternated between reénforcement and consequent 
hostilities, and evacuation and a peaceful settle- 
ment of difficulties. But while there was a pros- 
pect of immediate hostilities, the work proceeded 
on the batteries which threatened the safety of 
Fort Sumter, and Major Anderson and his gar- 
rison were virtually besieged, though limited 
facilities were afforded them for obtaining fresh 
provisions from the city. Matters here con- 
tinued in this condition through the remainder 
of Mr. Buchanan’s administration. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


CHAPTER XVII. 


Secession in other ‘“ Cotton States.” — Mississippi. — Florida and 
Alabama. — Proposed Convention of seceding States. — Geor- 
gia. — Louisiana, — Texas. —- Seven States seceded. — The 
Border Slave States. -—- Sympathy with Secession. — Efforts of 
Secessionists in the Border States. — Commissioners from 
Cotton States. — Their Reception. — Delaware. — Maryland. 
— Governor Hicks. — Secession as advocated in the Border 
States. -— Virginia. — Sympathy with the South. — Resistance 
to ‘ Coercion.” — North Carolina. — Tennessee. — Kentucky. 
— Missouri. — Resolutions of Virginia Legislature. — A Peace 
Convention. —- President’s Approval of the Plan. — The States 
send Commissioners. — Action of South Carolina, — The Con- 
vention. — Its Character. — Its Propositions. — Their Failure. 
— Position of Virginia. —— A Convention called. — Secret Ses- 
sions. — Deceptive Policy. — Seizure of Forts, Arsenals, and 
other Property of the United States. — Arsenals and Forts at 
Savannah, Mobile, Apalachicola, &c.— Marine Hospital at 
New Orleans. — Inhuman Conduct. — Arsenal at Baton Rouge. 
— Pensacola Navy Yard.— Forts Barrancas and Pickens. — Pa- 
triotic and gallant Action of Lieutenant Slemmers. — Removal 
to Fort Pickens. — Strength of the Post, and Importance of 
the Movement. — Treacherous Surrender of Revenue Cutters. 
— Efforts to secure the Cutters at New Orleans and Mobile. — 
Vigorous Orders of Secretary Dix.— Treachery of General 
Twiggs.— Base Surrender of a vast Amount of Public Prop- 
erty. — Twiggs dismissed from the Service. — Character of the 
Seizures and Betrayal of Public Property. 


WuEN secession had once begun by the action 
of South Carolina, it was evident that some of 
the other “cotton states” would follow the ex- 
ample, if the schemes of the secessionists could 
accomplish it. In some of the states conven- 
tions had already been called, and in others the 
secession of South Carolina was a signal for 
calling them. In Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, 
and Georgia, the conventions assembled early in 
January, 1861, and proceeded at once not to the 
discussion of the right or expediency of seces- 
sion, but to frame ordinances therefor, and to 
take other measures for carrying that purpose 
into effect. 

The Mississippi convention adopted the ordi- 
nance of secession on the 9th of January, with 
but fifteen votes in opposition; and the influ- 


ences brought to bear on the dissentients sub- 


sequently made the vote unanimous. All efforts 
to, postpone action were unavailing. The action 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


of the convention produced a wild excitement 
throughout Mississippi, and was received by the 
secessionists of other states with demonstrations 
of joy. 

Florida and Alabama were the next states to 
secede, and the convention of each adopted their 
respective ordinances of secession on the same 
day, January 11. The vote in the Florida con- 
vention was sixty-two to seven, and even the 
seven opponents were reported to have finally 
given in their adhesion. In Alabama the plan 
did not succeed so easily. There was a strong 
and able opposition to the adoption of the ordi- 
nance, and it was finally carried by a vote of 
sixty-one yeas to thirty-nine nays, thus indicat- 
ing that there was a large number in that state, 
chiefly in the northern part, who were opposed 
to hasty and extreme measures. The Alabama 
ordinance, after reciting that “the election of 
Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to the 
offices of president and vice-president of the 
United States of America, by a sectional party, 
avowedly hostile to the domestic institutions 
and peace and security of the people of the 
state of Alabama, following upon the heels of 
many and dangerous infractions of the constitu- 
tion of the United States, by many of the states 
and people of the northern section, is a political 
wrong of so insulting and menacing a character 
as to justify the people of the state of Alabama 
in the adoption of prompt and decided meas- 
ures for their future peace and security,” then 
declared that Alabama withdraws from the 
Union, and resumes her sovereignty. It also 
invited the people of all the slave states by 
their delegates to assemble in convention at 
Montgomery on the 4th of February, to take 
measures for organizing a provisional or per- 
manent government upon the principles of 
the government of the United States. The 
South Carolina convention had, a few days be- 
fore, adepted an ordinance embodying this lat- 
ter proposition, laying the foundations for the 


southern confederacy. 
17 


129 


The Georgia convention adopted an ordi- 
nance of secession on the 19th of January, by 
a vote of two hundred and eight to eighty-nine. 
It was similar in terms to that of South Caro- 
lina, Georgia being one of the original thirteen 
states. A motion to postpone its operation till 
the 8d of March.was lost by about thirty 
majority. 

On the 26th of January Louisiana seceded, 
the vote for the ordinance in the convention 
being one hundred and thirteen to seventeen. 
A resolution was also reported to the conven- 
tion, recognizing the right of free navigation 
of the Mississippi River, and of free ingress and 
egress of the mouths of that river by all friendly 
states; but it does not appear that it was adopted. 
This ordinance was submitted to the people for 
ratification, when it met with more opposition 
than it had received in the convention, but was 
ratified by a vote of twenty thousand four hun- 
dred and forty-eight against seventeen thousand 
two hundred and ninety-six.* 

In Texas the convention had been chosen in 
an irregular manner, Governor Houston having 
refused to convene the legislature to initiate 
the proceedings. It assembled, however, and 
on the Ist of February adopted an ordinance 
of secession, which was submitted to the people 
on the 25d of the same month, and, being rati- 
fied, took effect on the 2d of March. 

Thus seven states had declared that they had 
withdrawn from the Union, and took measures 
to form a confederacy according to the plan 
proposed by Alabama, by sending delegates to 
the convention at Montgomery. ‘The secession 
party in other southern states labored persis- 
tently to add to this number; but while several 
of them seemed ripe for secession, the scheme 
was not carried out so promptly as the extreme 
secessionists desired. 

The course to be pursued by the border 


* There was some question whether the ordinance was actually 
ratified by the people. Another statement.gave a majority of three 
hundred and twenty in the state against secession. 


130 


slave states in the crisis was awaited with anx- 
ious interest, both north and south. There was, 
unquestionably, a desire among the people of 
these states to preserve the Union; but there 
was also a warm sympathy between them and 
the people farther south on account of their 
.‘common institutions. The most determined 
efforts were made by the secessionists to carry 
these states over at once to the side of a south- 
ern confederacy, and to stifle or control the 
Union sentiment there as it was controlled in 
the states committed to secession. Commission- 
ers were sent from the seceding states to influ- 
ence the governments of the border states, 
while there were more private emissaries to 
affect the opinions of the people. 

The commissioners from Mississippi were the 
first who appeared on this mission in the border 
states. In Delaware, after hearing an address 
from one of these envoys, the legislature unani- 
mously “Resolved, that, having extended to 
Hon. H. Dickinson, commissioner from Missis- 
sippi, the courtesy due to him as a representative 
of a sovereign state of the confederacy, as well 
as to the state he represents, we deem it proper 
and due to ourselves and to the people of Del- 
aware to express our unqualified disapproval 
of the remedy for the existing difficulties sug- 


gested by the resolutions of the legislature of | 


Mississippi.” 

The people of Delaware, with some excep- 
tions, were loyal, and being a small state, no 
further direct efforts were made to secure her 
secession. In Maryland the legislature was not 
in session, and the governor declined to receive 
the commissioner from Mississippi, and refused 
to convene the legislature either to receive 
this envoy or to take any other steps which 
might complicate Maryland with secession. 
Governor Hicks, through all this period, acted 
with the greatest firmness; and while signifying 
his sympathy for the more southern states, de- 
clared his unalterable attachment to the Union, 
and his purpose to keep Maryland in it. The 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


| adherence of Maryland to the southern cause 
was considered of great importance, and within 
its borders there were many of the most bitter 
and persistent secessionists. To the loyalty 
and firmness of the governor, who was supported 
by a majority of the people, the preservation 
of Maryland from secession, and the safety of 
the national capital, may in a great measure be 
attributed. 

It may be well to observe, in this connection, 
that the secession publicly advocated before the 
people of Maryland, and perhaps of other bor- 
der states, was different from that which South 
Carolina considered a “final separation,’ and 
which was urged upon the extreme southern 
or cotton states. Tht Mississippi commissioner, 
addressing the citizens of Baltimore, said, “ Se- 
cession is not intended to break up the present 
government, but to perpetuate it. We do not 
propose to go out by way of breaking up or 
destroying the Union as our fathers gave it to 
us, but we go out for the purpose of getting 
further guaranties and security for our rights ; 
not by a convention of all the southern states, 
nor by congressional tricks, which have failed 
in times past, and will fail again. But our plan 
is for the southern states to withdraw from the 
Union, for the present, to allow amendments to 
the constitution to be made guaranteeing our 
just rights; and if the northern states will not 
make those amendments, by which these rights 
shall be secured to us, then we must secure 
them the best way we can.” 

In Virginia the secession envoys met with 
more favor. Some of the leading men of that 
state were strong secessionists. ‘The sentiment 
of the people was divided, but there was, among 
the people and in the legislature, a majority 
who were professedly for the Union. Their 
sympathies were with the south, but the advan- 


tages of the Union could not be overlooked ; 
and if there were any way by which the de- 
mands of the slave states could be substan- 
tially obtained, Virginia was for the Union. 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Virginia therefore undertook the character of 
mediator between the Union and the seceding 
states; but at the same time she assumed a 
threatening position — that her people would 
go with the south if such demands were not 
conceded in some new compromise; that any 


attempt on the part of the federal government | 


to coerce a state was not to be admitted, and 
that if the government undertook to march or 
transport troops over her soil for such coercion 
of South Carolina or other southern state, the 
act would be regarded as invasion, and resisted 
as such. Western Virginia was for the most 
part loyal, and true Union men were found in 
other parts of the state; but the majority were 
of that character who apologized for secession, 
or who openly advocated it. 

In North Carolina a more certain Union feel- 
ing was to be found; but that state assumed 
substantially the same position as Virginia. 
Tennessee was also like Virginia in respect to 
the sentiments of the people. The inhabitants 
of East Tennessee were for the most part loyal 
Unionists, but the western and controlling part 
of the state was favorable to secession; and as 
the governor of the state sympathized with the 
movement, it was early considered as one of 
the states of the proposed confederacy. Neither 
North Carolina nor Tennessee, however, prop- 
erly belonged to the “ border states.” 

In Kentucky, whatever were the sympathies 
of the governor, who was supposed to be in- 
clined to secession, if not committed to it, there 
was a large majority of the people determined 
to keep the state in the Union. Yet there 
were bitter and determined secessionists, there, 
who used all their influence to carry it over 
to the south. Missouri was similarly situated. 
With a governor an avowed secessionist, and 
a large part of the legislature to support him, 
steps were taken to secure the adoption of 
secession by a convention; but the people 
willed otherwise, and the convention event- 
ually proved the safety of the state. 


131 


While the border states were yet in this 
undecided condition, the Virginia legislature 
adopted resolutions expressing a determination 
to “make a final effort to restore the Union 


and the constitution in the spirit in which they 


were established by the Fathers of the Repub- 
lic,’ and inviting all the states, “ whether slave- 
holding or non-slaveholding, who are willing to ~ 
unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust 
the present unhappy controversies,” to appoint 
commissioners to meet at Washington on the 
4th of February. If these commissioners agreed 
upon any plan of adjustment, by amending the 
constitution, they were to report to Congress 
the proposed amendments, for the purpose of 
having them submitted to the people in due 
form. Commissioners were sent to the presi- 
dent, and to South Carolina and the other 
seceding states, requesting each party to abstain 
from all acts calculated to produce a collision 
while this convention was in session. This 
proposition was communicated to Congress by 
the president, who hailed it with great satisfac- 
tion, and, in commenting on the course of Vir- 
ginia, said, “I yet cherish the belief that the 
American people will perpetuate the union of 
the states on some terms just and honorable for 
all sections of the country. I trust that the 
inediation of Virginia may be the destined 
means, under the providence of God, of accom- 
plishing this inestimable benefit. Glorious as 
are the memories of her past history, such an 
achievement, both in relation to her own fame 
and the welfare of the whole country, would 
surpass them all.” 

The Virginia proposition being submitted to 
the several states, most of them sent commis- 
sioners to the convention. But the South Car- 
olina legislature unanimously adopted resolu- 
tions declaring that “the separation of South 
Carolina from the federal government is final, 
and that she has no further interests in the 
constitution of the United States; and that the 


only appropriate negotiations between her and 


132 HISTORY OP 


the federal government are as to their mutual 
relations as foreign states;” and that they con- 
sidered it “ unadvisable to initiate negotiations 
when South Carolina has no desire or intention 
to promote the ultimate object in view.” This 
action on the part of South Carolina revealed 
the feelings and purposes of the secessionists, 
not only of that state, but throughout the south, 
which was to establish and maintain a south- 
ern confederacy, whatever guaranties might be 
given for the protection of southern interests 
in the Union. 

This convention, which was known as the 
“peace convention,” assembled on the 5th of 
February. In it were gentlemen of eminent 
ability, and of the highest character; and 
whatever respect it commanded was on this 
account, for it was regarded as an assembly 
without authority, whose action would be of 
no avail except through the action of Congress. 
Ex-President Tyler, of Virginia, presided over 
its deliberations, which continued till near the 
close of the month, during which many propo- 
sitions were discussed. A majority of the con- 
vention finally agreed upon a plan combining 
the essential features of Mr. Crittenden’s and 
the “ border state” propositions, and embraced 
in seven proposed amendments to the consti- 
tution. This plan was communicated to the 
senate, where it came up for action just at the 
close of the session, and failed. 

The convention proposed by Virginia having 
thus produced no practical result, the position 
of that state changed gradually from that of a 
mediator to that of an armed neutral. While 
the peace congress was in session, Virginia was 
continuing her military preparations begun some 
time previous. The legislature had authorized 
a convention, and other measures were adopted, 
such as had led in other states to secession. 
The convention held some of its sessions with 
closed doors, and with an injunction of secrecy 
upon its members; true Union men withdrew 
from it, but evidently under restraint, and a 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


|few were in the end actually held as prisoners ; 


the real action of the convention was not 
known, but all the indications were, that Vir- 
ginia was ready to join the south whenever 
there should be a collision between the federal 
government and the seceding states, remaining 
in the mean time nominally in the Union; thus 
pursuing a deceptive policy, scarcely worthy 
of the “glorious memories of her past history,” 
to: which the president had so kindly alluded. 

In the seceding states, even before as well as 
after the ordinances of secession were adopted, 
the forts, arsenals, and other public property 
of the United States within their respective 
limits, where they were unprotected, were 
seized by the state authorities, or by parties 
of secessionists, who subsequently turned them 
over to the states. 

Fort Pulaski, below Savannah, was taken 
possession of by the state troops of Georgia, 
under orders from the governor, on the 3d of 
January, although the state did not formally 
secede until the 19th of the month. On the 
24th of the month, after secession, the arsenal 
at Augusta was compelled to surrender. 

The United States arsenal at Mobile, and 
Fort Morgan, in the harbor of that city, were 
taken possession of on the 4th of January, the 
former apparently by an armed mob, and the 
latter by the state troops of Alabama, who re- 
mained in the fort as a garrison. The state 
did not secede until the 11th of the same 
month. The Apalachicola arsenal and Fort 
Marion, at St. Augustine, were seized on the 5th 
and 7th of January, some days before Florida 
seceded. The arsenal at Little Rock, Arkan- 
sas, was also taken possession of by the authori- 
ties of that state, though secession was not yet 
determined on. 

The United States Marine Hospital, below 
New Orleans, was taken by a party of Louisiana 
state troops, January 11th, two weeks before 
the state seceded. Upwards of two hundred 
patients, sick or disabled seamen, were ordered 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to be removed; those who were convalescent 
immediately, and those who were confined to 
theif beds as soon as possible. This cruel 
action was justified by the authorities on the 
ground that they wanted the hospital as quar- 
ters for their troops. The inhuman and base 
act was aggravated by the fact that the hospi- 
tal was not a military or naval establishment, but 
a charitable institution for the benefit of seamen 
in the merchant service, and maintained, under 
the care of the United States, by dues levied 
on the merchant marine. On the same day, 
the national arsenal and barracks at Baton 
Rouge were surrounded by another force of 
Louisiana troops, and the small force stationed 
there was obliged to surrender, the officers and 
men carrying away their arms and equipments, 
and personal effects. 

At Pensacola, on the 12th of January, the 
day before the adoption of the secession ordi- 
nance by the Florida convention, bodies of 
Florida and Alabama troops, surrounding the 
navy yard, demanded the surrender of that 
station. Commodore Armstrong, the command- 
ant of the yard, having no sufficient means of 
resistance, and finding the assailing forces had 
possession of the magazine and the entrances 
to the yard, was compelled to surrender. With 
a few exceptions, the officers and men employed 
in the yard sympathized with the secessionists, 
and some of them were traitors. Nearly all of 
these, immediately upon the surrender, trans- 
ferred their allegiance from the United States 
to the state of Florida. The small marine 
guard were the only men upon whom could be 
placed any reliance. A party of “ordinary 
men” had, the day previous, been sent to Fort 
Pickens. 

The government, upon the accession of Mr. 
Holt to the war department, and when the pur- 
pose to seize United States property was mani- 
fested, had sent orders to Pensacola for the 
protection of the navy yard and the forts 
which guarded the harbor. 


These orders, |! 


133 


transmitted by telegraph, were brief and in- 
definite; but they were made known to the 
secessionists, and a special messenger who car- 
ried more particular orders in writing, was 
intercepted, and his despatches taken posses- 
sion of, the navy yard having already surren- 
dered. A small garrison was in Fort Barrancas, 
under the command of Lieutenant Slemmer. 
Upon receiving the orders telegraphed, and 
seeing the indications of an intention to take 
possession here, as had been done elsewhere, 
that officer followed the example of Major 
Anderson, and transferred his garrison, with 
all the stores and ammunition that he could 
transport, from Fort Barrancas, which would 
have proved untenable, to Fort Pickens, on 
Santa Rosa Island. ‘This fortification was one 
of the strongest on the whole coast, and was 
easily accessible by sea, without exposure to 
the other forts of the harbor. In transferring 
his force, with ordnance and provisions, Lieu- 
tenant Slemmer fortunately had the assistance 
of two United States vessels, the steamer 
Wyandotte and storeship Supply, which were 
at the navy yard, and he was also reénforced 
by about fifty men from the yard. The inten- 
tion of the state troops of Florida and Alabama 
was to have seized Fort Pickens, and forced a 
surrender of Barrancas, and they were greatly 
disappointed that Lieutenant Slemmer had 
been too watchful and too efficient to permit 
their purposes to be carried out. He was now 
in a strong position, by which he had command 
of the harbor, and could easily be reénforced. 
An immediate attack was proposed, but more 
prudent counsels prevailed. Fort Barrancas, 
however, was taken possession of by the state 
forces, on ethe same day on which the navy 
yard was surrendered. Fort Pickens was quietly 
reénforced by the government, and means were 


furnished to put it in a more complete state of 


defence, the work not being entirely finished or 
supplied with its armament. Before they were 
reénforced, Lieutenant Slemmer and his garri- 


134 


son labored incessantly to strengthen their 
position, and suffered much from their watch- 
fulness and labors. The importance of the 
movement has since been realized and appre- 
ciated by the country. 

Not only were the forts, arsenals, and other 
United States property on the land thus 
taken possession of, but the revenue cut- 
ters were, through the treachery of their 
commanders and the collectors of the cus- 
toms, transferred to the authorities of the 
seceding states. The betrayal of the revenue 
cutter at Charleston has already been men- 
tioned. Similar treachery was practised at 
Galveston, Mobile, and New Orleans. After the 
loss of the vessel at Charleston, measures were 
taken to secure the other cutters stationed at 
the ports of states proposing to secede. The 
cutter at Savannah, after being ordered to Bal- 
timore, was seized by a party of secessionists, 
acting without any state authority, as has been 
observed ina previous chapter. Being restored 
by the governor of Georgia, the vessel pro- 
ceeded on her voyage, and was saved. A 
special agent was despatched to Mobile and 
New Orleans to secure the cutters there. The 
commander of the cutter, McClelland, had been 
ordered by the collector of New Orleans to 
proceed with his vessel to that city, with the 
view of securing it for Louisiana. That officer, 
it appeared, was very ready to join in the 
treachery. When the special agent arrived at 
New Orleans, and gave orders direct from the 
treasury department for the commander of the 
cutter to proceed with his vessel iminediately 
to New York, the latter absolutely refused to 
obey the order. Upon being informed of this 
refusal, the secretary of the treasury (Mr. Dix, 
who had been but a few days in office) sent a 
despatch directing the second officer to assume 
command of the cutter; if. the recusant com- 
mander interfered, to arrest him as a mutineer, 
and to shoot any one who attempted to pull 


HISTORY OF THE 


UNITED STATES. 


down the American flag. This despatch, how- 
ever, failed to reach its destination, and the 
special agent was unable to secure the vessel. 
Proceeding to Mobile, he found that the cutter 
there had already been betrayed into the hands 
of the state authorities by the officer in com- 
mand. | 

But the most extensive surrender of United 
States property was made by General Twiggs, 
who betrayed, on the demand of the authori- 
ties of Texas, all the military posts in that 
state, together with all the ordnance and com- 
missary stores, and other military property, the 
value of which was upwards of a million of 
dollars. Having surrendered these posts, and 
the property contained in them, the command- 
ing general ordered his subordinates to carry 
out the treason. There were among the officers 
not a few secessionists and traitors, but there 
were some who refused to obey such orders. 
Some of these were subsequently compelled to 


surrender, and others on the frontier succeeded 


in taking their commands out of the state 
safely. For this treachery to his country Gen- 
eral Twiggs was dismissed in disgrace from 
the service, but his treason was rewarded by a 
command in the confederate service. 

Secession thus seemed to destroy all sense 
of honor, and even of common honesty, among 
those who espoused its cause. All these forts, 
arsenals, military stores, and other public prop- 
erty of the United States were seized as if they 
were the property of an alien enemy, instead 
of the government to which these states owed 
allegiance, and had not yet, in some instances, 
even declared themselves absolved from it. 
The voluntary surrender, by military, naval, 
and revenue officers, of the property which 
they were sworn to protect, was base treason, 
and an utter abandonment of that honor which 
is supposed to be so tenderly guarded by men 
in such positions. 


i] 


a » 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER XVIII. 


The Spirit of Secession in Washington. — Washington Society. 
—Its Character and Sympathies. — Disunion Schemes. — 
Plots to seize the Capital and to prevent the Inauguration of 
Mr. Lincoln. — Military Organizations in Washington, and in 
Maryland and Virginia. — Political Sympathy at the North. — 
Measures of Government to protect Washington. — General 
Scott. —Supposed Conspiracy to prevent declaring the Elec- 
toral Votes. — Declaration of the Votes. — Conspiracy to 
prevent the Inauguration. — Alleged Plot to assassinate the 
President elect. — Its Probability. — Mr. Lincoln at Philadel- 
phia. —He is urged to hasten privately to Washington. — 
Arrival at Washington. — Effect of this sudden Movement in 
Baltimore. —The Reasons for the hasty Journey. — Account 
of the alleged Conspiracy for Assassination. — Effect of Mr. 
Lincoln’s Presence in Washington. — His Reception. — Sense 
of Relief in the public Mind. — Secession Schemes continued. 


Ons of the most alarming signs of the prog- 
ress of secession was the condition of Washing- 
ton during the winter of 1860-1. In the vari- 
ous departments were many men who were 
from the south, or were connected with southern 
families, or were under the influence of south- 
ern men; and a large proportion of these, in 
view of the changes which a new administra- 
tion would make among its employés, were 
disposed to attach themselves to the secession- 
ists, or sympathized with them so heartily that 
they were in fact enemies of the government 
which was giving them support. The sympa- 
thies of Washington society were also on the 
side of secession. That society was southern 
im its characteristics ; its leaders were for the 
most part southern families sojourning there, 
or those permanent residents who were allied 
to southern families, or who, from the very force 
of fashion, imbibed those sentiments and pre- 
judices which southern society constantly as- 
serted. Besides being opposed to the political 
sentiments of the northern party which had 
elected the incoming president, it could not 
tolerate the elevation to the first place in the 
republic, and in the capital, of a man of the 
people — one who did not belong to an aristo- 
cratic family, but was selfmade, and reputed 
not to possess many of the graces of polished 


135 


society. The feeling among the women who 
moved prominently in this society — or assumed 
to do so— was by no means so gentle as ele- 
gance and refinement should have made it. It 
was a bitter prejudice, nourished in part, per- 
haps, by the probable effect of the change of 
administration on the interests of their hus- 
bands or families, but arising from the aristo- 
cratic notions of the degradation of labor, and 
antipathy to any thing which called in ques- 
tion the institution on which their aristocracy 
rested. It was but a short step from this feel- 
ing to a hearty and demonstrative sympathy 
with secession, and such a sympathy was soon 
aiding the disunion cause. Had the adminis 
tration been from the start vigorously opposed 
to secession and all kindred action, its influence 
might have prevented, in some measure, the 
spread of this social poison. But the families 
of members of the cabinet, as well as of sena- 
tors, were alike leaders in the social circle and _ 
in this evil example. The aid thus received by 
the secession cause from men and women in the 
highest society at Washington was not small. 
It extended wherever the influence of that 
society extended, among officials in the depart- 
ments and officers of the army and navy, lead- 
ing men, whose loyalty would otherwise have 
been unquestionable, either to forswear their 
allegiance, or yield to the government only a 
cold support. 

Upon the secession of South Carolina it was 
apparent that in Washington, and all about it 
in Maryland and Virginia, there were many 
disunionists ready to codperate with secession 
wherever it might appear. The presence of so 
many men from the seceding states who still re- 
mained in Washington, as well as the influence 
of society there, as before mentioned, strength- 
ened and increased this class. Loyal men 
naturally became alarmed, and it was soon 
found that there was reason for such alarm. 
Numerous facts came to light which indicated 
a purpose somewhere, if opportunity should 


13 HISTORY OF 


offer, to prevent the inauguration of the presi- 
dent elect, if not to seize the capital itself, and 
hold it for the further purposes of the seces- 
sionists. That such a purpose was contem- 
plated there was good reason to believe; but 
by whom, to what extent it was organized, and 
how far it was countenanced by the leading 
secessionists, it was difficult to ascertain. A 
special committee of the house was instructed 
to inquire into the facts, to ascertain if any 
attempt to seize the public buildings was con- 
templated. But the inquiries of this com- 
mittee were such as could hardly be expected 
to develop the existence of the alleged plot, un- 
less within the knowledge of officials. 

There was in Washington a military organi- 
zation known-as the “ National Volunteers,’ 
which was composed of members of a political 
association of the recent canvass, devoted to 
the interests of the Breckinridge party. It 
was generally believed that this organization, 
the sympathies of its members being with the 
secessionists, was designed to take part in any 
demonstration such as was feared. ‘There were 
no facts ascertained, however, which showed 
any purpose or preparation on their part to 
commit acts of violence. In Maryland and 
Virginia, too, there were sundry military or- 
ganizations, some authorized by the state laws, 
and others formed without legal authority, 
which were armed and drilled as if in prepara- 
tion for some service. But it did not appear 
that any of these had a definite purpose. It 
was evident, however, from the character of 
these organizations and the political sentiments 
of the members, that it would need only a 
signal from influential disunionists, or some 
sudden excitement, to call them into active 
demonstrations for the resistance of the inau- 
guration or the overthrow of the government. 
Vague rumors of such a purpose were con- 
stantly in circulation; secession newspapers 
contained frequent threats of violence, and ad- 
vice for forcible resistance to the inaugura- 


THE UNITED STATES. 


tion,* and there were conferences at Washing- 
ton, and other movements among the avowed 
secessionists of Maryland and Virginia, which 
indicated a readiness, if not a plot, to carry out 
the advice and the threats. 

It should be remembered that at this time 
there were large numbers of people at the 
north, who, through political partisanship or 
social or business relations, sympathized with 
the south, and, though they may not have ap- 
proved of disunion, yet, by sympathy with dis- 
unionists in their alleged causes for dissatisfac- 
tion, gave the latter reason to suppose that the 
north would be divided on the question of dis- 
union, as it had been on other questions. ‘The 
tone of a portion of the northern press +~—a 


* The following from the Richmond (Va.) Examiner of De- 
cember 17, 1860, a paper of great influence in Virginia, is a speci- 
men of the articles referred to : — 

“If any commissioners are appointed by the legislature, they 
should be sent first to Maryland, to confer with that state upon 
the plan of resisting the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln. It is the 
duty of Maryland and Virginia to take earnest and decided steps 
to prevent the government from going into kepublican hands. 
There is now no hope of preserving the Union, and by the 4th of 
March there will be little use for any federal government. It 
would be the greatest folly for Virginia and Maryland to permit 
the army, navy, and treasury to pass into the hands of those who 
will use them for the subjugation of those states. Let the first 
convention, then, be held between Maryland and Virginia, and, 
these two states agreeing, let them provide sufficient force to 
seize the city of Washington, and, if coercion is to be attempted, 
let it begin with subjugating the states of Maryland and Virginia. 
Thus practical and efficient fighting in the Union will prevent the 
powers of the Union from falling into the hands of our enemies. 

“We hope Virginia will depute her commissioners to Maryland 
first, and, providing for the seizure of Washington city, Forts 
McHenry, Washington, and Old Point, Harper’s Ferry and Gos- 
port Navy Yard, present these two states in the attitude of rebels 
inviting coercion. This was the way Patrick Henry brought 
about the revolution, and this is the best use that Virginia can 
make of commissioners of any kind.” 

+ The New York Day Book, a Democratic paper, which had 
supported Breckinridge, contained the following article, quite 
sufficient to encourage the secessionists in their schemes : — 

“Will Lincoln be inaugurated ?—FEvery intelligent mind in 
the nation is now revolving this inquiry, and, as day after day 
passes by, it becomes more and more apparent that Abraham Lin- 
coln will not be inaugurated president of the republic founded by 
Washington and Jefferson. The white laboring men of New 
York and other northern cities should rally to a man to prevent 
a destiny so horrible, a treason so monstrous, a crime so hideous, 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


small portion, happily —and of the speeches 
of certain public men, led the secessionists to 
believe that in case of any collision they would 
not only receive aid from the northern states, 
but that civil war, if it came, must arise among 
the people of those states. A military or po- 
litical organization here and there, of ques- 
tionable origin and purpose, gave some color to 
this supposition, which appears to have entered 
into the consideration of all the schemes of the 
secessionists. 

The special committee were of opinion that 
all the rumored designs upon the capital were 
contingent upon the secession of Maryland or 
Virginia. In their report they said, — 

“Too much diversity of opinion seems to 
have existed to admit of the adoption of any 
well-organized plan, until some of the states 
commenced to reduce their theories of secession 
to practice. Since then persons thus disaffected 
seem to have adopted the idea that all resist- 
ance to the government, if there is to be any, 
should have at least the color of state authority. 
If the purpose was at any time entertained of 
forming an organization, secret or open, to seize 
the District of Columbia, attack the Capitol, or 
prevent the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, it 
seems to have been rendered contingent upon 


as that now attempted by the party supporting Lincoln. They 
should organize as minute-men at once, and declare to the world 
that they will march at a moment’s notice to put down and crush 
out any man or any party that attempts ‘ impartial freedom,’ or to 
include negroes in our political system. 

“Tt is a terrible alternative; but self-preservation, as well as 
self-respect, demands that Maryland and Virginia shall never per- 
mit their territory to be occupied by those who vow in advance to 
revolutionize their society, and establish nigger equality, or ‘im- 
partial freedom.’ We trust, however, that this will be done with 
the gravity and the prudence that the occasion demands — that 
the Virginian and Maryland delegates in Washington will submit 
resolutions to Congress that shall test perfectly and beyond mis- 
take the true purposes and real policy of the ‘anti-slavery’ or 
Republican party. If that party will disavow a free-negro policy, 
and declare that it will never place the government in conflict 
with southern society, and that this is a white man’s government, 
in which the negro has no part or parcel whatever, then we 
should apprehend that no obstacles would be likely to be in the 
way of Lincoln’s inauguration on the 4th of March.” 


137 


the secession of either Maryland or Virginia, or 
both, and the sanction of one of those states. 

“ Certain organizations in this district and in 
Maryland, that prior to the election seem to 
have been only political clubs, have since as- 
sumed the character of military organizations, 
are now engaged in drilling, and expect to pro- 
vide themselves with arms, some from the state 
authorities, and others from private subscrip- 
tions. But so far as the committee were able 
to learn their purposes, while they sympathized 
strongly with secession, there is no proof that 
they intend to attack either the capital or the 
District, unless the surrender should -be de- 
manded by a state to which they profess a high 
degree of allegiance. Some of these companies 
in Baltimore profess to be drilling for the sole 
purpose of preventing other military companies 
from passing through the state of Maryland. 
Whether these representations of the purposes 
of these companies be correct or not, the com- 
mittee have failed to discover any satisfactory 
evidence that they have any purpose whatever, 
as a mere mob, without the sanction of state au- 
thority, to attack the Capitol, or any other public 
property in this District, or to seize the District.” 

Although the Congressional committee discov- 
ered no secret plot, definite and organized, for the 
seizure of the capital, there was sufficient evi- 
dence before the administration of such a pur- 
pose, on the part of the secessionists, to lead to 
the adoption of measures for the defeat of its exe- 
cution. General Scott was consulted,and by his 
advice a military force was quietly and gradually 
brought to Washington and the military posts 
in the vicinity, and the militia of the District 
of Columbia was organized. It was found that 
not a few of the officers of this militia were 
secessionists, and a new organization was re- 
quired, which was put under the charge of 
Captain Charles Stone, an officer of the regular 
army, who had served with distinction in the 
Mexican war. Volunteers were also organized 
for the defence of the city and public property. 


138 HISTORY OF THE 


The preparations made by General Scott were 
violently condemned by disloyal men, and pro- 
duced some irritation among that class of the 
residents of Washington. Hach day, however, 
convinced the loyal that the preparations were 
wise and prudent, if not absolutely necessary, 
and would, at least, prevent an outbreak or 
attempt at violence, which might be invited by 
a want of preparation and weakness on the 
part of the government. 

It was rumored that one plan of those who 
conspired to overthrow the constitutional gov- 
ernment, was to prevent the formal announce- 
ment of the votes of the presidential electors, 
and the declaration of the election as prescribed 
by the constitution. Butif such a purpose was 
ever entertained, the preparations made by the 
officers of Congress at the Capitol, and by Gen- 
eral Scott in the city, deterred its authors from 
any attempt to put into execution a scheme 
which promised little success. The two houses 
met in convention, and the certificates of the 
electors having been examined and announced 
in due form by a joit committee, Vice-Presi- 
dent Breckinridge declared that “ Abraham 
Lincoln, of Illinois, having received a majority 
of the whole number of electoral votes, is duly 
elected president of the United States for the 
four years commencing on the 4th of March, 
1861.” A similar declaration was made that 
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was chosen vice- 
president of the United States for the same 
term. The threatened danger having been 
avoided in this case, and another of the con- 
stitutional steps safely taken towards the inau- 
guration of a president constitutionally elected, 
the loyal people experienced a sense of relief 
—not so much on account of the escape from 
danger, as the fact that no attempt was made 
to interrupt the execution of the requirements 
of the constitution. _ 

The next danger feared was an armed re- 
sistance -to the inauguration of the president 
elect. This had been threatened and counselled 
by one class of men in the border states, whose 


UNITED STATES. 


sympathies were with the extreme southern 
party, but who were disposed to regard the 
condition of the country in a party view, the 
remedy for which was to compel the triumph- 
ant party to abandon the government, and sub- 
mit to the dictation of such amendments to 
the constitution as the southern party desired ; 
and by another class, who were in favor of 
disunion, but who would like to obtain posses- 
sion of the capital, the archives, finances, and 
all the insignia of government, and thus make 
the northern states appear the seceders. A 
successful blow here and at this time, before 
the Republican administration could be in- 
stalled, with most of the departments of gov- 
ernment in the hands of sympathizers, was one 
which at first promised as successful a result as 
had attended the secession movement at the 
south. But the changes in the cabinet. had 
rendered the chances of success very doubtful, 
and the determination of the administration 
and of General Scott to maintain the govern- 
ment and the constitution, probably caused the 
scheme to be abandoned. General Scott made 
preparations to meet any such emergency, by 
the disposal of troops in Washington in a man- 
ner to secure its safety except from a force 
greater than was likely to be brought against 
it. In doing this he did not always meet with 
the approval of the president, who was averse 
to displayimg any considerable military force. 
The president, however, declared his determi- 
nation that the government should be main- 
tained, and his successor duly inaugurated. 
While the proper precautions were taken to 
guard against any revolutionary attempt, or any 
riotous proceedings which might lead to serious 
results, there was reason to believe, from knowl- 
edge which came to General Scott and to Mr. 
Lincoln’s friends in Washington, that on his jour- 
ney to the capital there might be an attempt 
on his life, either by direct assassination or by 
throwing the railroad train in which he travelled 
from the track. The idea of such a plot being 
conceived and attempted was by most persons, 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


except the very credulous, considered improba- 
ble. But there were reasons, known to those 
then best acquainted with the secret history of 
secession, for taking unusual precautions along 
the entire route by which Mr. Lincoln travelled. 
These precautions were the means of guard- 
ing against most serious accident in several 
instances, the preparation for which was but 
too surely designed and made for the special 
train in which the party of the president elect 
were conveyed. That there was such a plot for 
accomplishing the death or fatal injury of Mr. 
Lincoln can now, when the character of seces- 
sion and its supporters has been realized, be 
more readily believed. All through the south 
have been the most wicked and cruel cases of 
violence and murder for opinion’s sake. The 
remedy thus applied to obnoxious parties would 
naturally be suggested to certain minds as one 
to be used in this case, which they believed of 
so much more serious a nature; and certainly 
it would be no difficult thing to find among the 
inhabitants of a great city men who would ma- 
ture the suggestion and carry it into execution. 
The suggestion had been repeatedly made in 
southern papers, and even if no plot had been 
carefully matured, a riot might afford facilities 
and provocations for accomplishing a purpose 
only half determined on, but ardently desired 
by many who would have scorned to be privy 
to such a scheme. 

Mr. Lincoln had extended his journey to New 
York, and arrived safely at Philadelphia, having 
been received with honors due to his position 
as president elect. He was accompanied by his 
family and several friends from his own state, 
and by Colonel Sumner, who had been detailed 
by order of General Scott to attend him. At 
Philadelphia he was met by a special messen- 
ger from Washington, who bore an urgent re- 
quest for him to proceed at once, privately, to 

that city. Having engaged to take part in the 
ceremony of raising the American flag in Inde- 
pendence Square on the following day, and also 


139 


to visit the legislature at Harrisburg, he could 
not be prevailed upon to break these engage- 
ments; but after having fulfilled them, he 
agreed to proceed at once to Washington, 
avoiding any delay or public reception at 
Baltimore. This he did, accompanied by only 
two or three friends, taking the regular night 
train from Philadelphia to Washington, where 
he arrived early in the morning of February 
23d, and was met by some friends, who took 
him to the quarters prepared for him.* His 
family, and the other members of his party, 
proceeded in the special train intended for his 
conveyance. At Baltimore there were some 
disorderly demonstrations; Mr. Lincoln having 
already proceeded privately to Washington, and 
Mrs. Lincoln and family having left the train at 
a station out of town to partake of the hospi- 
talities of a friend, there was no opportunity, 
if there had been a disposition, to make any 
riotous assault upon the party. The committee 
of Baltimore republicans who had been to meet 
Mr. Lincoln, and others of the party, received 
some indignities, but were protected from real 
harm by the police. The municipal authori- 
ties of Baltimore had taken measures to pre- 
vent any riotous demonstrations, but subsequent 
events in that city induce the belief that the 
protection of its police, on an occasion involving 
a display of so much bitter feeling, would be 
very uncertain at least. To the order-loving 
people of that city, as elsewhere, 1t was a source 
of congratulation that Mr. Lincoln was safe in 
Washington. The only disappointment ex- 
pressed was on the part of those disposed to 
riot, and that portion of the press which was 
most bitterly opposed to the president elect. 
This sudden and secret movement of Mr. Lin- 
coln was the subject of much speculation and 
some condemnation, though the latter was gen- 


* The story that Mr. Lincoln travelled in disguise has been 
pronounced untrue by those who were acquainted with the facts. 
He wore an ordinary travelling dress. 


140 


erally expressed by his political opponents, rather 
than his friends. The reasons suggested were 
various. One was, that his friends in Wash- 
ington considered that his immediate presence 
there was imperatively demanded. Another 
was, that there was danger of riotous proceed- 
ings in Baltimore, on the occasion of his arrival 
there according to the published programme 
of his journey. Still another was, that a plot 
to assassinate the president elect, on his pas- 
sage through Baltimore, had been discovered ; 
and it was to evade this that the change had 
been made. 
latter reasons weighed with the advisers of’ 
Mr. Lincoln. A statement subsequently pub- 
lished in a journal* which had facilities for 
becoming acquainted with the facts, asserted 
that a conspiracy to assassinate Mr. Lincoln 
had actually been discovered. It was said that 
Mr. Lincoln’s friends, having heard of such con- 
spiracy, employed a detective of great expe- 
rience to investigate the matter, and that he, 
with the aid of other detectives, discovered not 
only the existence of the plot, but the parties 
to it, and their plans. These plans, as narrated, 
were, should Mr. Lincoln pass safely over the 
railroad to Baltimore, (it being asserted that 
there was a plot to throw the special train in 
which he was expected to travel from the 
track,) that the conspirators should mingle 
with the crowd that might surround his car- 
riage, and by pretending to be his friends, be 
enabled to approach his person. At a given 
signal, some of them were to shoot at Mr. Lin- 
coln with pistols, while others would throw into 
the carriage hand-grenades similar to those used 
in an attempt to assassinate the Emperor Louis 
Napoleon, the assailants expecting to escape in 
the confusion which would ensue, and be carried 
to Mobile. This plot, it was stated, was revealed 
to Mr. Lincoln at Philadelphia, and the revela- 
tion induced the change of plans by which the 


* Albany Evening Journal. 


It is probable that both of these | 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


plot was foiled. It was further stated, that 
General Scott and Mr. Seward had been ap- 
prised, from other sources, that imminent dan- 
ger threatened Mr. Lincoln if he should publicly 
pass through Baltimore ; and Mr. Seward’s son 
was accordingly despatched to Philadelphia, to 
urge the president elect to come directly to 
Washington, in a private manner. It was diffi- 
cult to believe, that in this country such a con- 
spiracy could be entered into, and such plans 
laid for assassination; but, as before observed, 
the events which have since transpired, and the 
desperate character of many men to be found 
in a city like Baltimore, render it less incredible 
now than at that time. 

Mr. Lincoln’s: presence in Washington ap- 
peared to have a favorable effect. The country 
felt relieved that thus far there had been no 
obstruction to the usual course of events 
attending a change of administration in the 
government, and it was hoped that Mr. Lin- 
coln’s conservative views would disarm some 
of the bitter prejudices against him and his 
party. He was received with the respect due 
to his pasition, and was waited upon by the 
heads of departments, members of Congress, 
and the “ peace convention,” which was still in 
session. Although he did not indicate the policy 
which he should pursue with regard to seces- 
sion, yet his general conservative opinions, so 
far as he expressed them, gave confidence to 
all who really desired the preservation of the 
Union, or who were not blinded by political 
partisanship. Public attention was now in a 
measure directed to the views and policy of Mr. 
Lincoln, and the cabinet which he would form. 
Men seemed to feel assured that the inaugura- 
tion would take place without any attempt to - 
prevent it, or to disturb the peace. But for this 
they relied on the preparations which General 
Scott was known to have made. Meanwhile 
the friends of secession, encouraged by the 
action of the “cotton states,” were not idle, | 
nor any better disposed towards the president 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


elect. Their schemes, so far as Washington was 
concerned, may have been changed, in view of 
the preparations made by the government and 
the friends of the incoming administration ; but 
they were none the less active in their exer- 
tions for the dismemberment of the Union, 
scouting all idea of a peaceful adjustment of 
the questions at issue, either through the action 
of Congress or the peace convention ; and ready 
to avail themselves of any conflict which might 
arise between the government and the seceded 
states, to force the border states into the dis- 
union movement. 


CHAPTER XIX. 


The Confederate Convention at Montgomery.— Framing and 
adoption of a Constitution for a Provisional Government. — 
Preamble and Provisions. — Election and Inauguration of Pro- 
visional President and Vice-President. — Inaugural Address 
of Mr. Davis. — Mr. Stephens. — Cabinet Officers. — Further 
Measures adopted by the Convention. — The Constitution not 
submitted to the People. — Principles of the Southern Confed- 
eracy. — Speech by Mr. Stephens. 


Tue convention of delegates from the seceded 
states, which had been agreed to by the several 
conventions of those states, assembled at Mont- 
gomery, Alabama, on the 4th of February. Six 
of the seceded states were represented. The 
secession ordinance of Texas had not been 
voted upon by the people of that state, and it 
had not yet sent delegates. There were also 
present commissioners from several of the slave 
states which had not seceded. The first business 
was the framing of a constitution for a provis- 
ional government of the confederacy of seceding 
states. For this the constitution of the United 
States was taken as the basis, and such modifi- 
cations were made as should adapt it to the 
purposes of the secessionists. One distinctive 
feature was embodied in the opening declara- 
tion, in which the language indicating a union 
of the people was carefully avoided, and sup- 
plied by that which should distinctly show that 


their association was what the southern politi- | 


141 


cians had always maintained the Union to be — 
simply a confederation of sovereign states. 

The title of the instrument was, “The Con- 
stitution for the Provisional Government of the 
Confederate States of America.” The intro- 
ductory declaration was, “ We, the deputies of 
the sovereign, independent states of South 
Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Missis- 
sippi, and Louisiana, invoking the favor of the 
Almighty, hereby, in behalf of the states, ordain 
and establish this constitution for a provisional 
government of the same, to continue one year 
from the ifauguration of the president, or until 
a@ permanent constitution or confederacy be put 
into operation.” The seventh section provided 


that “the importation of African negroes from 


any foreign country other than the slavehold- 
ing states of the United States, is hereby for- 
bidden; and Congress is required to pass such 
laws as shall effectually prevent the same.” It 
also provided that “Congress shall also have 
power to prohibit the introduction of slaves 
from any state not a member of this Confed- 
eracy.” » Provision was made for the rendition 
of fugitive slaves, and for the settlement by the 
new government “of all matters between the 
states forming it and their late confederates of 
the United States, in relation to the public 
property and public debt, at the time of their 
withdrawal from them.” Most of the other 
provisions were substantially the Sime as those 
in the constitution of the United States. This 
constitution was unanimously adopted, and was 
put into operation at once. 

The constitution having been adopted, the 
convention elected Jefferson Davis, of Missis- 
sippi, provisional president, and Alexander H. 
Stephens, of Georgia, provisional vice-president 
of the Confederacy. These officers were in- 
augurated on the 18th of February, with much 
parade and enthusiastic demonstrations on the 
part of the people. Mr. Davis delivered an 
inaugural address, of which the following are 
the most important passages: — 


142 


“ Our present condition, achieved in a manner 
unprecedented in the history of nations, illus- 
trates the American idea that governments rest 
upon the consent of the governed, — and that it 
is the right of the people to alter and abolish 
governments whenever they become destruc- 
tive of the ends for which they were established. 
The declared compact of the Union from which 
we have withdrawn was to establish justice, in- 
sure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- 
mon defence, promote the general welfare, and 
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves 
and our posterity ; and when, in thé judgment 
of the sovereign states now composing this 
Confederacy, it has been perverted from the 
purposes for which it was ordained, and ceased 
to answer the ends for which it was established, 
a peaceful .appeal to the ballot-box declared 
that, so far as they were concerned, the govern- 
ment created by that compact should cease to 
exist. In this they merely asserted the right 
which the Declaration of Independence of 1776 
defined to be inalienable. Of the time and 
occasion for the exercise of this right, they, as 
sovereigns, were the final judges, each for it- 
self. The impartial and enlightened verdict of 
mankind will vindicate the rectitude of our 
conduct; and He who knows the hearts of men 
will judge of the sincerity with which we 
labored to preserve the government of our 
fathers in its spirit. 

“The right of the states solemnly proclaimed 
at the birth of the United States, and which 
has been affirmed and reaffirmed in the bills 
of rights of the states subsequently admitted 
to the Union of 1789, undeniably recognizes in 
the people the power to resume the authority 
delegated for the purposes of government. 
Thus the sovereign states here represented 
proceeded to form this Confederacy, and it is 
by an abuse of language that their act has been 
denominated revolution. They have formed 
a new alliance, but within each of the states its 
government has remained. The rights of per- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


son and property have not been disturbed. 
The agent through which they communicated 
with foreign nations is changed, but this does 
not necessarily interrupt their international 
relations. Sustained by the consciousness that 
the transition from the former Union to the 
present Confederacy has not proceeded from a 
disregard on our part of our just obligations, 
or any failure to perform every constitutional 
duty ; moved by no interest or passion to invade 
the rights of others; anxious to cultivate peace 
and commerce with all nations, —if we may 
not hope to avoid war, we may at least expect 


that posterity will acquit us of having need- 


lessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the 
absence of wrong on our part, and by wanton 
aggression on the part of others, there can be 
no cause for doubt that the courage and _ patri- 
otism of the people of the Confederate States 
will be found equal to any measures of defence 
which soon their security may require. 

“ An agricultural people, whose chief interest 
is the export of a commodity required by every 
manufacturing country, our true policy is peace 
and the freest trade which our necessities will 
permit. It is alike our interest and that of all 
those to whom we would sell, and from whom 
we would buy, that there should be the fewest 
possible restrictions upon an interchange of 
commodities. There can be but little rivalry 
between ours and any manufacturing or navi- 
gating community, such as the north-eastern 
states of the American Union. It must there- 
fore follow that mutual’ interests would invite’ 
good will and kind offices. If, however, passion 
or lust of dominion should cloud the judgment 
or inflame the ambition of those states, we 
must prepare to meet the emergency and main- 
tain by the final arbitrament of the sword the 
position which we have assumed among the 
nations of the earth. We have entered upon 
a career of independence, which must be inflexi- 
bly pursued through many years of controversy 
with our late associates of the northern states. 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


We have vainly endeavored to secure tranquil- 
lity and obtain respect for the rights to which 
we were entitled. As a necessity, nota choice, 
we have resorted to the remedy of a separation, 
and henceforth our energies must be directed 
to conduct our own affairs, and promote the 
perpetuity of the Confederacy we have formed. 
If a just perception of mutual interests shall 
permit us peaceably to pursue our separate po- 
litical career, my most earnest desire will have 
been fulfilled. But if this be denied us, and the 
integrity of our territory and jurisdiction be 
assailed, it will but remain for us with a firm 
resolve to appeal to arms, and invoke the bless- 
ing of Providence upon a just cause. 

“ As a consequence of our new condition, and 
with a view to meet anticipated wants, it will be 
necessary to provide for the speedy and efficient 
organization of the branches of the executive 


department having special charge of foreign } 


intercourse, finance, military affairs, and postal 
service. For purposes of defence, the Con- 
federate States may, under ordimary circum- 
stances, rely mainly upon their militia; but it is 
deemed advisable, under the present condition 
of affairs, that there should be a well instructed 
and disciplmed army, more numerous than 
would usually be required on a peace estab- 
lishment. 

“J also suggest that for the protection of our 
harbors and commerce on the high seas a navy 
adapted to those objects will be required. These 
necessities have doubtless engaged the atten- 
tion of Congress. ~ ; 

“ Actuated solely by a desire to preserve our 
own rights and promote our own welfare, the 
separation of the Confederate States has been 
marked by no aggressions upon others, and has 
been followed by no domestic convulsions. Our 
industrial pursuits have received no check ; the 
cultivation of our! fields progresses as hereto- 
fore, and even should we be involved in a war 
there would be no considerable diminution of 
the staples which constitute our exports, and in 


143 


which the commercial world has an interest 
scarcely less than our own. This common in- 
terest of producer and consumer can only be 
intercepted by exterior force which should ob- 
struct its transmission to foreign markets —a 
course of conduct which would be detrimental 
to the manufacturing and commercial interests 
abroad. Should reason guide the action of the 
government from which we have separated, a 
policy so detrimental to the civilized world, and 
the northern states included, would not be fol- 
lowed. But should it be otherwise, a terrible 
responsibility will rest upon it, and the suffer- 
igs of millions will bear testimony to the fol- 
ly and wickedness of our aggressors. In the 
mean time there will remain to us besides the 
ordinary remedies before suggested, well-known 
sources of retaliation upon the commerce of an 
enemy.” 

Mr. Stephens accepted the office to which the 
convention had elected him with expressions 
of hearty allegiance to the new confederacy, as 
calculated to secure more perfectly the peace, 
prosperity, and domestic tranquillity of the 
south. The first movements for secession he 
had strenuously opposed, and in a speech made 
but three months previous to this election, he 
had declared that it was his settled conviction 
that the government of the United States, 
though not without its defects, “comes nearer 
the objects of all good government than any 
other on the face of the earth” — that it was 
“a model republic, the best that the history of 
the world gives us any account of;” and he 
asked, “ Where will you go, following the sun 
in his circuit round the globe, to find a govern- 
ment that better protects the liberties of the 
people, and secures to them the blessings which 
we enjoy ?” 

My. Davis, after his inauguration, nominated 
for his cabinet, Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, secre- 
tary of state, Mr. Memminger, of South Caro- 
lina, secretary of the treasury, and Mr. L. Pope 
Walker, of Alabama, secretary of war. These 


144 


nominations were confirmed, and the new gov- | 


ernment entered upon the functions assigned to 
it. The convention proceeded to make further 
arrangements for the establishment of the pro- 
visional government by providing for the elec- 


tion of a Congress and the passage of ordinances | 


and laws immediately necessary for putting 
their constitution into operation. Among other 
measures which they adopted was an act de- 
claring the navigation of the Mississippi River 
free. A flag for the Confederacy was also 
adopted, consisting of a blue field, with stars 
representing the number of states, in the upper 
corner, as in the American flag, and three hori- 
zontal stripes, or “bars,” of red, white, and red. 
As the several states had seceded, they had 
raised their own flags, generally a representa- 
tion of the state arms; and the Confederate 
flag was not adopted with universal satisfaction, 
either because of its similarity to the old flag 
which had so long waved over them, and to 
which an unaccountable antipathy had arisen, 
or because of the notions of state sovereignty 
which lay at the bottom of secession. 

The constitution and government thus estab- 
lished were not submitted to the people for 
ratification in any way, but were ratified by the 
conventions or legislatures of the several states 
interested. This was the occasion of some dis- 
content among those who did not belong to the 
ultra secession party, but it was in accordance 
with the principles and plans upon which the 
scheme of secession was conceived and carried 
out. Among the leaders there was an apparent 
distrust of the people, who were to be con- 
trolled and governed rather than to be con- 
stituents and the origin of power. 

The principles upon which this southern 
Confederacy was established, were set forth and 
vindicated in a speech made by Mr. Stephens, the 
vice-president of the confederacy, at Savannah, 
and which may justly be considered as an au- 


thoritative exposition, both because of his posi- || 


tion, and because of the comparatively moder- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


ate views which he had previously expressed, 
After specifying certain differences between 
the constitution of the United States and that 
adopted by the seceding states, in praising which 
it may be observed he was by no means con- 
sistent with his previous public record, he con- 
tinued : — 

“But not to be tedious in enumerating the 
numerous changes for the better, allow me to 
allude to one other — though last, not least: 
the new constitution has put at rest forever all 
the agitating questions relating to our peculiar 
institutions— African slavery as it exists among 
us — the proper status of the negro in our form 
of civilization. This was the immediate cause 
of the late rupture and present revolution.* 
Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this 
as the ‘rock upon which the old Union would 
split’ He was right. What was conjecture 
with him is now a realized fact. But whether 
he fully comprehended the great truth upon which 
that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The 
prevaling ideas entertained by him and most of the 
leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the 
old constitution were, that the enslavement of the Afri 
can was m violation of the laws of nature ; that tt 
was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and polite 
cally. It was an evil they knew not well how 
to deal with; but the general opinion of the 
men of that day was, that, somehow or other, 
in the order of Providence, the institution would 
be evanescent, and pass away. This idea, though 
not incorporated in the constitution, was the 
prevailing idea at the time. The constitution, 
it is true, secured every essential guaranty to 
the institution while it should last, and hence 
no argument can be justly used against the con- 
stitutional guaranties thus secured, because of 
the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, 
however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested 
upon the assumption of the equality of the 


* The secessionists have generally insisted that secession was 
not revolution, but the simple exercise of reserved rights. 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 145 


races. This was an error. It was a sandy 
foundation, and the idea of a government built 
upon it — when the ‘storm came and the wind 
blew, it fell’ 

“Our new government is founded upon exactly the 
opposite ideas ; ws foundations are tad, its corner- 
stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not 
equal to the white man ; that slavery, subordination to 
the superior race, is his natwral and normal condition. 
This, our new government, is the first in the ustory 
of the world based upon this great physical, philo- 
sophical, and moral truth. This truth has been 
slow in the process of its development, like 
all other truths in the various departments of 
science. It is soeven amongst us. Many who 
hear me, perhaps, can recollect well that this 
truth was not generally admitted, even within 
their day. The errors of the past generation 


still clung to many as late as twenty years 


ago. oe * k 

“Tn the conflict thus far, success has been on 
our side, complete throughout the length and 
breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon 
this, as I have stated, our social fabric is firmly 
planted ; and I cannot permit myself to doubt 
the ultimate success of a full recognition of this 
principle throughout the civilized and enlight- 
ened world.” 


CHAPTER XX. 


Close of Mr. Buchanan’s Administration. — His Policy with re- 
gard to Secession and its Effect. — Review of the Condition of 
the Government. — Finances. — The War Department. — The 
Army. — The Navy. — Lack of Available Force. —Report of 
Congressional Committee on the Subject. —The Civil Service. 
—Foreign Ministers and Secession Emissaries. — Sympathy 
for Secessionists at the North. — Conclusion. 


Tuus had the rebellion made rapid progress 
and attained to the most formidable dimensions 
before the termination of Mr. Buchanan’s ad- 
ministration. Seven states had adopted seces- 
sion ordinances, and had formed a confederacy 
in rebellion against the authority of the United 
States. They had apeanized military forces, 

9 


seized forts, arsenals, and other public property 
of the Union, and were making every prepara- 
tion that they could to maintain their position 
by a war. This they had been suffered to do 
without any adequate action on the part of the 
government to prevent it. Had the government 
been prepared, and taken vigorous measures at 
the outset, to maintain its authority, though it is 
not probable that the rebellion would have been 
wholly stayed, it is reasonable to presume that 
it would not have made such rapid progress. 
But for more than a month after the first acts of 
secession and rebellion, the administration did 
nothing to maintain the authority committed to 
its charge and to preserve the Union. It was 
paralyzed by the presence, in its own councils, 
of secessionists and traitors, and the too great 
political sympathy with the leaders of the re- 
bellion on the part of those who were not trai- 
tors. Nor can it be denied that Mr. Buchanan’s 
annual message itself gave encouragement to 
the secessionists. uamenting what he alleges 
to be the cause of secession, and deprecating 
the action of the south, he argued away the 
authority to prevent it which the loyal nation 
supposed was in the government. Well might 
the secessionists hurry on their scheme if there 
was to be no “coercion” to maintain the au- 
thority of the Union, and while they knew that 
their own friends controlled the administration. 

When, at last, Mr. Buchanan seemed to be 
aroused from his apathy by the evident treach- 
ery of members of his cabinet, and called new 
advisers to council, he was fettered by the opin- 
ions which he had expressed, and which he still 
appeared to entertain, though he saw the Union 
crumbling around him ; and he was not disposed 
to adopt to any extent the vigorous policy which 
some of the new members of his cabinet were 
supposed to advocate. It is true that under 
better counsels he adopted more decided meas- 
ures in relation to the protection of the public 
property ; but his .chief desire seemed to be 
to prevent any collision between the seceding 


146 


states and the federal government which might 
lead to war, or at least to postpone such a calam- 
ity until his administration had expired. He 
hoped for a compromise; he asked for concession 
to the arrogant power which now not only 
threatened disunion, but was accomplishing it. 
But it was too late for any compromise. From 
the first the leaders of secession would be satis- 
fied with nothing but the subjugation of the 
political and moral sentiments of the north to 
their will. Rather than any compromise, they 
preferred secession and a southern confederacy. 
The measures of congressional committees, of 
peace conventions, of states or individuals, were 
unsatisfactory to them; and their efforts, quite 
as much as those of the most radical anti-slavery 
men of the north, were directed to the defeat of 
any compromise based upon such propositions. 
They knew well that now was the time to carry 
out their conspiracy, while there was an admin- 
istration that would not oppose them.  Profit- 
ing by Mr. Buchanan’s anti-coercive policy, they 
hurried forward their work during the remnant 
of his term, in order to be prepared for what 
might follow. 

Disappointed in his hopes of compromise and 
peace, having done little to maintain the au- 
thority of the government, and scarcely more 
in preserving its property, and regarding the 
Union as severed beyond all remedy, Mr. Bu- 
chanan at last saw his administration come to 
a close, and yielded the government, surrounded 
with unexampled difficulties, into the hands of 
his successor. 

At this point it is proper to review the con- 
dition in which the government was placed 
when the rebellion in full-grown proportions 
was sprung upon it, and it was transmitted to 
a new administration. As observed in a former 
chapter, there were traitors in the cabinet wha 
had, for a time at least, controlled its counsels 
after secession had assumed active measures, 
and who, it was afterwards discovered, had used 
their offices and their influence for a long time 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


previous to promote the cause of disunion. The 
finances of the country had been so conducted 
that from a large surplus in the treasury at the 
commencement of Mr. Buchanan’s administra- 
tion the government had become burdened with 
a debt, and its credit was impaired. Nor did it 
appear that any efforts on the part of Mr. Cobb 
in the latter part of his administration of the 
department were directed to any other purpose 
than to weaken the government financially. 

In the war department, as has been seen, a 
rank secessionist was plotting disunion. When 
secession commenced, all his efforts were di- 


rected to contribute to its success and to the 
overthrow of the federal power in the seceding 
states. But previous to this he had been using 
his position to strengthen the south for the 
crisis when it should arise. Upwards of a hun- 
dred thousand stand of arms were distributed, 
without any proper order, to the federal ar- 


senals in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
and Louisiana, where they fell into the hands 
of the secessionists at the commencement of 
actual secession, and in such a manner that 
it would appear to have been a part of the pre- 
concerted plan. In addition to these, arms had 
been distributed to the southern states for the 
use of the militia in large excess of those dis- 
tributed to the northern states. Heavy ord- 
nance was ordered south even while disunion 
was being accomplished, and when there were 
no forces in the places to which it was sent to 
protect it. The little federal army was scat- 
tered over the distant frontier in an unusual 
manner. <A considerable force was in Oregon 
and Washington territory, so far away that they 
could not be readily used in an emergency. 
There was also a comparatively large force 
in Texas, under the command of the traitor 
Twiggs; and these it was probably expected » 
might, with their general and other officers, be 
carried over to the side of rebellion, or at least 
might be so disorganized and divided that they 
‘could be rendered of no service to the Union. 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“earcely a fort at the north, except on the 
western frontier, was garrisoned. Moreover, 
efforts had been made, from the commencement 
of the plot, to undermine the loyalty of the 
officers of the army. Many of them —an un- 
due proportion — were of southern birth, or 
connected with southern fumilies, and all such 
were either but too ready to forswear their 
allegiance, or were plied with arguments and 
glittermg inducements to adhere to the south 
against the Union. The exceptions to this wide- 
spread disaffection were entitled to all honor, 
but they were by no means numerous. It was 
difficult to know upon whom to rely, for while 
many of the southern officers resigned their 
commissions, others, of no less disloyal feelings, 
still held their commands, waiting only for the 
actual secession of the states to which they be- 
longed as an excuse for deserting their flag. 
Thus was the government essentially crippled 
and deprived of the ability to use its legitimate 
power to suppress rebellion or protect the 
public property. 

As with the army, so was it with the navy. 
Mr. Toucey, the secretary of the navy, though 
a northern man, was of that school of politicians 
which sympathized heartily with the southern 
Democracy, in whose ranks secession numbered 
its most zealous friends. Though not in compli- 
city with these men in their disunion plot, he saw 
the secession movements going on to open rebel- 
lion without taking any measures to prepare his 
department for resistance, or for the protection 
of forts and dock yards. When, therefore, the 
crisis came, there was no naval force at the dis- 
posal of the government. Forty-eight vessels 
were in commission in distant parts of the 
world ; twenty-eight were at the navy yards, 
unfit for service, and in such a condition as to 
require weeks or months for the necessary re- 
pairs;‘and no orders were given for such repairs ; 
and there were in January 1861, only two 
~ vessels that were available, the steamer Brook- 
lyn, of twenty-five guns, and the storeship Re- 


147 


lief, of two guns, the former being unable by 
reason of her draught to enter Charleston harbor, 
and the latter being under orders to sail for the 
coast of Africa. Moreover, while the threats 
of secession and rebellion were rife, and prepa- 
rations were being made to carry them into 
execution, in the months of September and 
October, 1860, several vessels were despatched 
to join distant squadrons. At the same time 
there was, as in the army, disaffection among 
the southern officers of the navy; some resigned, 
and others only waited for the action of their 
states on the question of secession to take a 
similar, if not a more treasonable, step. The 
secretary accepted these resignations without 
objection, notwithstanding some of them were 
tendered under most suspicious circumstances, 
and in several cases with apparent haste. 

A special committee of the house of repre- 
sentatives were, in January, 1861, instructed to 
inquire into the condition of the navy, and the 
circumstances attending the resignations of ofn- 
cers. Their investigation developed the facts 
above stated. In their report the comntittec 
reviewed the condition of affairs as follows :— 

“From this statement it will appear that the 
entire naval force available for the defence of 
the whole Atlantic coast, at the time of the 
appointment of this committee, consisted of the 
steamer Brooklyn, twenty-five guns, and the 
storeship Relief, two guns, while the former 
was of too great draught to permit her to en- 
ter Charleston harbor with safety, except at 
spring tides, and the latter was under orders to 
the coast of Africa, with stores for the African 
squadron. Thus the whole Atlantic seaboard 
has been, to all intents and purposes, without 
defence during all the period of civil commo- 
tion and lawless violence to which the _presi- 
dent has called our attention as ‘of such vast 
and alarming proportions’ as to be beyond his 
power to check or control. 

“Tt further appears that of the vessels which 
might have been available for protection or 


148 HISTORY OF 


defence in case of any sudden emergency aris- 
ing at home, now at stations in distant seas or 
on the way thither, on the 13th of October last 
the Richmond left our coast to join the Medi- 
terranean squadron; the Vandalia left on the 
21st of December to join the East India squad- 
ron; and about the same time the Saratoga to 
join the African squadron; and others to join 
the home squadron, then in the harbor of Vera 
Cruz, supporting one of the revolutionary gov- 
ernments of Mexico. 

“The committee cannot omit to call attention 
to this extraordinary disposition of the entire 
naval force of the country, and especially in 
connection with the present no less extraordina- 
ry and critical juncture of public affairs. They 
cannot call to mind any period in the past 
history of the country of such profound peace 
and internal repose as would justify so entire an 
abandonment of the ceast of the country to 
the chances of fortune. Certainly, since the 
nation possessed a navy, it has never sent its 
entire available force into distant seas, and ex- 
posed the immense interests at home, of which 
it is the special guardian, to the dangers from 
which, even in times of the utmost quiet, pru- 
dence and forecast do always shelter them. 

“But the committee cannot shut their eyes 
to the fact that this remarkable state of things 
has occurred at a period in our history without 
a parallel for internal commotion, lawless vio- 
lence, and total disregard of the authority of 
the constitution and laws, and of the rights of 
property, public and private —a state of things 
which the president himself, in the message 
referred to this committee, denominated a revo- 
lution of ‘such vast and alarming proportions 
as to place the subject entirely above and be- 
yond executive control’ During this period 
combinations have been formed for the avowed 
. purpose of overthrowing the government. it- 
self, and have carried forward that purpose in 
overt acts of violence never before known in 
the country. The arms of the government 


THE UNITED 


> 


STATES. 


have been seized in arsenals, and other places 
of deposit, by lawless mobs, and placed in the 
hands of those in open rebellion. Fortifica- 
tions have been taken possession of, navy yards 
plundered, and magazines robbed. The guns 
of the United States upon the battlements of 
the national defence*have been turned upon 
unarmed vessels of the government, and the 
flac of the country fired upon by insolent 
rebels. The revenue service has been betrayed, 
and its vessels treacherously surrendered to 
those who defied the authority of the United 
|States by men holding commissions under the 
very government they were betraying. The 
public moneys in the national mints have been 
seized, and naval stores plundered. The com- 
merce of the country, and the lives of its citi- 
zens, have been put in peril by the wanton and 
lawless destruction of buoys erected to warn 
the mariner of sunken rocks; and the lights on 
the coast have been put out that the darkness 
and the tempest might be invoked in aid of the 
ischemes of those resisting the law. Unarmed 
'and unoffending merchant vessels riding peace- 
fully at anchor in the harbors of the nation, 
and beneath its own flag, have been seized by 
‘insurgent forces in retaliation for obstructions 
thrown in the way of their revolutionary de- 
The law has been defied, the constitu- 
tion thrust aside, and the government itself 
assaulted. 

“Nor has this state of lawless violence and 
total disregard of public and private rights 
been a sudden outburst of passion or discon- 
tent at some new and unexpected measure of 
governmental policy, to which resistance had 
never been threatened and could not have been 
provided against. But it is in fulfilment of 
schemes long entertained and frequently threat- 
ened in certain quarters of the Union. Indeed, 
it is resistance to the law and the constitution 
consequent upon the election of a particular 
person to the office of chief magistrate of the 
nation. Of all this, those charged with the 


sions. 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


execution of the laws and the preservation of 
the public peace had ample notice. It was for 
many months apparent to all but the blind that 
the whole current of events was turned in the 
direction which was to bring to the test the 
sincerity of the threats thus uttered. A chief 
magistrate of one of the states had, more than 
two years before, publicly confessed a design on 
his part, if the ike contingency had happened 
at the general election four years ago, to have 
made the attempt to overthrow the government 
by seizing the public arms at Harper's Ferry, 
and marching upon the capital itselfi When 
the legislature of South Carolina assembled in 
November last to discharge the constitutional 
obligation of making choice of electors of presi- 
dent and vice-president, the governor of the 
state, by special message, recommended that 
measures should be taken to overthrow that 
constitution if the choice of the majority did 
not coincide with her own. In fulfilment of 
these open threats, overt acts of resistance to 
the government by bands of lawless men fol- 
lowed the announcement that the people, ac- 
cording to the requirements of the constitution, 
had made selection of a chief magistrate, for 
the ensuing four years, not the choice of those 
who had openly avowed resistance if their own 
preferences should be disregarded by that ma- 
jority. From that time to the present the pub- 
lic authority has been defied, and the public 
rights disregarded. Yet during all this time 
that most important arm of the public defence, 
the entire navy, has been beyond the reach of 
orders, however great the emergency. 

“To the committee this disposition of the 
naval force at this critical time seems most ex- 
traordinary. The permitting of vessels to de- 
part for distant seas after these unhappy diff- 
culties had broken out at home; the omission 
to put in repair and commission, ready for 
orders, a single one of the twenty-eight ships 
dismantled and unfit for service in our own 
ports, and that, too, while six hundred and 


149 


forty-six thousand six hundred and thirty-nine 
dollars and seventy-nine cents of the appropri- 
ations for repairs in the navy the present year 
remained unexpended, were, in the opinion of 
the committee, grave errors in the administra- 
tion of the navy department, the consequences 
of which have been manifest in the many acts 
of lawless violence to which they have called 
attention. The committee are of opinion that 
the secretary had it in his power, with the 
present naval force of the country at his com- 
mand, and without materially impairing the 
efficiency of the service abroad, at any time 
after the settled purpose of overthrowing the 
government had become manifest, and before 
that purpose had developed itself in overt acts 
of violence, to station at anchor, within reach 
of his own orders, a force equal to the protec- 
tion of all the property and all the rights of 
the government and the citizen, as well as the 
flag of the country from any outrage or insult, 
at any point on the entire Atlantic seaboard. 
The failure to do this is without justification or 
excuse. ; 

“The attention of the committee was also 
drawn to the resignations which have taken 
place among the officers in the navy, caused by 
the political troubles in which the country is now 
involved, and the course pursued by the navy 
department in reference thereto. It will ap- 
pear, from a ‘list of resignations’ furnished by 
the department, and which accompanies this 
report, that since the election twenty-nine offi- 
cers in the navy, citizens of the southern dis- 
affected states, have tendered their resignations 
to the secretary, all of which have been forth- 
with, and without inquiry, accepted by him. 
The circumstances under which these resigna- 
tions have been received and accepted, and 
the effect of that acceptance, deserve especial 
notice. That these officers have sought to re- 
sign, and relieve themselves from the obligation 
to the government, imposed by their commis- 
| sions, because of disaffection and a desire to 


150 


join, and in many instances to lead, insurgent 
forces :against that government, is notorious. 
One of them, Lieutenant J. R. Hamilton, a citi- 
zen of South Carolina, forwarded his resigna- 
tion from on board the Wyoming at Panama, 
dated December 1, 1860. It did not reach the 
department till the 15th of the same month ; 
and, without inquiry into his conduct, his pur- 
pose in resigning, his loyalty, or any circum- 
stance connected with so unusual a proceeding 
at such a time, his resignation was accepted the 
same day. He immediately, from Charleston, 
South Carolina, issued a letter addressed to all 
the officers in the navy from southern states, 
urging them to resign and join a hostile force 
against the government, and that those of them 
in command should bring with them their ves- 
sels into southern ports, and surrender them to 
the traitors already in arms, taking new com- 
missions under their authority, and then turning 
their guns upon their own flag. 

“Such conduct is nothing less than treason, 
and has no parallel since the attempt of Bene- 
dict Arnold to deliver over important military 
posts to the enemies of his country. Had the 
secretary declined to accept the resignation thus 
tendered, this man would have been subject to 
the trial and punishment of a court-martial, ac- 
cording to the rules which govern the service, 
and would have met the fate of a traitor. ‘This 
extraordinary letter was published throughout 
the United States. After its circulation in the 
public prints in Washington, V. M. Randolph, a 
captain in the navy, a citizen of Alabama, who 
had been excused from active service for two or 
three years because of alleged ill health, on the 
10th of January, 1861, forwarded from Mont- 
gomery, Alabama, his resignation to the secre- 
tary. Before twelve o’clock at noon of the 12th, 
and before his resignation had reached Wash- 
ington, and while he was still a captain in the 
navy, he appeared at the gates of the Pensacola 
navy yard, in Florida, at the head of an insur- 
gent force, and demanded its surrender. The 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


yard, with whatever of force it had, and the 
United States stores, and other property, to a 
vast amount, therein, was unconditionally sur- 
rendered to him; and he is now its command- 
ant, occupying the quarters of the late com- 
mandant, and granting paroles of honor to such 
of his prisoners of war as have desired to depart, 
and not serve under him. The despatch from 
the late commandant, then a prisoner of war, 
informing the secretary of this ignominious sur- 
render, was received at the department on the 
evening of the 15th of January; and the resig- 
nation of Captain Randolph, who on the 12th 
was the leader of the insurgents, did not reach 
the secretary till the 14th, when, without in- 
quiry or delay, it was immediately accepted. 

“Hi. Farrand, commander in the navy, and also 
a citizen of Alabama, was the second in com- 
mand at the Pensacola navy yard, the executive 
officer of the yard. When the attack was made 
upon the yard, Farrand met the assailants at 
the gates by previous understanding, admitted 
them to the yard, and conducted their leader 
to the commanding officer ; participated in the 
formal capitulation, and immediately engaged 
in service under the new commandant of the 
yard. ‘This was done while he still held in his 
possession his commission as a commander in 
the navy. On the 13th or 15th of January, 
(the department does not know which,) Far- 
rand forwarded his resignation to the secretary, 
but it did not reach him till the 21st of the 
same month, seven days after official notice of 
the surrender had been received at the depart- 
ment. Yet this resignation was immediately, 
and without inquiry, accepted. 

“F’. B. Renshaw, a lieutenant in the navy, and 
a citizen of Florida, was the first lieutenant of 
the yard, and actively engaged in securing its 
surrender. It was by his order that the flag 
was hauled down amid the jeers and shouts of 
« drunken rabble. He immediately enrolled 
himself under the leader of the insurgents and 
present commandant of the yard, and from the 


PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


day of its surrender has continued under him 
to discharge the duty of first lieutenant, as be- 
fore under the United States. Yet he continued 
to hold his commission as a lieutenant in the 
navy till the 16th of January, and his resigna- 
tion did not reach the secretary until the 22d, 
when, like the others, it mies without inquiry 
or delay, accepted. 

“The conduct of these officers plainly comes 
within the constitutioral definition of treason 
against the United States, viz, ‘levying war 
against them, or in adhering to their enemies, 
giving them aid and comfort” And so long as 
their resignations were unaccepted by the sec- 
retary, they could be tried and punished by a 
court-martial as traitors. From this they have 
been relieved by the secretary himself To 
have done this with a knowledge of their acts, 
would have been to have involved himself in 
their crime — would have been to have com- 
mitted treason himself. To have done it with- 
out inquiry, and without reason to know that 
they have committed no offence, shows a want 
of that solicitude for the honor and efficiency 
of the service which is indispensable to its just 
administration. Yet the resignations of Far- 
rand and Renshaw, and also those of the other 
officers resigning at the Pensacola navy yard, 
were all received and accepted after the secre- 
tary had already been officially informed that 
they had surrendered to a lawless band of in- 
surgents; and he had detached them to await 
orders, having ‘neither approved nor disap- 
proved of their conduct, and not proposing to 
do so without full information touching their 
conduct in the surrender of the yard.” Why, 
after having been thus warned, and having 
taken his position, the secretary did not wait 
for this ‘information, the committee cannot 
understand. | 

“Several other resignations of officers who 
do not appear to have engaged in actual war 
against the United States before tendering the 
same, were nevertheless accepted by the secre- 


151 


tary with an unnecessary haste which neither 
the purpose of the resignations nor the times 
would justify or excuse. Some of them were 
even accepted by telegraph, when it was per- 
fectly apparent that the object of resigning was 
to relieve themselves as early as possible from 
embarrassment and the obligation of the oath 
of office, as well as summary trial and punish- 
ment by a court-martial, previous to joining 
insurgent forces against the constituted author- 
ities of their country. 
accepted, have been followed by immediate 
engagement in a service hostile to the govy- 
ernment. ii % varee 

“The course pursued by the secretary, in thus 
accepting these resignations, appears, under the 
circumstances, to be most extraordinary. No 
custom of the department, in ordinary times, 
could justify it. No want of confidence in the 
loyalty of these officers can excuse it; for if 
their previous conduct had justified any such 
suspicion, it also demanded investigation before- 
hand, which would, as to some of them, have 
disclosed to the secretary their complicity in 
treason, calling for court-martial rather than 
honorable discharge. A prudent regard for the 
public safety would, no doubt, have justified, if 
not imperiously demanded, that some of these 
officers should have been early removed from 
delicate and responsible positions of trust by 
the substitution of others more reliable. But 
these very considerations appear to the com- 
mittee to have forbidden the furnishing any 
such facilities for engaging in hostilities against 
the government, as the relief from the summary 
trial and punishment of a court-martial secured 
by an acceptance of their resignations. 

“The course pursued by the secretary has 
resulted in furnishing those engaged ‘in an at- 
tempt to overthrow the government with the 
skill, experience, and discipline, which educa- 
tion at the expense of the government, and a 
long service in the navy, have conferred upon 
our own Officers. The committee cannot under- 


These resignations, thus 


152 


stand how this course is consistent with a proper 
discharge of the duties of his office by the sec- 
retary in this critical juncture of affairs. It 
appears to them to have been attended with 
consequences the most serious to the service 
and the country.” 

In the civil service affairs were in even a 
worse condition. Nearly all the officers in the 
seceding states, officers of the customs, post- 
masters, marshals and district attorneys, refused 
to recognize the federal government, transferred 
their allegiance to the rebel authorities, and in 
many cases retained funds belonging to the 
United States. In the departments at Wash- 
ington there were numerous officers and clerks 
who were implicated in the conspiracy, or were 
of doubtful loyalty,—sympathizers with the re- 
bellion, and spies into the confidential ‘affairs of 
the government, ready to use their position for 
the overthrow of the Union from which they 
derived support. 

Abroad there were diplomatic agents, from 
plenipotentiaries to attachés and consuls, who 
were using all their influence and arts to mis- 
represent the Union, to prejudice governments 
and people against it, and to prepare the way 
for sympathy with, and a recognition of, the 
southern confederacy. Besides these men who 
were thus laboring to destroy the government 
whose honor and interests were intrusted to 
their hands, there were private emissaries of the 
secessionists in Kurope laboring unscrupulously 
for the same end. ‘The success with which these 
secession agents, official and private, labored, 
was made manifest when the rebellion broke 
out In aggressive war. 

Even at the north there were many men 
whose political or business associations with the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


south led them to sympathize with the seces. 
sionists at this period. They attributed all the 
troubles to northern fanatics, and while indul- 
ging in bitterness against them, apologized for, 
and even justified, the course of the secession- 
ists. Northern journals, some of them of wide 
circulation and influence, if not openly advocat- 
ing secession, encouraged its friends, preached 
disunion by suggesting a division of the north- 
ern states, and promised the sympathy and 
codperation of large numbers in case of aggres- 
sion upon the south by the incoming adminis- 
tration. One journal even proposed that the 
western and middle states should adopt the con- 
stitution of the southern Confederacy,* leaving 
the New England states to form a separate gov- 
ernment or seek some other alliance. 

Such was the condition of the country at 
the close of Mr. Buchanan’s administration, and 
under such circumstances, which might well 
awaken the gloomiest forebodings in the minds 
of loyal men, a new administration was to as- 
sume the reins of government. That govern- 
ment, weakened by the uncertain policy of those 
who had it in charge, and by the treachery of 
their political associates, was threatened with 
entire overthrow or a material abridgment of 
its constitutional authority. It was a critical 
period for the country, and it was a great and 
perilous undertaking for untried men to assume 
the responsibility of saving it. But among the 
loyal people there was little regret that a change 
was to be made, and there was much in the - 
character of the man who had been called to 
the presidency which inspired hope, if not. 
confidence. 


* This proposition, under the provisions of that constitution, 
involved the extention of slavery over these states. 


AS lk y i ‘ 


Mi SEX SSK 
JF WYN 


CHAPTER XXII. 


Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth President.— Birth and early 
Life. — Education and Occupations. — Studies Law. — Political 
Life. — Member of the Legislature. — Elected to Congress. — 
Candidate for the Senate.—Canvass with Mr. Douglas. — 
The Result. — Nomination and Election to the Presidency. — 
Personal Appearance and Characteristics. —The Inauguration. 
— Precautions against Disturbance. — Proceedings at the Capi- 
tol.— Inaugural Address.— Opinions respecting it. — Members 
of the Cabinet. — Foreign Ministers. — The President’s Policy. 

, 20 


S45 


ae So = 


BRAHAM 


SS = 


LINCOLN, the sixteenth President - 
of the United States, was born in Hardin county, 
Kentucky, February 12th, 1809. It is said that 
his ancestors, coming from England, settled ori- 
ginally in Pennsylvania; but subsequently one 
of them went to Virginia, where several gen- 
erations of the family resided, and whence the 
grandfather of Mr. Lincoln emigrated to Ken- 
tucky. The family was poor, and Thomas Lin- 
coln, the father of the President, was for some 
time compelled to work as a day laborer. 
Hoping to improve his condition, when Abra- 
ham was about seven years of age, Thomas 
Lincoln went to Indiana with his family, and 
settled in Spencer county, where he remained 
until 1830, and then again emigrated to Illinois, 
whither the rich prairie lands were then inviting 
numerous settlers. 

Quite early in his life, and with no advan- 
tages except the encouragement of a good but 
uneducated mother, young Lincoln had learned 
to read and write, so that his proficiency was 
somewhat noted among the illiterate pioneers 
of the west. With hardly a year’s instruction 


154 


during all his early life, he improved all the 
leisure time that he could command in acquiring 
knowledge, with such limited means and few 
books as came within his reach. But as soon 
as he was able to assist upon the farm, he was 
inured to labor, and found but little time for 
the pursuits of learning; and it was not until 
mature years that he was enabled to acquire 
some of the more ordinary branches of a com- 
mon English education. His early labor, how- 
ever, served to give him a robust constitution 
and a large and vigorous frame, if not of alto- 
gether comely proportions. In his work he 
was steady, energetic, and cheerful, showing 
those solid elements of character which have 
since, in more important and public duties, com- 
manded the respect, and secured the confidence 
of so many. 

Soon after the removal of the family to Hh- 
nois, Mr. Lincoln was employed by a neighbor 
to assist in taking one of the huge flat boats 
of western rivers down the Illinois and the 
Mississippi to New Orleans. His fidelity in this 
expedition secured from his employer an ap- 
pointment as manager of a part of his business. 
While thus engaged, the “Black Hawk war” 
assumed such proportions as to require a call 
- for volunteers, and Mr. Lincoln enlisted in a 
company, of which, much to his surprise and 
gratification, he was chosen captain. The war 
was soon ended, and his military career was 
but of three months duration. He then, in 
connection with another party, opened a coun- 
try store, and he was also appointed postmaster. 
He was not, however, successful in business, and 
after relinquishing it, for a time he found em- 
ployment as assistant surveyor. But Mr. Lin- 
coln appears to have had even before this a 
desire to become a lawyer; and as he found 
opportunity to pursue the study of the law, he 
did so, even while engaged in other occupations. 
Having thus commenced the study, he after- 
wards pursued it with energy, and was admitted 
to the bar in 1856. Soon afterwards he went 
to Springfield, and commenced the practice of 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the profession, in which he rapidly earned an 
honorable name and position. He was prudent, 
thorough, and patient in the discharge of his 
duty to his clients, skilful in conducting the 
causes which he tried, and eminent for fidelity 
and honesty. He thus became distinguished 
in his profession, and attained to an extensive 
practice as a counsellor and an advocate. 

Mr. Lincoln early took an interest in political 
affairs, in which he acted with the opponents 
of the Democratic national administration, who 
were afterwards consolidated as the Whig party. 
He was nominated as candidate for the legisla- 
ture in 1832, but he was then defeated by his 
Democratic opponent. In 1834 he was more 
successful, and was elected. Though not in- 
clined to take a prominent part in debate, he 
discharged his duties as member of the as 
sembly so acceptably to his constituents, that 
he was several times reélected, and established 
a character for political sagacity and integrity 
which inspired the confidence of his political 
friends, and won the respect of his opponents. 
After his service for several years as a member 
of the legislature, his professional business en- 
grossed his attention; and though taking a deep 
interest in political affairs, he was not a candi- 
date for office until 1844, when he was nomi- 
nated as a candidate for presidential elector. 
In 1846 he was elected a representative in 
Congress, in which position he maintained the 
character which he had established as a mem- 
ber of the legislature of his state. He agreed 
with the large majority of his party in opposition 
to the extension of slavery, and voted invariably 
for the Wilmot Proviso. He proposed a plan for 
abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, 
with the consent of a majority of the voters, by 
compensating the slave owners from the treasury. 
While he had opposed the annexation of Texas, 
he voted in favor of all necessary supplies for 
the war with Mexico, and for the measures for 
the benefit of the soldiers. He also voted in 
favor of river and harbor improvements, a tariff 
which would afford protection to home industry, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


and the sale of the public domain at the lowest 
price to actual settlers. 

Mr. Lincoln served butone term in Congress ; 
but his influence in the Whig party continued, 
and in 1848 he took an active part in securing 


the nomination and election of General Taylor. 


to the Presidency. In 1849 he was a candidate 
for senator in Congress; but the majority of the 
legislature was Democratic, and his opponent, 
General Shields, was elected. He was next called 
into active political life by the repeal of the Mis- 
sourl compromise, when, adhering to the princi- 
ples upon which he had acted in the Whig party, 
he affiliated with the new Republican party, 
organized to meet the issues which were then 
pressed upon the country. In 1856, the Illinois 
delegation in the Republican national conven- 
tion presented his name as a candidate for the 
vice-presidency ; but the nomination was de- 
termined, in part, upon grounds of locality. 
Mr. Lincoln, indeed, at that time, was scarcely 
known beyond his own state; and it .was not 
until 1858, when, as Republican candidate for 
the United States Senate, he canvassed the 
state in company with his opponent, Stephen 
A. Douglas, that he achieved a reputation 
throughout the free states. Great interest was 
felt in that remarkable canvass by the people 
of the whole country. Mr. Douglas was one 
of the most prominent men of the nation, the 
strong supporter, if not the author, of the-Kan- 
sas-Nebraska act; and he also occupied a some- 
what peculiar position with regard to the Dem- 
ocratic party, for whose nomination for the 
Presidency he and his friends were nevertheless 
hoping. The issues discussed were those arising 
from the passage of that act — the issues which 
were before the whole nation. Hach candidate 
exerted himself to maintain the cause in which 
he was enlisted. Mr. Douglas possessed many 
advantages over Mr. Lincoln as a debater and 
an orator, as well as in manner and appear- 
ance; but Mr: Lincoln’s clear reasoning, good 
nature, frankness, and honesty, were a match 
for all the ability and shrewdness that his com- 


155 


petitor could command, and his speeches mani- 
fested qualities which subsequently led to his 
selection as a candidate for the Presidency. 
The election which followed the canvass was a 
very close one. The vote of the whole state 
showed a popular majority for the Republican 
candidates ; but owing to the inequality of the 
districts, a small majority of the legislature was 
Democratic, and Mr. Douglas was accordingly 
reélected. This canvass, in which such an un- 
usual interest was felt beyond the state imme- 
diately concerned, served to make Mr. Lincoln 
better known to the whole country, and at 
the west, especially, made him one of the most 
popular of the Republican leaders. In 1860, at 
the Republican national convention, he was 
brought forward by the delegates of that sec- 
tion as a candidate for the Presidency ; and his 
popularity in the western states, together with 
his ability as manifested in his contest with Mr. 
Douglas, and his solid character, finally led to 
his pomination and election as President. 

With a personal appearance neither attrac- 
tive nor commanding, and accustomed to the 
hearty and informal manners of western society, 
Mr. Lincoln made no pretensions to the polish 
and dignity which by some people had been 
considered essential to the high position to 
which he was called; but there were elements 
in his character of more value than the refine- 
ments born of artificial society. He was honest 
in his purposes, faithful to his convictions, self- 
reliant, prudent, sagacious, and just; and he 
was, withal, accessible, good-humored, kind. 
These characteristics, however, were not such 
as commended themselves to the false-hearted 
society whose sympathies were with secession 
and rebellion, and they were made the object 
of gross and malignant attack and misrepre- 
sentation, from Mr. Lincoln’s first appearance 
in Washington. 

The inauguration of President Lincoln took 
place with the usual ceremonies. The military 
escort was composed of the district volunteer 
soldiery only, the military of the northern 


156 
states having been requested not to visit 
Washington on the occasion, for fear of a dis- 
turbance there or at Baltimore should they 
appear. General Scott had the regular troops 
posted in different parts of the city, where they 
would be available in case of any outbreak or 
riot; and the police arrangements were also 
made with unusual care. There were large 
numbers of people in the city, those from the 
north being greatly in excess of those from the 
south; and many of them were so organized 
as to assist the authorities, or protect the new 
President in case of need. But, whether on 
account of the preparations made to guard 
against disturbance, or because the secessionists 
and opponents of the Republican President 
had no such purpose, the proceedings passed 
off quietly, and much after the usual manner, 
though there were fewer demonstrations of 
enthusiasm, and less civic display, than on some 
former occasions. 

The President elect was accompanied, by 
President Buchanan when escorted from his 
quarters to the Capitol, and a large civic proces- 
sion, in addition to the military escort, was in 
attendance. At the Capitol, the two houses of 
Congress, the supreme court, foreign ministers, 
officers of the army and navy, governors of 
states, and others whose official position entitled 
them to the privilege, assembled in the Senate 
chamber, and thence proceeded, in the order 
established for such occasions, to the east front 
of the Capitol, in the spacious portico of which 
the simple inauguration ceremonies have taken 
place ever since its completion. A vast con- 
course of people had assembled in the spacious 
area, anxious to hear the inaugural address of 
the new President, upon whom now depended 
the safety and perpetuity of the government, 
so shaken and threatened when intrusted to 
his hands. When the parties in the procession 
had reached the positions assigned to them, 
Senator Baker, of Oregon, the chairman of the 
Senate committee of arrangements, introduced 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the President elect, who at once proceeded to 
deliver his inaugural address, as follows : — 


“Fetiow-Crnzens or ta Unrrep Srares : 

“In compliance with a custom as old as the 
government itself, 1 appear before you to ad- 
dress you briefly, and to take in your presence 
the oath prescribed by the constitution of the 
United States to be taken by the President 
‘before he enters on the execution of his office,’ 

“J do not consider it necessary at present for 
me to discuss those matters of administration 
about which there is no special anxiety or ex- 
citement. 

“Apprehension seems to exist among the 
people of the southern states that by the acces- 
sion of a Republican administration their prop- 
erty, and their peace and personal security, are 
to be endangered. There has never been any 
reasonable cause for such apprehension. In- 
deed, the most ample evidence to the contrary 
has all the while existed and been open to their 
inspection. It is found in nearly all the pub- 
lished speeches of him who now addresses you. 
I do but quote from one of those speeches when 
I declare that ‘I have no purpose, directly or 
indirectly, to interfere with the institution of 
slavery in the states where it exists. I believe 
I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no 
inclination to do so?’ ‘Those who nominated 
and elected me did so with full knowledge that 
I had made this and many similar declarations, 
and had never recanted them. And, more than 
this, they placed in the platform for my accept- 
ance, and as a law to themselves and to me, 
the clear and emphatic resolution which I now 
read : — 

“¢ Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of 
the rights of the states, and especially the right 
of each state to order and control its own do- 
mestic institutions according to its own judg- 
ment exclusively, is essential to that balance 
of power on which the perfection and endur- 
ance of our political fabric depend; and we 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


denounce the lawless invasion by armed force 
of the soil of any state or territory, no matter 
under what pretext, as among the gravest of 
crimes.’ " 

“TI now reiterate these sentiments; and in 
doing so, I only press upon the public attention 
the most conclusive evidence of which the case 
is susceptible, that the property, peace, and 
security of no section are to be in any wise en- 
dangered by the now incoming administration. 
I add, too, that all the protection which, con- 
sistently with the constitution and the laws, can 
be given, will be cheerfully given to all the 
states when lawfully demanded, for whatever 
eause —as cheerfully to one section as to 
another. 


“There is mile ntroversy about the de-| 


livering up of fugitives from service or labor. 
The clause I now read is as plainly written 
in the constitution as any other of its pro- 
visions : — 

“¢No person held to service or labor in one 
state, under the laws thereof, escaping into 
another, shall, in consequence of any law or 
regulation therein, be discharged from such 
service or labor, but shall be delivered up on 
claim of the party to whom such service or 
labor may be due’ 

“Tt is scarcely questioned that this provision 
was intended by those who made it for the re- 
claiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and 
the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All 
members of Congress swear their support to the 
whole constitution — to this provision as much 
as to any other. To the proposition, then, that 
slaves, whose cases come within the terms of 
this clause, ‘shall be delivered up, their oaths 
_ are unanimous. Now, if they would make the 
effort in good temper, could they not, with 
nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law 
by means of which to keep good that unani- 
mous oath ? 

“There is some difference of opinion whether 
_ this clause should be enforced by national or 


157 


is not a very material one. If the slave is to 
be surrendered, it can be of but little conse- 
quence to him, or to others, by which authority 
it is done. And should any one, in any case, 
be content that his oath shall go unkept, on a 
merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it 
shall be kept ? 

“ Again, in any law upon this subject, ought 
not all the safeguards of liberty known in civ- 
ilized and humane jurisprudence to be intro- 
duced, so that a free man be not, in any case, 
surrendered as a slave? And might it not be 
well at the same time to provide by law for the 
enforcement of that clause in the constitution 
which guarantees that ‘ the citizen of each state 
shall be entitled to all privileges and immuni- 
ties of citizens In the several states’ ? 

“T take the official oath to-day with no men- 
tal reservations, and with no purpose to construe 
the constitution or laws by any hypercritical 
rules. And while I do not choose now to speci- 
fy particular acts of Congress as proper to be 
enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer 


for all, both in official and private stations, to 


conform to and abide by all those acts which 
stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, 
trusting to find impunity in having them held 
to be unconstitutional. 

“It is seventy-two years since the first in- 
auguration of a President under our national 
constitution. During that period fifteen differ- 
ent and greatly-distinguished citizens have, in 
succession, administered the executive branch 
of the government. They have conducted it 
through many perils, and generally with great 
success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, 
I now enter upon the same task for the brief 
constitutional term of four years under great 
and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the 
federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now 
formidably attempted. 

“T hold that, in contemplation of universal 
law, and of the constitution, the Union of these 
states is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if 


by state authority; but surely that difference || not expressed, in the fundamental law of all 


158 


national governments. It is safe to assert that 
no government proper ever had a provision in 
its organic law for its own termination. Con- 
tinue to execute all the express provisions of our 
national constitution, and the Union will endure 
forever —it being impossible to destroy it ex- 
cept by some action not provided for in the 
Instrument itself. 

“Again, if the United States be not a gov- 
ernment proper, but an association of states in 
the nature of contract merely, can it, as a con- 
tract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the 
parties who made it? One party to a contract 
may violate it — break it, so to speak; but does 
it not require all to lawfully rescind it ? 

“Descending from these general principles, 
we find the proposition that, in legal contem- 
plation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by 
the history of the Union itself: The Union is 
much older than the constitution. It was 
formed, in fact, by the articles of association 
in 1774. It was matured and continued by the 
declaration of independence in 1776. It was 
further matured, and the faith of all the then 
thirteen states expressly plighted and engaged 
that it should be perpetual, by the articles of 
confederation in 1778. And, finally, in 1787, 
one of the declared objects for ordaining and 
establishing the constitution was ‘to form a more 
perfect union. 

“But if destruction of the Union by one, or 
by a part only, of the states, be lawfully possi- 
ble, the Union is éess perfect than before the 
constitution, having lost the vital element of 
perpetuity. 

“Tt follows, from these views, that no state, 
upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out 
of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that 
effect are legally void ; and that acts of violence, 
within any state or states, against the authority 
of the United States, are insurrectionary or 
revolutionary, according to circumstances. 

“T therefore consider, that, in view of the 
constitution and the laws, the Union is un- 
broken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


take care, as the constitution itself expressly 
enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union 
be faithfully executed in all the states. Doing 
this I deem to be only a simple duty on my 
part; and I shall perform it, so far as practica- 
ble, unless my rightful masters, the American 
people, shall withhold the requisite means, or, 
in some authoritative manner, direct the con- 
trary. I trust this will not be regarded as a 
menace, but only as the declared purpose of the 
Union that it wil constitutionally defend and 
maintain itself. 

“In doing this there needs to be no blood- 
shed or violence; and there shall be none, unless 
it be forced upon the national authority. The 
power confided to me will,be used to hold,’ 
occupy, and possess the pilerty and places 
belonging to the government, and to collect the 
duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be 
necessary for these objects, there will be no in- 
vasion, no using of force against or among the 
people any where. Where hostility to the 
United States, in any interior locality, shall be 
so great and universal as to prevent competent 
resident citizens from holding the federal offices, 
there will be no attempt to force obnoxious 
strangers among the people for that object. 
While the strict legal right may exist in the 
government to enforce the exercise of these 
offices, the attempt to do so would be so irri- 
tating, and so nearly impracticable, withal, that 
I deem it better to forego, for the time, the uses 
of such offices. 

“The mails, unless repelled, will continue to 
be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far 
as possible, the people every where shall have 
that sense of perfect security which is most fa- 
vorable to calm thought and reflection. The 
course here indicated will be followed, unless 
current events and experience shall show 9a 
modification or change to be proper, and in 
every case and exigency my best discretion will 
be exercised, according to circumstances actu- 
ally existing, and with a view and a hope of a 
peaceful solution of the national troubles, and 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the restoration of fraternal sympathies and 
affections. 

“That there are persons in one section or 
another who seek to destroy the Union at all 


_events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I 


i? 


will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be 
such, I need address no word to them. To 
those, however, who really love the Union, may 
I not speak ? . 

“Before entering upon so grave a matter as 
the destruction of our national fabric, with all 
its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would 
it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do 
it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while 
there is any possibility that any portion of the 
ills you fly from have no real existence? Will 
you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater 
than all the real ones you fly from —will you 
risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? 

“ All profess to be content in the Union, if 
all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is 
it true, then, that any right, plainly written in 
the constitution, has been denied? I think not. 
Happily, the human mind is so constituted that 
no party can reach to the audacity of doing 
this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in 
which a plainly written provision of the con- 
stitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere 
force of numbers, a majority should deprive a 
minority of any clearly written constitutional 
right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify 
revolution — certainly would, if such right were 
a vital one. But such is not ourcase. All the 
vital rights of minorities and of individuals are 
so plainly assured #0 them by affirmations and 
negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the 
constitution, that controversies never arise con- 
cerning them. But no organic law can ever be 
framed with a provision specifically applicable 


_to every question which may occur in practical 


administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor 
any document of reasonable length contain, ex- 
press provisions for all possible questions. Shall 
fugitives from labor be surrendered by national 


159 


or by state authority ? The constitution does not 
expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery 
in the territories? The constitution does not 
expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery 
in the territories? The constitution does not 
expressly say. 

“From questions of this class spring all our 
constitutional controversies, and we divide upon 
them into majorities and. minorities. If the 
minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, 
or the government must cease. There is no 
other alternative ; for continuing the govern- 
ment is acquiescence on one side or the other. 
If a minority in such case will secede rather 
than acquiesce, they make a precedent which 
in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minor- 
ity of their_own will secede from them when- 
ever a majority refuses to be controlled by such 
minority. For instance, why may not any por- 
tion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, 
arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions 
of the present Union now claim to secede from 
it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are 
now being educated to the exact temper of 
doing this. 

“Ts there such perfect identity of interests 
among the states to compose a new Union as 
to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed 
secession ? 

“ Plainly, the central idea of secession is the 
essence of anarchy. <A majority held in re- 
straint by constitutional checks and limitations, 
and always changing easily with deliberate 
changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is 
the only true sovereign of a free people. Who- 
ever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy 
or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible ; the 
rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, 
is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the 
majority principle, anarchy or despotism, in 
some form, is all that is left. 

“I do not forget the position assumed by 
some, that constitutional questions are to be 
decided by the supreme court; nor do I deny 


160 


that such decisions must be binding, in any case, 
upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of 
that suit, while they are also entitled to very 
high respect and consideration in all parallel 
cases by all other departments of the govern- 
ment. And while it is obviously possible that 
such decision may be erroneous in any given 
case, still the evil effect following it, being lim- 
ited to that particular case, with the chance that 
it may be overruled, and never become a prece- 
dent for other cases, can better be borne than 
could the evils of a different practice: At the 
same time, the candid citizen must confess that 
if the policy of the government upon vital 
questions, affecting the whole people, is to be 
irrevocably fixed by decisions of the supreme 
court, the instant they are made, in ordinary 
litigation between parties in personal actions, 
the people will have ceased to be their own 
rulers, having to that extent practically resigned 
their government into the hands of that emi- 
nent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any 
assault upon the court or the judges. It isa 
duty from which they may not shrink to decide 
cases properly brought before them, andpit is no 
fault of theirs if others seek to turn their de- 
cisions to political purposes. 

“One section of our country believes slavery 
is right, and ought to be extended, while the 
other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be 
extended. This is the only substantial dispute. 
The fugitive slave clause of the constitution, 
and the law for the suppression of the foreign 
slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, 
as any law can ever be in a community where 
the moral sense of the people imperfectly sup- 
ports the law itself. The great body of the 
people abide by the dry legal obligation in both 
cases, and a few break over in each. This, I 
think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would 
be worse in both cases after the separation of 
the sections than before. The foreign slave 
trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be 
ultimately revived without restriction in one 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


section, while fugitive slaves, now only par- 
tially surrendered, would not be surrendered at 
all by the other. 

“Physically speaking, we cannot separate. 
We cannot remove our respective sections from . 
each other, nor build an impassable wall be- 
tween them. A husband and wife may be 
divorced, and go out of the presence and be- 


| yond the reach of each other; but the different 


parts of our country cannot do this. ‘They can- 
not but remain face to face; and intercourse, 
either amicable or hostile, must continue be- 
tween them. Is it possible, then, to make that 
intercourse more advantageous or more satis- 
factory after separation than before? Can aliens 
make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? 
Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between 
aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose 
you gd to war: you cannot fight always; and 
when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain 
on either, you cease fighting, the identical old 
questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again 
upon you. 

“This country, with its institutions, belongs 
to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they 
shall grow weary of the existing government, 
they can exercise their constitutional right of 
amending it, or their revolutionary right to dis- 
member or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant 
of the fact that many worthy and patriotic 
citizens are desirous of having the national con- 
stitution amended. While I make no recom- 
mendation of amendments, I fully recognize the 
rightful authority of the people over the whole 
subject, to be exercised ineither of the modes 
prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, 
under existing circumstances, favor rather than 
oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the 
people to act upon it. I will venture to add, 
that to me the convention mode seems prefera- 
ble, in that it allows amendments to originate | 
with the people themselves, instead of only 
permitting them to take or reject propositions 
originated by others, not especially chosen for 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the purpose, and which might not be precisely 
such as they would wish to either acceptor ve- 
fuse. I understand a proposed amendment to 
the constitution — which amendment, however, 
I have not seen — has passed Congress, to the 
effect that the federal government shall never 
interfere with the domestic institutions of the 
states, including that of persons held to service. 
To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I 
depart from my purpose not to speak of par- 
ticular amendments so far as to say that, holding 
such a provision to now be implied constitu- 
tional law, I have no objection to its being made 
express and irrevocable. 

“The chief magistrate derives all his authority 
from the people, and they have conferred none 
upon him to fix terms for the separation of the 
states. ‘The people themselves can do this also 
if they choose; but the executive, as such, has 
nothing to do with it. His duty is to adminis- 
ter the present government, as it came to his 
hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to 
his successor. 

“Why should there not be a patient confi- 
dence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is 
there any better or equal hope in the world? 
In our present differences is either party without 
faith of being in the right? If the Almighty 
Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and jus- 
tice, be on your side of the north, or on yours 
of the south, that truth and that justice will 
surely prevail by the judgment of this great 
tribunal of the American people. 

“By the frame of the government under 
which we live, this same people have wisely 
given their public servants but little power for 
mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, pro- 
vided for the return of that little to their own 
hands at very short intervals. While the peo- 
ple retain their virtue and vigilance, no admin- 
istration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, 
can very seriously injure the government in the 
short space of four years. 


“My countrymen, one and all, think calmly 
. 21 


161 
and well upon this whole subject. Nothing val- 
uable can be lost by taking time. If there be 


an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a 
step which you would never take dehberately, 
that object will be frustrated by taking time; 
but no good object can be frustrated by it. 
Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have 
the old constitution unimpaired, and, on the 
sensitive point, the laws of your own framing 
under it; while the new administration will have 
no immediate power, if it would, to change either. 
If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied 
hold the right side in the dispute, there still is 
no single good reason for precipitate action. 
Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm 
reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken 
this favored land, are still competent to adjust, 
in the best way, all our present difficulty. 

“Tn your hands,my dissatisfied fellow-country- 
men, and not in mime,is the momentous issue 
of civil war. The gevernment will not assail 
you. Youcan have no conflict without being 
yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath 
registered i heaven to destroy the govern- 
ment, while J shall have the most solemn one 
to ‘preserve, protect, and defend it.’ 

“T am loath to close. We are not enemies, 
but friends. Wemust not be enemies. Though 
passion may have strained, it must not break, 
our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of 
memory, stretching from every battle field and 
patriot grave to every living heart and hearth- 


-stone, all over this broad land, will yet swell 


the chorus of the Union, when again touched, 
as surely they will be, by the better angels of 
our nature.” 


After the delivery of the inaugural address, 
the oath of office was administered to Mr. Lin- 
coln by Chief Justice Taney,* and Abraham 
Lincoln was President of the United States. 

It was a relief to the loyal people that 


*- Mr. Lincoln was the eighth President to whom Chief Justice 
Taney had administered the oath of office, having performed that 
duty from the inauguration of President Van Buren. 


162 


another threatened danger was safely passed, 
and that the new administration was thus duly 
intrusted with the government that had been 
nearly wrecked by the treachery and faithless- 
ness which had paralyzed its predecessor. 
There were various opinions in regard to the 
inaugural address; but among the loyal people 
of the north, including many of the opponents 
of the President, it was generally considered 
conservative and conciliatory towards the south. 
Among the secessionists, however, and those 
who sympathized with them, it was regarded as 
warlike and menacing. Its firmness and de- 
clared adherence to the obligations of the Pres- 
ident to maintain the Union and the federal 
authority, gave assurance to the nation that 
the government would not be permitted to 
fall to pieces without an effort to save and 
perpetuate it; while, on the other hand, there 
appeared no purpose of unnecessary aggression. 
President Lincoln sent* the nominations for 
his cabinet to the Senate without delay, and 
they were immediately confirmed. The cabinet 
was composed as follows : — 
Secretary of State, William H. Seward, of N.Y. 
«« ~—* the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio. 
oo sce VV cls, Simon Cameron, of Penn. 
erie the Navy; Gideon Welles, of Conn. 
«¢ the Interior, Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana. 
Postmaster-General, Montgomery Blair, of Md. 
Attorney-General, Edward Bates, of Missouri. 


The new administration, like its predecessors, 
was besieged by applicants for office, who came 
from all the states that had not yet seceded, 
and some even from seceded states. There was, 
indeed, reason for a change in many offices, the 
incumbents of which were either secessionists, 
or so bound by party ties as to sympathize 
with the south even in its disunion schemes. 
These matters, therefore, necessarily occupied 
muck. of the attention of the administration in 
the commencement of its term; but in the 
mean time efforts were quietly directed to as- 
certain the available strength of the govern- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


ment in the army and navy, as well as in the 
civil service. As may well be imagined, when 
we consider the state of the country, as de- 
scribed in the last chapter, this was a work of 
difficulty and. embarrassment. But until the 
government knew its strength, and had rid 
itself of some of the traitors and uncertain 
men in public places, it could scarcely attempt 
to maintain its authority, even where it was not 
as yet wholly denied. Fortunately the admin- 
istration found no obstruction to its policy in 
executive matters in the Senate. By the with- 
drawal of the senators of seceding states, and 
the admission of Kansas at the late session of 
Congress, the Republicans were left in a majority 
in that body. The president's nominations, 
therefore, and other executive business that 
came before the Senate, were acted upon in a 
friendly spirit. 
Among the appointments to foreign embas- 
sies the most important were the following: — 
To England, 
To France, 
To Russia, 
To Austria, 


Charles Francis Adams, of Mass. 
William L. Dayton, of New Jersey. 
Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky. 
Anson Burlingame,* of Mass. 


_ To Italy, George P. Marsh, of Vermont. 
To Spain, Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin. 
To Prussia, | Norman B. Judd, of Illinois. 
To Mexico, Thomas Corwin, of Ohio. © 


Though a general outline of the policy to 
be pursued by the administration was given 
in the President's inaugural address, no active 
steps were immediately taken to indicate more 
definitely what that policy would be when re- 
duced to practice. This delay was very unsat- 
isfactory to the secessionists, who hoped either 
for a complete abandonment of the federal 
authority in the seceded states, or some hasty 
act of coercion which would involve a war 


* On account of Mr. Burlingame’s efforts in Congress for the 
recognition of the kingdom of Italy, with its enlarged territory 
recovered from Austria, the Austrian government declined to 


receive him. Mr. J. Lothrop Motley, of Massachusetts, was ap- 


pointed in his stead, and Mr. Burlingame was sent commissioner 
to China. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


while the “ Confederacy” was better prepared 
for it than the United States. It also served to 
hold in abeyance the secession movement in 
the border states, where what was called an 
agoressive or coercive policy was needed, only, 
to hasten the further dismemberment of the 
Union. But the administration was ascertain- 
ing the real condition of the government, and 
was using what means were at command to 
strengthen it, and enable it to carry out its 
policy with firmness and vigor. 

It appeared, however, that it was Mr. Lin- 
coln’s purpose, as declared in his inaugural, to 
pursue a peaceful policy, so far as his obliga- 
tions to the constitution would enable him; 
and while he would undertake to exercise the 
authority of the government, where necessary, 
in the seceded states, he would not commence 
any movement which could reasonably be con- 
sidered as aggressive. 


CHAPTER XXII. 


Commissioners from the Confederate States Government. — 
They desire to present their Credentials to the President. — 
Mr. Seward refuses to recognize them officially. — Reply of 
the Commissioners. — Policy of the Administration with re- 
gard to Fort Sumter. — Difficulty of the Question. — Deter- 
mination to hold other Forts. — Preparations for Reénforce- 
ment. — Evacuation of Fort Sumter a Military Necessity. — 
The Expediency of indicating a Policy. — The Purpose of the 
Government. — Determination to provision Fort Sumter. — 
‘Messengers to Charleston. — Notice to Governor Pickens of 
the Intention of the Government.— Major Anderson’s Con- 
dition. — Fort Sumter and the Besieging Batteries. 


Wuutz the new administration was thus occu- 
pied in reorganizing the various departments of 
the government, commissioners from the Confed- 
erate States appeared at Washington, for the 
purpose of opening negotiations with the gov- 

-ernment of the United States for the “speedy 
adjustment of all questions growing out of this 
political separation, upon such terms of amity 
and good will as the respective interests, geo- 
graphical contiguity, and future welfare of the 


163 


two nations may render necessary.” These 
commissioners were John Forsyth, Martin J. 
Crawford, and A. B. Roman. They requested 
Mr. Seward to appoint a time when they might 
present their credentials to the President ; but 
this was declined by the secretary of state in 
a note in which he said, — 

“The secretary of state frankly confesses 
that he understands the events which have 
recently occurred, and the condition of political 
affairs which actually exists in the part of the 
Union to which his attention has thus been 
directed, very differently from the aspect in 
which they are presented by Messrs. Forsyth 
and Crawford. He sees in them not a rightful 
and accomplished revolution and an independ- 
ent. nation, with an established government, 
but rather a perversion of a temporary and 
partisan excitement to the inconsiderate pur- 
poses of an unjustifiable and unconstitutional 
aggression upon the rights and the authority 
vested in the federal government, and hitherto 
benignly exercised, as from their very nature 
they always must so be exercised, for the 
maintenance of the Union, the preservation of 
liberty, and the security, peace, welfare, happi- 
ness, and aggrandizement of the American peo- 
ple. The secretary of state, therefore, avows 
to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford that he looks 
patiently, but confidently, for the cure of evils 
which have resulted from proceedings so un- 
wise, so unusual, and so unnatural, not to 
irregular negotiations, having in view new and 
untried relations with agencies unknown to the 
constitution and laws, but to regular and con- 
siderate action of the people in those states, 
in codperation with their brethren in other 
states, through the Congress of the United 
States, and such extraordinary conventions, if 
there shall be need thereof, as the federal con- 
stitution contemplates and authorizes to be as- 
sembled.” 

“A simple reference to [the inaugural ad- 
dress] will be sufficient to satisfy these gentle- 


° 


164 HISTORY OF THE 


men that the secretary of state, guided by the 
principles therein announced, is prevented al- 
together from admitting or assuming that the 
states referred to by them have, in law or in 
fact, withdrawn from the federal Union, or that 
they could do so in the manner described by 
Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other 
manner than with the consent and concert of 
the people of the United States, to be given 
through a national convention, to be assembled 
in conformity with the provisions of the con- 
stitution of the United States. Of course the 
secretary of state cannot act upon the assump- 
tion, or in any way admit that the so-called 
Confederate States constitute a foreign power, 
with whom diplomatic relations ought to be 
established.” 

Mr. Seward therefore declared “that he has 
no authority, nor is he at liberty, to recognize 
them as diplomatic agents, or hold correspond- 
ence or other communication with them.” 

This communication of Mr. Seward was dated 
March 15th, but it was not delivered to the 
Confederate commissioners till April 8th. In 
the mean time Judge Campbell, of the supreme 
court, had acted as a mediator between the 
commissioners and the government. To him 
Mr. Seward had expressed a desire not to be 
obliged to return an immediate reply to the 
communication of the commissioners, and had, 
perhaps, encouraged the belief. that Fort Sum- 
ter, unless it could be peaceably supplied with 
provisions, would be evacuated. Such, it ap- 
pears, was the impression received by Judge 
Campbell; but it may have been in this case as 
in the unofficial negotiations between the South 
Carolina commissioners and Mr. Buchanan, that 
the parties interested drew inferences beyond 
the true import of the secretary’s language. 
But it is not improbable that Mr. Seward desired 
to obtain time for the administration to feel 
more assured of its position before taking such 
action as would decide its whole future policy, 
and perhaps determine the question of peace or 


UNITED STATES. 


war. And it is also probable that the final 
action of the government with regard to Fort 
Sumter was misinterpreted by the commission- 
ers, who believed that deception had been prac- 
tised upon them. 

When at last Mr. Seward’s communication 
was delivered to the commissioners, they replied 
to it in another, in which they endeavored to 
fix upon the government the responsibility of 
bloodshed, which they assumed would be the 
result of the failure of their mission, and charged 
the administration with perfidy in pretending 
that Fort Sumter would be evacuated, while 
they were preparing an “immense armada ” to 
reénforce it. “Your refusal,” they wrote, “to 
entertain these overtures for a peaceful solu- 
tion, the active naval.and military preparations 
of this government, and a formal notice to the 
commanding general of the Confederate forces 
in the harbor of Charleston, that the president — 
intends to provision Fort Sumter by forcible 
means if necessary, are viewed by the under- 
signed, and can only be received by the world, 
as a declaration of war against the Confederate 
States ; for the president of the United States 
knows that Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned 
without the effusion of blood. The under- 
signed, in behalf of their government and peo- 
ple, accept the gage of battle thus thrown down 
to them; and appealing to God and the judg- 
ment of mankind for the righteousness of their 
cause, the people of the Confederate States 
will defend their liberties to the last against 
this flagrant and open attempt at their subju- 
gation to sectional power.” Farther on they 
assert that it is clear “that Mr. Lincoln had de- 
termined to appeal to the sword to reduce the 
people of the Confederate States to the will of 
the section or party whose president he is.” And 
this was because a constitutionally elected presi-- 
dent of the United States, from fidelity to his 
oath and his duty to his country, felt himself 
under obligation to provision the small garrison 
of a fort’ belonging to, the United States, by 


e 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


right of property and jurisdiction solemnly 
ceded by the state of South Carolina. 

What should be done in relation to Fort 
Sumter, was the immediate practical question 
to be determined by the administration upon 
assuming the government. It was a question 
of great importance and difficulty, practically, 
however simple it might appear in principle. 
Upon it in a measure depended the whole policy 
to be pursued towards the seceding states, and 


the course of events which would follow. ‘To: 


evacuate it upon the demands of South Caro- 
lina or the Confederate States, would be yield- 
ing to “coercion” on their part, and might 
be construed into an abandonment of the au- 
thority claimed by the United States; while to 
reénforce it and hold it, would probably lead to 
bloodshed. The people of the north were by 
no means inclined to acquiesce in the abandon- 
ment of the federal authority over any of the 
forts or other property of the United States, or 
to have the government submit to any arrogant 
demands from disunionists and rebels. But 
the administration,-though determined to per- 
form its duty according to the general policy 
set forth in the inaugural address, was not dis- 
posed to take any action which should lead 
to hostilities without first trying conciliatory 
measures. One thing, however, was deter- 
mined both by the government and the people, 
and that was, that the other important posts on 
the southern coast, which had not already been 
seized by, or betrayed into the hands of, the 
disunionists, should be reénforced, strengthened, 
and held at all hazards. Accordingly prepara- 
tions were made for this purpose. The avail- 
able vessels belonging to the navy were fitted 
out with all possible despatch, such small force 
of the regular army as could be collected was 
prepared, and several large steam transports 
were chartered for carrying troops, provisions, 
and ordnance stores.* These preparations, 


* The expedition consisted of the steam sloops of war Pawnee 
and Powhattan, cutter Harriet Lane, the steam transports Atlan- 


Scott. 


165 


though not on a very formidable scale, com- 
pared with subsequent expeditions, created 
some excitement at the south, where it was as- 
sumed at once that the destination of the ex- 
pedition was Charleston harbor. 

In the mean time the question concerning 
Fort Sumter still remained in abeyance. The 
Congress of the Confederate States had adopted 
measures for the establishment of an army, 
and General P. G. T. Beauregard, formerly of 
the United States army, was sent to Charleston 
to assume command of the forces there, and 
direction of the fortifications. The work on 
these fortifications proceeded ; troops from other 
southern states, as well as South Carolina, were 
concentrated at Charleston; and the prepara- 
tions on the part of the seceded states were 
pressed forward with a determination to reduce 
the fort unless it was speedily surrendered. 
And so effectually was it invested by the hos- 
tile batteries, that there was little hope of its 
holding out for any length of time, in its in- 
complete state, and with its limited number of 
guns and small garrison. 

While, therefore, it was objected to as a politi- 
cal measure, the evacuation of Fort Sumter as 
a military necessity was regarded with less dis- 
favor by the people, and was assented to by 
the administration, with the advice of General 
Major Anderson, in a despatch sent to 
the war department at the very commence. 
ment of the administration of Mr. Lincoln, had 
given his opinion as an officer that it would be 
impossible, in the existing state of affairs, to 
reénforce him before his provisions should be 
exhausted, except with a force of at least 
twenty thousand men. General Scott, after 
examining the subject, and consulting with 
other experienced officers, concurred in that 
opinion. It appeared, therefore, that at this 


tic, Baltic, and Illinois, and steam tugs Yankee and Uncle Ben. 
The ships of war mounted twenty-six guns, and the transports 
took nearly a thousand troops, with large quantities of ordnance 
stores and provisions, 


166 


juncture, nothing was left for the government 
to do but to order the evacuation. It was, 
however, a difficult point to decide, for evacua- 
tion would, perhaps, be so misconstrued at home 
and abroad, and thus lead to new complications, 
that it was not to be adopted until its necessity 
was fully demonstrated, and all efforts to sup- 
ply the little garrison peacefully had failed ; nor 
until the government had indicated by some 
practical measures that its policy was not to 
voluntarily abandon the forts which it still held. 

It had been the intention of the administra- 
tion to indicate its policy by reénforcing Fort 
Pickens, at Pensacola, before the evacuation of 
Fort Sumter should be rendered necessary by 
the exhaustion of provisions. Orders were sent 
to the naval officer commanding on that station 
to land a force which had been sent out by the 
last administration in the war steamer Brooklyn. 
But it appeared that some arrangement or un- 
derstanding similar to that which palsied the 
arm of the government in Charleston harbor, 
had been made by the Buchanan administra- 
tion, and the order was not carried into execu- 
tion. When this state of affairs became known 
at Washington, there remained but a few days 
before the time when the supplies of Fort Sum- 
ter would inevitably be exhausted ; and, finding 
matters thus complicated, and that delay in 
taking measures to indicate its policy — not of 
“coercion,” but simply of holding the property 
and maintaining the authority of the United 
States — might be dangerous, the administra- 
tion determined to use a part of the expedition 
which was being fitted out, and which was pre- 
pared for such a juncture, to take supplies to 
the beleaguered fort. The intention, however, 
was, first to send an unarmed vessel into the 
harbor, and to resort to force only to repel an 
attack. 

While these measures were under advise- 
ment, several special messengers were sent by 
the government to Charleston, for the purpose 
of ascertaining the condition of Major Ander- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


son’s command, and consulting in relation to 
supplies. One of these, Captain Fox, who had 
been connected with the coast survey, and was 
familiar with the harbor of Charleston, and 
understood all the risk to be run, submitted a 
plan for sending supplies to Fort Sumter; but it 
was not at once adopted. Colonel Lamon was 
subsequently sent to Charleston, and commu- 
nicated with Major Anderson; but the precise 
object of his mission was not known. On the 
part of the South Carolina authorities, it was 
probably supposed at that time, when such 
rumors were prevalent, that the fort was to be 
evacuated, and that the mission was to give 
instructions to that effect to Major Anderson- 
Lieutenant Talbot, one of Major Anderson’s 
officers, was the next messenger; but he was 
not allowed to communicate with Fort Sumter, 
and returned to Washington without accom- 
plishing the whole of his mission. At this time 
the supplies of fresh provisions, which the gar- 
rison had been allowed to purchase in Charles- 
ton, were cut off, and immediately afterwards a 
final messenger gave notice to Governor Pickens 
that it was the intention of the government to 
send supplies to the fort. According to the 
Confederate authorities, this messenger declared 
that “provisions would be sent to Fort Sumter 
peaceably, otherwise by force.” 

In the mean time, Major Anderson had done 
what he could, with his small force of soldiers 
and workmen, to put the fort in a better con- 
dition to resist bombardment, and to reply to 
an attack. Surrounded as he was by numerous 
batteries, mounted with guns of heavy calibre, 
his provisions nearly exhausted, and his men 
worn down by work, communication with his 
government practically cut off, and with no 
hope of relief, the prospect was gloomy enough 
for the gallant commander; but he was deter- 
mined to do his duty to his country, and to 
stand by his flag to the last, and in this he was 
seconded by all the. officers and men of his 
command. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


The batteries which had been constructed 
for the reduction of Fort Sumter, the work on 
which had been suffered to continue for months, 
while the fort was neither reénforced nor 
evacuated, nor permitted to stop these hostile 
preparations, were now quite completed, and 
were really formidable, both from their position 
and the calibre of the guns. On Morris’s Island 
were two breaching batteries, one of which was 
covered with railroad iron, and was skilfully 
constructed, and two mortar batteries. On 
James Island was Fort Johnson, the guns of 
which could not be very effective upon Fort 
Sumter, and another mortar battery. On Sul- 
livan’s Island were two columbiad batteries and 
two mortar batteries; and a floating battery, 
eoncerning which there had been much boast- 
ing in the Charleston papers, was anchored off 
the upper end of the island. Fort Moultrie, 
and a small mortar battery at Mount Pleas- 
ant, completed the beleaguering fortifications. 
These batteries mounted at least thirty guns 
and seventeen mortars, most of the guns being 
of heavy calibre, and one or more being rifled 
guns. They bore upon Fort Sumter from the 
_ north,north-east, south-east, and south-west. The 
force which was sent to these fortifications, and 
to repel a land attack, if such were attempted 
by the expected expedition for the relief of 
Fort Sumter, was about seven thousand men. 

The armament of Fort Sumter, available 
against these batteries, consisted of twenty- 
seven barbette guns, and twenty-one casemate 
guns, the heaviest and most effective being in 
barbette ; but none of them could be considered 


sufficiently formidable for the defence of such a 


work. The garrison of the fort consisted of about 
seventy officers and men; and there were also in 
it about forty mechanics and laborers, under the 
direction of the officers-of the engineer corps, 
who had been employed upon the construction 
of the fort, and most of whom volunteered to do 
duty in its defence, by working at the guns, or 


167 


effective force was less than a hundred men. 
In preparing for the expected bombardment, it 
was found that the supply of cartridges was 
entirely inadequate for a protracted defence, 
and it was necessary to cut up all,the surplus 
blankets, and extra company clothing, to make 
cartridge bags. But there were only six needles 
in the fort, and the work of preparing car- 
tridges was consequently slow. In all the 
preparations for the defence of the fort, the 
garrison labored early and late; but their work 
was not completed when the attack was made. 


CHAPTER XXIII. 


Bombardment of Fort Sumter. — Beauregard instructed to de- 
mand its Evacuation.—The Demand, and Major Anderson’s 
Reply. — Another Proposition. — The Reply unsatisfactory. — 
Commencement of Hostilities. — Major Anderson’s Force. — 
Want of Cartridges. — Materials used for Supply. — Effect of 
the Bombardment on the Fort. — Fire from the Fort slackened. 
— Appearance of United States Vessels off the Bar. —Night. 
— The last Rice eaten. — Renewal of the Engagement. — Hot 
Shot thrown by the Rebel Batteries. —The Quarters and Bar- 
racks set on Fire. — Powder taken from the Magazine.— 
Spread of the Flames, and Danger.— Appearance of Mr. 
Wigfall with a Flag of Truce. — His Representations. — Dis- 
play of his White Flag at the Embrasure not respected. — 
Interview with Major Anderson. Agreement to evacuate on 
Terms previously proposed. — Other Messengers from Beaure- 
gard. —Mr. Wigfall acting without Authority.— Terms ar- 
ranged. — Evacuation. — Salute to the Flag.— Departure of 
the Garrison. — Major Anderson’s Report. 


As soon as the determination of the govern- 
ment to send supplies to Fort Sumter was made 
known to the authorities of South Carolina and 
the Confederate States, they made immediate 
preparations to bombard the fort, without wait- 
ing for the appearance of any vessel or fleet to 
carry out the purposes of the government. 
General Beauregard telegraphed to the Con- 
federate secretary of war that a messenger from 
President Lincoln had notified Governor Pick- 
ens and himself, “that provisions will be sent 
to Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by 
force.” ‘The secretary, in reply, directed him 


in carrying shot and cartridges; but the whole !'to demand the evacuation of the fort, and if 


168 


this was refused, to reduce it. Accordingly, 
General Beauregard, on the 11th of April, sent 
a communication to Major Anderson, in which, 
after dwelling upon the forbearance of the goy- 
ernment of the Confederate States in allowing 
the United States forces to hold Fort Sumter 
for so long a period, he wrote, “I am ordered 
by the government of the Confederate States 
to demand the evacuation of Fort Sumter. My 
aids, Colonel Chesnut and Captain Lee, are 
authorized to make such demand of you. All 
proper facilities will be afforded for the removal 
of yourself and command, together with com- 
pany arms and property, and all private prop- 
erty, to any post in the United States which 
you may elect. ‘The flag which you have 
upheld so long and with so much fortitude, 
under the most trying circumstances, may be 
saluted by you on taking it down.” 

To this communication Major Anderson re- 
peur 


“ GeNnERAL: I have the honor to acknowledge 
the receipt of your communication demanding 
the evacuation of this fort; and to say, in reply 
thereto, that it is a demand with which I regret 
that my sense of honor, and of my obligations 
to my government, prevents my compliance. 

“Thanking you for the fair, manly, and cour- 
teous terms proposed, and for the high com- 
pliment paid me, 

“JT am, General, very respectfully, 
“Your obedient servant, 
“ ROBERT ANDERSON, 
“ Major U. S. Army, Commanding.” 


At the same time, Major Anderson stated, 
unofiicially, to Beauregard’s aids, that the gar- 
rison was now nearly out of provisions, and 
that they could not probably hold out longer 
than the 15th of the month. This statement 
was referred, with the refusal to evacuate, to 
the Confederate government, and led to a 
proposition from General Beauregard that, if 
Major Anderson would state the time when he 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


would evacuate the fort, and in the mean time 
would not use his guns against the Confederate 
forces unless theirs were employed against the 
fort, they would abstain from opening fire upon 
him. In reply to this proposition, Major Ander- 
son said that he would evacuate the fort by 
noon on the 15th instant, should he not receive, 
prior to that time, controlling instructions from 
his government, or additional supplies ; and that 
he would not open fire from the fort unless 
compelled to do so by some hostile act on the 
part of General Beauregard’s forces against the 
fort or the United States flag. 

This reply, it appeared, was not satisfactory 
to the Confederate States authorities. They 
expected that the fleet which had been fitting 
out at New York would attempt to supply and 
reénforce Fort Sumter, and they were not dis- 
posed to wait for its arrival. The bearers of 
the proposition were instructed upon this 
point, and upon receiving Major Anderson’s 
reply, after a brief consultation, without re- 
turning to their superior, at half past three, 
on the morning of the 12th of April, gave 
notice that their batteries would open fire in 
one hour from that time. | 

Major Anderson’s command, few in numbers, 
and worn down by hard labor, and by insuffi- 
cient food, was entirely inadequate for a full 
defence of the fort, and to man the guns effec- 
tively. But, with a determination to do his 
duty, even under such discouraging circum- 
stances, he proceeded to make the best dis- 
posal that he could of his little band. The 
command was divided into three reliefs, to 
serve two hours each, in order to husband the 
strength of the garrison. The men were ordered 
at once to the bomb proofs, it being the inten- 
tion of the major to keep them safe, and not 
reply to the fire until broad daylight. In the 
mean time they received their scanty break- 
fast of rice and pork, the biscuit having been 
already exhausted. 

At-half past four, a signal shell was thrown 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


from the mortar battery on James Island, and 
immediately after, fire was opened on the fort 
from all the batteries simultaneously, and was 
kept up for two hours and a half before any 
reply was made from Fort Sumter. At seven 
o'clock, the first shot was fired from the fort, by 
one of the guns in charge of Captain Double- 
day; and, from that time, the little garrison 
responded to the fire from each of the batteries 
making the attack. The shot and shell flew 
thickly over the fort; and, in order not to 
expose his few men, Major Anderson did not 
work his barbette guns, which were larger and 
more effective than those in the casemates, and 
the only ones with which he could throw shells. 
Some of the direct shot from the Cummings 
Point battery, on Morris Island, especially those 
from an English rifled gun, took effect upon the 
upper part of the barracks and quarters, and 
made some breaches around two or three of 
the embrasures. Those fired from the other 
batteries were directed mostly against the bar- 
bette guns, one of which was dismounted, and 
another damaged by the shot. But the most 
damaging, and the most dangerous, were the 
shells thrown from the mortar batteries, to 
which the interior of the fort, on all sides, was ex- 
posed. There was a constant explosion of these 
shells, which several times setfire tothe barracks; 
but the flames were quickly extinguished by the 
energetic efforts of the officers and men. 

At the commencement of the engagement 
there were but seven hundred cartridges in the 
fort, and by noon it was found that the supply 
was so much reduced that Major Anderson was 
obliged to slacken his fire. The six needles 
_ were kept constantly at work, and every thing 
that could be spared for the purpose — extra 
clothing, hospital blankets, and coarse paper — 
was made into cartridges, the men working 
constantly till midnight in preparing them. 
While Major Anderson was thus obliged to 
confine his fire to six guns, he responded to 
each of the rebel batteries as if in defiance. 


169 


The assailants, thinking, perhaps, that the fire 
of the fort was slackened by damage from their 
shot and shell, kept up an incessant fire through 
the day, and continued it frequently through 
the night, although at dark Major Anderson 
ceased firing, and closed his ports. 

Soon after noon on this day three United 
States vessels were seen off the bar of the 
harbor, and were signalled by Fort Sumter. 
They remained there, however, without any 
attempt apparently to enter the harbor. Their 
appearance had been hailed with joy by the 
little garrison, who expected that some relief 
and aid had come to them. At night it was 
hoped that the vessels would attempt to run in, 
and Major Anderson kept his signal light burn- 
ing. But the night was dark and stormy, the 
channel was intricate, and the lights in the 
lighthouses were extinguished. When the 
morning came and the garrison arose from their 
brief rest, the vessels were still off the bar, 
with no appearance of attempting to come in. 
The last rice was eaten for breakfast, and the 
men, disappointed but true, went again to the 
guns, which were bravely manned and briskly 
fired, but from their insufficient calibre were 
not of much avail against the works of the 
besiegers. 

The effect of the fire from the fort on the 
first day had apparently not been very great. 
As before observed, the heavy guns, being in 


-barbette, had not been used, and the thirty-two 


and forty-two pound shot were not of sufficient 
weight. Fort Moultrie was damaged to some ex- 
tent, and several guns were dismounted; the 
houses on Sullivan’s Island were riddled with 
shot; a revenue cutter, which was near the 
island with the Confederate flag flying, was 
struck by a shot, and hauling down her flag, 
moved out of range; the floating.battery re- 
ceived some trifling injury, but was so pro- 
tected behind a breakwater that it could not 
be hit fairly ; while against the iron-clad bat- 
tery on Cummings Point the shot had scarce- 


170 


ly any effect, the balls glancing off harm- 
lessly. 

The fire from the fort was commenced early 
on the second day, the assailants having already 
opened a rapid firmg. ‘The contest continued 
as on the preceding day, the shot and shells 
more seriously damaging the fort, and wound- 
ing several men, the aim of the rebel gunners 
being better than on the first day. It was soon 
apparent that the guns of Fort Moultrie were 
throwing hot shot, and at nine o’clock dense 
volumes of smoke arose from the officers’ 
quarters, which had just been struck by a shot. 
From the exposed position of the building it 
was impossible to extinguish the flames, while 
there was danger of the fire spreading so as to 
encircle the magazine. Efforts were immedi- 
ately directed to the removal of as much powder 
as possible from the magazine to the casemates ; 
but so rapidly did the flames extend, that it was 
possible to remove only fifty barrels of the 
powder before it became necessary to close the 
doors of the magazine and bank them with 
earth. 

As soon as the smoke and flames burst from 
the roof of the quarters, the fire of the besieg- 
ing batteries was redoubled in rapidity, and hot 
shot was thrown from most of their guns. 
The whole range of officers’ quarters was 
soon in flames, and the fire was communicated 
to the roof of the barracks on two sides of the 
fort. The floors of the barracks were fire- 
proof; but it required all the exertions of the 
garrison to prevent the fire spreading down the 
stairways, and by the wood work outside to the 
east barrack, in which the officers and men 
had taken their quarters. The flames at last 
reached the magazines of grenades, which were 
arranged in the stair towers and implement 
rooms, when they exploded, completely de- 
stroying the stair towers, and otherwise dama- 
ging that part of the fort. The casemates were 
filled with smoke and cinders, so as almost to 
suffocate the men, and boxes, beds, and other ar- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


ticles belonging to the garrison were set on fire, 
so that it became unsafe to retain the powder 
which had been taken from the magazine. For 
a time efforts were made to save it by covering 
the casks with wet cloths; but the danger was 
imminent, and Major Anderson ordered all but 
five barrels to be thrown out of the embrasures 
into the water. There were but few cartridges 
left, and but little powder with which to make 
them; the men were laboring to prevent the 
spread of the flames, so that the guns could 
only be fired occasionally; but they sent at 
intervals a defiant shot, to show that the fort 
still held out. The flagstaff had several times 
been struck by shot, and the lanyards were cut, 
but the flag did not come down. At last the 
staff fell; but the flag was secured, and as soon 
as it could be attached to a temporary staff, it 
was again raised upon the rampart, in spite of 
the danger, by Lieutenant Snyder and Sergeant 
Hart.* ; 

At this stage of affairs a man appeared out- 
side of the fort with a white flag tied to his 
sword, and desired admission. He was allowed 
to enter through one of the embrasures, and 
announced himself to the officers there as Mr. 
Wigfall,t an aid to General Beauregard, from 
whom he came to desire that, inasmuch as the 
flag of Sumter was shot down, a fire raging in 
the quarters, and the garrison in a great strait, — 
hostilities should be suspended, and the white 
flag raised for this object. Lieutenant Davis 
replied that the flag was again hoisted on the 
parapet, and that the white flag would not be 
raised except by order of the commanding 
officer. Mr. Wigfall then requested that his 
own white flag might be waved to stop the fire 
from Sullivan’s Island, that from Cummings 


* Hart had formerly been a sergeant in Major Anderson’s 
command, but he was now employed as a carpenter by the en- 
gineer officer. He had been very active in trying to extinguish 
the fire in the barracks, and in endeavoring to secure the flag 
when the lanyards were shot away. Though exposed to shot and 
shell, he did not flinch till the flag was securely fixed. 

+ Formerly United States senator from Texas. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Point being already suspended. This was re- 
fused; but he was permitted tc wave the white 
flag himself, and got into an embrasure for that 
purpose. After displaying it a few minutes 
without effect,a corporal was allowed to take 
his place; but the fire continuing, and a shot 
striking very near the embrasure, the corporal 
jumped inside, and throwing down the flag, 
declared to Mr. Wigfall that “he would not hold 
his flag, for it was not respected.” 

Major Anderson having appeared, Mr. Wig- 
fall repeated the purpose of his visit, and com- 
plimenting that officer upon the defence he had 
made, renewed the request for a suspension of 
hostilities, in order to arrange terms of evacu- 
ation. Upon Major Anderson’s inquiring what 
terms, Mr. Wigfall replied, “ Any terms that 
you may desire; your own terms, the precise 
nature of which General Beauregard will ar- 
range with you.”* Major Anderson assented to 
the proposition, saying that the terms which 
he accepted were those proposed by General 
Beauregard before hostilities commenced, and 
no others. The white flag was consequently dis- 
played, and the United States flag was lowered. 

Shortly afterwards, the firing having ceased, 
a boat arrived at the fort, bringing three of 
General Beauregard’s aids, who stated that, see- 
ing the white flag raised, the general sent them 
to inquire what assistance he could lend, in 
extinguishing the flames or otherwise. Upon 
being informed of the circumstances under 
which the white flag was hoisted, these officers 
declared that Mr. Wigfall had acted entirely 
without authority, not having seen General 
Beauregard for two days. Major Anderson, 
finding that he had been deceived, ordered the 
United States flag to be again raised; but at 
the urgent request of the aids, he consented 
to wait till they could report to their chief and 
receive his instructions. In the mean time the 
garrison exerted themselves to extinguish the 


* Report of J. G. Foster, captain of engineers, afterwards 
brigadier-general. 


‘Ley 


flames, which were still raging. Messengers 
from General Beauregard, after some delay, 
announced that the terms were approved, with 
the exception of saluting the flag; but Major 
Anderson insisted upon this, and it was finally 
acceded to. It was agreed, also, that the gar- 
rison, with their effects, should be transported 
to such port in the United States as the com- 
manding officer should designate. The steamer 
Isabel was accordingly sent to the fort for that 
purpose ; but communication having been had 
with the fleet off the bar, it was subsequently 
determined that the officers and men should 
be transferred to one of the United States 
transports. 

The evacuation of the fort took place on 
Sunday, April 14th. A part of the men had 
gone on board the Isabel the night previous; 
but a sufficient force remained in the fort to 
salute the flag+ which they had so faithfully 
defended, and which was lowered at the last 
discharge amid the cheers of the men. During 
the firing of the salute, one of the guns burst, 
killmg one man instantly, and wounding several 
others, one of them fatally. This was the only 
loss of life that occurred at the fort during those 
eventful days, and but three or four had been 
wounded during all the bombardment. There 
was, probably, as little loss of life among the 
Confederate forces.{ 


+ The first raising of this flag by Major Anderson over Fort 
Sumter, after the transfer of his command thither, was an occa- 
sion more impressive than its final lowering, according to the fol- 
lowing statement, which is generally believed. Major Anderson, 
on that occasion, assembled the whole of his little force, and the 
workmen employed on the fort, around the foot of the flagstaff. 
The national ensign was attached to the cord, and Major Ander- 
son, holding the lines in his hand, knelt reverently down. The 
officers and men clustered around, many of them on their knees, 
and all deeply impressed with the solemnity of the scene. The 
chaplain made an appropriate and fervent prayer, and as he ceased 
and the men responded “ Amen,” Major Anderson drew the flag to 
the top of the staff, where it was greeted by the whole assembly 
with loud and exultant cheers, and the national air by the band. 
Well might those men be true to that flag. 

{ There were various reports of numbers being killed and 
wounded among the rebel forces, including Beauregard himself; 
but they appeared to be unfounded. 


172 


After the evacuation, the Isabel conveyed the 
little garrison to the transport Baltic, outside 
the bar, on which they were taken to New York. 
Fort Sumter was immediately taken possession 
of by a portion of the Confederate forces. 

Upon his arrival at New York, Major Ander- 
son sent the following despatch to the secretary 
of war :— 


“Sm: Having defended Fort Sumter until 
our quarters were entirely burned, the main 
gates destroyed by fire, the gorge wall seriously 
injured, the magazine surrounded by flames, 
and its door closed from the effects of heat, and 
three cartridges of powder only being available, 
and no provisions but pork remaining, — I ac- 
cepted the terms of evacuation offered by Gen- 
eral Beauregard, being the same offered by him 
on the 11th instant, prior to the commencement 
of hostilities, and marched out of the fort on 
Sunday afternoon, 14th instant, with colors fly- 
ing and drums beating, bringing away my com- 
pany and our private property, and saluting 
my flag with fifty guns. 

F “ RoBertT ANDERSON, 
“ Major First Artillery.” * 


Major Anderson received the thanks of the 
government for his gallant defence of the fort 
under such trying circumstances, and was grant- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


ed a furlough in consideration of his impaired 


health. He was also at once promoted to the 
rank of colonel, and was subsequently appointed 
brigadier-general of volunteers. 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


Effect of the Bombardment of Sumter at the North. — Intense 
Feeling. — Action of the Government. — President’s Procla- 
mation. — Requisition for Troops. — Patriotic Response of the 
People. — Approval of the Action of the Government to vin- 
dicate its Authority. — The Press. — Response to the Requi- 
sition for Troops. — Promptness of the Free States. — Refusal 
of Slave States. — Massachusetts, New York, Rhode Island, 
&c.— Public Meetings. — Action of Banks and Boards of 
Trade. — The National Flag. 


Tue bombardment of Fort Sumter, before 
any attempt was made even to supply it peace- 
fully, was an act of open and flagrant rebellion, 
and of wanton hostilities, which no longer left 
a choice of policy on the part of the govern- 
ment, nor any doubt of the purposes of the 
secessionists. It created an intense feeling 
among the people of the north; and as the in- 
telligence of the conflict and the final result 
was announced by telegraph, there arose a com- 
mon sentiment of indignation against the as- 
sailants, and a determination to maintain the 
authority of the government. 

At Washington the feeling was no less in- 


* In a private narrative of the bombardment, Major Anderson 
made, among others, the following statements: The batteries 
kept up the fire on the fort, at intervals, all night, to prevent the 
men from sleeping; but they failed in their object. He ordered 
the men to bed, and they slept soundly, while the sentinels alone 
kept on duty. Although he had been up the night before in the 
correspondence and conferences with Beauregard’s aids, he staid 
up this night also, thinking that by a bare possibility some small 
boats from the relief squadron might work their way up to the 
fort. But they did not; and he was satisfied that relief was an 
impossibility. It was too late, and he was rejoiced that the fleet 
did not endanger themselves by the attempt. 

The reports that were telegraphed from Charleston to the 
north, that when his barracks were on fire, relief was proffered 
him; that when his flag was~shot down, another one was ten- 
dered; that after the evacuation, he was the guest of Beaure- 
gard, —are all equally untrue. When his fort was filled with the 
smoke of his burning quarters, the hostile batteries redoubled 


their fire on him. He says that though the Charleston Mercury 
is now denouncing him for having spoken in condemnation of this 
at the north, he has the satisfaction of remembering that he spoke 
of it with equal frankness to the Carolinians. At the evacuation, 
he said to one of the officers, “If our cases had been reversed, 
and your quarters had been on fire, I should have stopped firing 
and offered aid to extinguish the flames. War is a sad business 
at best, and we should strive to humanize it as much as possible.” 
The officer replied, ‘ We did just right.” Then,” said Anderson, 
‘“‘ we need have no further conversation, sir.” 

All the time he was in Sumter he was in a genteel state 
prison. Visits could only be made to him, even by his sick and 
anxious wife, by consent of the Carolina authorities: when they 
chose they would refuse to let him buy any potatoes; and a pres- 
ent of two cases of tobacco from New York, to the soldiers, was 
kept in Charleston, after being examined, three weeks before they 
were allowed to taste what was such luxury to them, and of which 
they had been for so long a time deprived. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


tense. The administration, impressed with the 
magnitude of the responsibility which was forced 
upon it, and determined to maintain and protect 
the authority and the trusts committed to its 
charge, took immediate steps to meet the crisis 
which had at last arisen. There were long 
sessions of the cabinet, and earnest consulta- 
tions with General Scott, while the conflict was 
still proceeding at Charleston ; but almost with 
the result of that battle the prompt decision 
of the government was known, and found to 
accord with the feelings and wishes of the peo- 
ple of the north, and of all who sincerely desired 
to maintain the Union and the federal author- 
ity. Conciliation had failed to accomplish any 
thing, and all but the wilfully blind could see 
that the purpose of the disunionists was to 
establish a southern confederacy, regardless of 
any efforts to conciliate, or of any compromise, 
save such as should subject the whole country 
to their control and the principles on which 
they founded their confederacy. The people 
desired in this crisis to realize that there was an 
administration which recognized its duty and 
was determined to perform it. However un- 
welcome, therefore, was the prospect of war, or 
of the resort to arms even to secure peace, it 
was a relief to popular anxiety to find the gov- 
ernment disposed to be prompt and energetic 
in the performance of its office, and in main- 
taining the honor of the Union and the flag 
which is its symbol. 

Fort Sumter was evacuated on Sunday, the 
14th of April, the bombardment having ceased 
the previous afternoon. On the morning of the 
15th the President issued the following 


PROCLAMATION, 


“Whereas the laws of the United States have 
been for some time past, and now are, opposed, 
and the execution thereof obstructed, in the 
states of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by 
combinations too powerful to be suppressed by 


173 


the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or 
by the powers vested in marshals by law, — 

“Now, therefore, I, Apranam Lincoun, Presi- 
dent of the United States, in virtue of the power 
vested in me by the constitution and the laws, 
have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do 
call forth, the militia of the several states of the 
Union to the aggregate number of seventy-five 
thousand, in order to suppress Said combina- 
tions, and to cause the laws to be duly executed. 
The details for this object will be immediately 
communicated to the state authorities through 
the war department. 

“J appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facili- 
tate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, 
the integrity, and the existence of our national 
Union, and the perpetuity of popular govern- 
ment, and to redress the wrongs already long 
enough endured. 

“T deem it proper to say, that the first service 
assigned to the forces hereby called forth will 
probably be to repossess the forts, places, and 
property which have been seized from the Un- 
ion; and in every event the utmost care will be 
observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, 
to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or 
interference with property, or any disturbance 
of peaceful citizens in any part of the country. 

“JT hereby command the persons composing 
the combinations aforesaid to disperse and re- 
tire peaceably to their respective abodes within 
twenty days from this date. 

“Deeming that the present condition of pub- 
lic affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I 
do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested 
by the constitution, convene both houses of 
Congress. The senators and representatives 
are therefore summoned to assemble at their 
respective chambers at ‘twelve o’clock, noon, 
Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and 
there to consider and determine such measures 
as in their wisdom the public safety and inter- 
est may seem to demand. 

“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my 


174 


hand, and caused the seal of the United States 
to be affixed. 

“Done at the city of Washington, this 
fifteenth day of April, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and six- 
ty-one, and of the independence of the 
United States the eighty-fifth. 

“ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
“ By the President : 
“‘Wittiam H. Sewarp, Secretary of State.” 

At the same time a requisition was sent to 
the governor of each state, requesting the im- 
mediate detail from the militia of his state of 
the force required therefrom, to serve for a 
period of three months, unless sooner discharged. 
The quota for each state was as follows: Maine, 
New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Con- 
necticut, Delaware, Michigan, lowa, Minnesota, 
and Wisconsin, one regiment each; Massachu- 
setts and Tennessee, two each; New Jersey, 
Kentucky, and Missouri, four each; Indiana 
and Illinois, six each; Pennsylvania, sixteen ; 
New York, seventeen; Arkansas, one regiment; 
North Carolina, two; Ohio, thirteen; Mary- 
land, four; Virginia, three. It was ordered 
that each regiment consist of seven hundred 
and eighty officers and men. The total thus 
called out was seventy-three thousand three 
hundred and ninety-one; the troops of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia completing the seventy-five 
thousand. 

The quota for some of the free states was in- 
creased immediately afterwards, in consequence 
of the urgent necessity of having a sufficient 
force promptly in the field. 

The unjustifiable bombardment of Santer: 
heralding open rebellion and war against the 
Union and government of the United States, fol- 
lowed by this prompt call for its defence on the 
part of the administration, aroused the patriot- 
ism of the loyal people to an unexpected degree. 
Party dissensions were abated, save among 
an unworthy few, and the differences, which 
had divided the people even so recently as the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


probable policy of the government had been 
discussed, were now forgotten, or assumed to be, 
in a common attachment to the institutions so 
seriously threatened, which they were called to 
maintain. Feeling that they had a govern- 
ment which would not crumble in pieces from 
its own weakness, if they rallied in support of 
the administration which had it in charge and 
was faithful in its defence, the people were ready 
to sustain it with loyal hearts and strong arms. 
With all their indignation at the dishonor of the 
national flag, and the certainty of the evils of 
war and necessity of sacrifices before them, there 
was a more cheerful and confident feeling than 
during the long months of uncertainty when 
rebellion was organizing, and the government 
was helplessly witnessing the preparations for 
its own ruin and dissolution. 

The press of all parties spoke out in earnest 
language for the maintenance of the govern- 
ment by vigorous measures, and responded 
heartily to the proclamation of the President. 
There were, indeed, some journals, with whom 
party ties were so strong and whose affiliations 
with the south were such, that for a time they 
denounced the administration, and defended the 
rebels and their cause. The people, however, 
were little disposed to tolerate any open sym- 
pathy with rebellion and treason, and public 
opinion, or more cogent reasons, soon effected 
a suppression of such sentiments. The great 
majority of the journals, as well as a great ma- 
jority of the people, were loyal and hearty in 
the support of the government. 

The call for troops was responded to with all 
the despatch that could be expected from the 
unorganized condition of the military and the 
want of arms and equipments in most of the © 
states. A few of the states, as New York, Mas- 
sachusetts, Rhode Island, and a part of Penn- 
sylvania, had a militia force organized, armed, 
and equipped. There were a few other states 
that had skeleton organizations, which enabled 
them to fill up their quota with some prompt- 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ness, while others, being obliged to organize 
and equip anew, were necessarily more tardy in 
responding to the requisition. The governors 
of all the free ‘states seconded the call of the 
President, and exerted themselves to supply the 
requisite force, and in none of these states was 
there any lack of men or disinclination to serve 
under this call. In the border slave states, 
including all the slave states which had not se- 
ceded, there was no response to the requisition, 
the governors of most of those states refusing — 
some ina most insolent manner —to furnish 
troops “for the subjugation of the seceding 
states.” They were not backward, however, in 
ealling upon the people to form military organ- 
izations for the defence of their states, to main- 
tain “neutrality,” or for such action as events 
might give occasion for. 

Massachusetts was the first state to respond 
to the requisition of the President. Having a 
volunteer militia, comparatively well organized, 
armed, equipped, and officered, who were first 
to be called into service upon an emergency 
like this, that state was better prepared than 
most of the others. Governor Andrew issued 
an order, on the day the President’s proclama- 
tion was received, for four regiments to assemble 
forthwith in Boston. These regiments were all 
in the country, and it was necessary to notify 
personally the members of the various com- 
panies, scattered through many small towns; 
but the next day these regiments, with full 
ranks, were at the rendezvous, and ready to be 
forwarded to their destination. The men had 
left their ordinary avocations and their homes 
with the same promptness and patriotism that 
their fathers had shown in 1776; tarrying not 
to arrange their business or provide for their 
families, and scarcely to say farewell. But the 
patriotism of friends and neighbors bade them 
God speed, and gave assurance that their fami- 
lies and affairs should be cared for. As some 
of the companies took their departure from the 
towns in which they were organized, they were 


175 


greeted by the entire population, and left amid 
the cheers and with the prayers and blessings 
of a loyal people. In Boston the troops were 
received with much enthusiasm, and their ready 
response to the call of their country awakened 
an increased patriotism and pride of country 
among the people. After being supplied with 
clothing and new arms and equipments, they 
were sent forward; three of the regiments on 
the 17th of April, two days after the issue 
of the President’s proclamation, and the other 
on the succeeding day. Two— the third and 
fourth — were sent to Fortress Monroe, and the 
other two — the sixth and eighth—to Wash- 
ington, the last being accompanied by Briga- 
dier-General Benjamin F. Butler, as command- 
er of the brigade. 

In Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, 
Pennsylvania, and other states which were en- 
abled to respond promptly to the call for troops, 
there were manifested similar patriotism and en- 
thusiasm. In Rhode Island Governor Sprague* 
exerted himself with great spirit to prepare the 
quota required of that state ; and though not the 
earliest in the field, none of the three months’ 
troops were better equipped, or made a finer 
appearance. In New York the first troops to 
march were the seventh regiment of New York 
city, celebrated throughout the country as the 
best disciplined and most efficient body of citi- 
zen soldiery in the United States. Other regi- 
ments soon followed, and the Empire State 
evinced a promptness and patriotism in fur- 
nishing its large quota worthy of its influential 
position in the Union. Nor was Pennsylvania 
any less active and efficient. A portion of the 
troops from that state were among the first to 
march for Washington, though not supplied with 


* When Governor Sprague was elected, some of the secession- 
ists at the south imagined that, because he was chosen over a 
Republican opponent, he was in sympathy with them and their 
treason ; and they boasted, perhaps half in jest and half in earnest, 
of making Newport not only the summer resort of southern fash- 
ion, but the great commercial emporium of the Confederacy. 


176 


arms and equipments. The other free states, 
with fewer facilities for organizing military 
forces, were none the less patriotic and earnest in 
defending the Union; and troops were raised in 
a remarkably short time, and ready for service. 

The people of the free states manifested their 
patriotism and loyalty not only by responding 
to the military call, but by an earnest approval 
and support of the action of the administration, 
and by liberal offers of the “sinews of war” to 
the state and national governments. Meetings 
were held in large cities and small towns, at- 
tended by men of all ages, parties, creeds, and 
professions, at which the patriotism of all was 
stirred by the most glowing eloquence, and 
strengthened by the earnest words of wisdom ; 
measures were taken to sustain the government 
in all its efforts to put down the rebellion; 
funds were contributed for the supply of cloth- 
ing to the soldiers, and support for their families 
during their absence, and for their more liberal 
reward than the small wages paid by govern- 
ment. Banks tendered liberal loans to the 
national and state governments, and gave assur- 
ance of continued aid for the suppression of 
the rebellion. Boards of trade adopted reso- 
lutions approving the vigorous action of the 
administration, and pledging support to all meas- 
ures which indicated a determination to vindi- 
cate the authority of the government. A new 
regard for the national flag was awakened by 
the insults and dishonor with which the enemies 
of the Union had treated it. The flag was 
every where displayed, on public buildings and 
private dwellings, and the “ Star-Spangled Ban- 
ner” became more than ever before the nation- 
al hymn and melody. 

Of the feelings thus manifested by the peo- 
ple of the free states, a journal of that time 
remarked truly, as follows :— 

“We do not call that a war fever which now 
burns in the hearts of all the people of these 
northern states. It is no vindictive spirit to- 
wards any section, no desire for vengeance, no 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, 


outbreak of long-standing hate. It is simply 
the blazing out of the suppressed flame of loy- 
alty, which shallow observers have denied to 
have any existence in our people. It is the 
spontaneous, unchecked demonstration of the 
love for a common country, which the shackles 
of partisan organizations have long hampered 
and repressed, but never destroyed. We rejoice. 
that in our day it has come to pass that party 
differences have for once been laid aside in the 
presence of a general and sacred duty; that all 
parties have had occasion to comprehend that 
there is one higher appeal to be made to the 
patriot, before which all ties or jealousies of 
party are alike forgotten. 

“The loyal states to-day have all the advan- 
tage of being a united people. The Confederate 
states have claimed this advantage for them- 
selves, and have steadily held to the belief that 
to the end of the struggle our counsels would 
be divided, They can see to-day what it is to 
have provoked a nation to the defence of its 
government. They can see what it is for a 
people to unite, for defence as well as for attack. 
Three days have brought about such a revolu- 
tion in the attitude of these states as has not 
been seen since this day 1775.* With all our 
sanguine belief that the people would stand by 
their government to the last, we confess that 
we never conceived of the enthusiasm and una- 
nimity which are now seen. A great people 
have risen as one man; the press, with scarcely 
an important exception, has declared for the 
hearty support of authority, while the list of 
exceptions is daily lessened by the pressure of 
an irresistible public sentiment. Blood and 
treasure are ready to be poured out like water 
in defence of the Union. The ancient spirit 
which once achieved our liberties rises to pro- 
tect them, unharmed by the dangerous influ- 
ences of generations of prosperity, peace, and 
increasing wealth.” 


* April 19. 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER XXV. 


Urgent Necessity of Troops at Washington.— Movement of 
Massachusetts Regiments. — The Sixth Regiment departs for 
Washington. — Demonstrations of the People on the Route. — 
Danger apprehended at Baltimore. — Arrival at Baltimore. — 
Passage through the City. — Separation of the Companies. — 
Safe Transit of a Part in Cars. — Obstructions by the Mob. — 
The March of Four Companies. — Attack by the Mob. — Sol- 
diers killed and wounded. —Fire returned by the Soldiers. 
— Mayor of Baltimore. — Arrival at the Washington Station. 
— Continued Riot. — Departure for Washington. — Mob Rule 
in Baltimore. — Action of Governor and Mayor. — Excitement 
in Massachusetts. —The Associations of the 19th of April. — 
The People aroused. — Despatch of Governor Andrew. 


Uron the commencement of hostilities at 
Charleston, the movements and temper of the 
secessionists in Maryland and Virginia, and the 
treacherous attitude which the latter state had 
already assumed, gave reason for the govern- 
ment to suspect that an attack might be made 
upon Washington, as well as other important 
places belonging to the United States, within 
the limits of the states named. There was 
urgent need, therefore, for the immediate pres- 
ence of more troops at these points, and es- 
pecially in Washington. A portion of the small 
force of regular troops which had been concen- 
trated there had been sent away to reénforce 
the more distant forts exposed to attack; and 
the troops remaining there, with the District 
military, which was not altogether to be de- 
pended upon, were inadequate to a defence of 
the capital should an attack be made by such 
a force as the secessionists, especially with the 
codperation of the Virginia authorities, could 
certainly bring against it. The governors of 
those states which could respond immediately 
to the requisition for troops were requested to 
forward their forces as soon as practicable. 

Massachusetts, as before stated, from the or- 
ganization of her volunteer militia, was enabled 
to make the first response to the call. On the 
17th of April three regiments, well armed and 
equipped, left the state in answer to the sum- 


mons for the defence of the government; two'! 


23 


177 


of them being transported by water to Fortress 
Monroe, and the other, the sixth, proceeding by 
land to Washington. Previous to their depart- 
ure they were addressed in eloquent and feel- 
ing words by the governor, who presented to 
them the colors of the state; and they received 
the heartiest cheers and blessings of the people, 
who were alike grateful and proud that Massa- 
chusetts should so promptly and efficiently rally 
to the support of the Union and the govern- 
ment. The sixth regiment met with similar 
demonstrations all along the route to New York, 
and in that city they were hailed with great en- 
thusiasm, and abundant hospitalities and kind- 
ness were extended to them, the patriotism of the 
“Old Bay State” receiving the commendation 
and the gratitude of the loyal people of the 
metropolis. In New Jersey and at Philadelphia 
the regiment was also handsomely greeted, so 
that, thus far at least, their journey towards 
Washington was a pleasant excursion, at times 
almost a triumphant ovation, rather than a 
march to active service and war against rebels 
who were conspiring to overthrow the gov- 
ernment. : 

At Philadelphia, however, intimations were 
received that the passage of the regiment 
through Baltimore would be disputed ; and the 
urgent necessity of being in Washington, if uel 
was the feeling at Baltimore, led Colonel Jones 
to hurry on. The regiment left Philadelphia 
at one o’clock in the morning of the 19th of 
April, and in view of the threatened resistance, 
ammunition was distributed, and the arms were 
loaded as they proceeded in the cars, and orders 
were issued to prevent any collision with the 
mob by the hasty action of the soldiers. On 
the journey, at Susquehanna, a number of 
ears, containing a Pennsylvania regiment, un- 
armed, also destined for Washington, was added 
to the train. In rearranging the train upon this 
addition, without the knowledge of Colonel 
Jones, the cars containing the band and three 
or four companies which should have been in 


178 


the advance, were separated from the remainder 
of the regiment, and were some distance in the 
rear. The great length of the train retarded 
its speed, and it did not arrive at Baltimore 
until noon, the mob thus having a better oppor- 
tunity to collect and the excitement to increase. 
The cars are drawn by horses through the city 
of Baltimore from the Philadelphia road to the 
Washington road ; and upon the arrival of the 
train and the detachment of the locomotive, 
horses were immediately attached to the for- 
ward cars, and, with one exception, they were 
drawn safely through the city, the soldiers be- 
ing assailed only with insults by the mob. The 
last car containing this part of the regiment 
was thrown from the track by some obstruc- 
tion, and thus became separated from those 
preceding it. The major of the regiment had 
received orders to accompany the last or left 
flank company through the city, and not being 
aware that any part of the regiment had become 
separated and was still farther in the rear, he was 
with the company in this car, which should have 
formed the rear. The mob grew more noisy and 
demonstrative when the car ran from the track, 
but through the determined efforts of Major 
Watson it was replaced, and continued as far 
as Pratt Street, where the mob surrounded the 
car and detached the horses, and at the same 
time a volley of stones was thrown. Major 
Watson ordered the soldiers to remain in the 
car, and by means of threats and a resolute 
manner compelled the driver to reattach the 
horses, when, with slight obstructions, but fol- 
lowed by imprecations and missiles, the com- 
pany reached the Washington station in safety. 

In the mean time the companies which had 
become separated, and were in the rear, met 
with rougher usage. The mob became more 
violent with each delay, and upon the passage 
of the car just mentioned, they seemed deter- 
mined to prevent the transit of any more sol- 
diers. The track was torn up and the street 
barricaded, so that it was impossible for the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


cars to proceed. The troops, consisting of three 
companies and part of a fourth, under the com- 
mand of Captains Follansbee, Hart, Pickering, 
and Dike, with the band, then left the cars, and 
under the command of Captain Follansbee, the 
senior officer, formed in order and began their 
march through the city. Perceiving the small 
number of troops, which did not exceed two 
hundred, the mob soon became emboldened, 
and crowded about the soldiers to obstruct their 
march, occasionally throwing at them paving 
stones, bricks, and whatever else they could 
seize upon. The troops moved at a quickstep 
at first, but this was soon changed to “double 
quick;” and the mob, believing this to be evi- 
dence of fear, or that the arms were not loaded, 


assailed them the. more fiercely. A shower of 


missiles was thrown, and numerous shots from 
guns and pistols were fired at them. Several 
of the soldiers were wounded, one of them 
mortally, and two were killed. Until thus fu- 
riously assailed the soldiers had kept along 
steadily and without any attempt to retaliate ; 
hut at this stage of the attack neither officers 
nor men could endure it longer, and the word 
was given to fire upon the assailants. This was 
not, however, done in a volley, but scattering 
shots were fired at those who were most violent 
among the rioters, as much care as possible 
being taken not to imjure innocent persons. 
A number of the mob were thus killed and 
wounded, and the others for a time fell back so 
as to permit the easier passage of the troops; 
but they soon renewed the attack with stones 
and firearms, and many shots were fired from 
the windows of houses. In the midst of the 
attack, the mayor of Baltimore, with some of the 
police, jomed the troops. He marched at»the 
head of the column with Captain Follansbee, 
promising to protect the troops, and begging 
the officers not to permit their men to fire. But 
when the*assault increased in violence, and a 
soldier was struck down by his side, the mayor 
seized a gun and shot one of the rioters. The 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


police also used their revolvers, but the assist- 
ance rendered by some of the police was rather 
questionable. Thus contending with some 
thousands of desperate rioters, the small force 
passed through the city. Many of them were 
wounded, and had been taken into the houses 
or stores on the street; some were separated 
from their comrades, and were not able to get 
through; two were killed, and one was mortally 
wounded. Upon the arrival of the companies 
at tlre station of the Washington Railroad, where 
the other part of the regiment was awaiting 
them, it was found that, including the musicians, 
upwards of a hundred of the command were 
missing. 

Of the passage of this small force through 
the city against the opposition of the mob, an 
eye witness wrote as follows : — 

“The Massachusetts men formed in line, and 
wheeled into open column of sections, and 

marched some distance at quick time, and then 
at double quick, all the while surrounded by 
the mob — now swelled to the number of at 
least ten thousand — yelling and hooting. The 
military behaved admirably, and still abstained 
from firing upon their assailants. The mob now 
began throwing a perfect shower of missiles, 


occasionally varied by random shots from re-| 


volvers or muskets. The soldiers suffered se- 
verely from the immense quantity of stones, 
oysters, brickbats, paving stones, &c. The shots 
fired also wounded several. When two of the 
soldiers had been killed, and the wounded had 
been conveyed to places of safety, the troops 
at last, exasperated and maddened by the treat- 
ment they had received, commenced returning 
the fire singly, killing several, and wounding a 
large number of the rioters; but at no one 
time did a single platoon fire in a volley. The 
volunteers, after a protracted and severe strug- 
gle, at last succeeded in reaching the station, 
bearing with them in triumph many of the 
wounded. The calm courage and heroic bear- 
ing of the troops spoke volumes for the sons 


179 


of Massachusetts, who, though marching under 
a fire of the most embarrassing description, and 
opposed to overwhelming odds, nevertheless 
succeeded in accomplishing their purpose, and 
effected a passage through crowded streets a 
distance of over a mile and a half—a feat not 
easily accomplished by so small a body of men 
when opposed to such terrific odds.” * 

At the station the mob continued to press 
about the cars and to attack with stones, and, 
occasionally, with firearms; but the soldiers 
were kept within the cars, with the blinds closed, 
so that retaliation might not lead to greater 
bloodshed. One citizen, however, was shot here, 
but not till he was himself seen to throw a 
missile into one of the cars. An attempt was 
made to obstruct the track, remove the rails, 
and otherwise hinder the passage of the train ; 
but the police prevented the accomplishment 


* Another person, who was in Baltimore at the time, spoke in 
the strongest terms of the “inhumanity of the mob and the peo- 
ple of Baltimore. During the fight a soldier was knocked down 
by a stone. He fell upon his face in the middle of the street, and 
endeavored to crawl towards the sidewalk. The mob made a rush 
towards him. One ruffian came with an axe-helve raised, shout- 
ing, ‘Let me kill him.’ A Boston man in the city rushed in, 
pushed the fellow back, and stood over him, saying, ‘ No, you 
shan’t; he is a wounded man; let him alone.’ 

“ By his efforts the soldier was protected, the crowd rushing on 
after the soldiers. The man then tried to get some one to open 
their house and take in the soldier. He called at nine doors be- 
fore he could find a person with humanity enough to help the 
wounded man. The purport of their answers was, ‘Let the 
Yankee die!’ 

‘“‘ At ten o’clock at night, a Boston lady, but who for many years 
has resided in Baltimore, went to the police station to offer her 
services in aid of the wounded. She was told that they had been 
taken care of. She begged then, as a privilege, to be admitted to 
see them. It was twelve hours after the fight ; yet she found them 
in the station house, with only such comforts as could be found at 
a police station. 

“She succeeded in obtaining two of them, Sergeant J. E. 
Ames, of Lowell, and private Coburn, of Dracut. She had them 
quietly removed to her house, sent for a surgeon, and had their 
wounds dressed. She requested the surgeon not to mention the 
circumstance ; but he violated the confidence reposed in him, men- 
tioned it to secessionists, and for a time she had apprehension 
that she might be subjected to much inconvenience in consequence. 
The surgeon had not visited his patients for thirty hours, when 
the writer left the city, and the good lady, whose name will be 
forever held in remembrance, was obliged not only to nurse them, 
but to dress their wounds.” 


180 


of these purposes, and the train at last moved 
away beyond the limits of the city and the 
assaults of the mob, and in due time arrived in 
Washington, much to the relief of the govern- 
ment and citizens, who heartily welcomed this 
first arrival of troops in answer to the call of 
the President. In the mean time, the unarmed 
Pennsylvania troops, finding that it would be 
almost impossible for them to pass through 
Baltimore without arms, returned over the rail- 
road to Pennsylvania. 

The mob was composed of the “roughs” of 
the city of Baltimore, which has had an un- 
enviable notoriety for the number and lawless 
character of this class of society. But it was 
instigated by parties who claimed a higher po- 
sition. On the day previous, a large secession 
meeting had been held, at which the most vio- 
lent expressions against the national adminis- 
tration were used, and the question was put by 
one of the speakers, if “the seventy-five thou- 
sand minions of Lincoln should pass over the 
soil of Maryland to subjugate our sisters of the 
south.” To this question there was a fierce 
answer in the negative, and the first fruits of 
this meeting was the mob of the 19th of April. 
For several days the mob ruled the city. Gun- 
shops were broken into and the arms seized, 
and so great was the excitement that other 
shops were closed, and business was suspended. 
Those known to entertain Union sentiments 
were subject to insult and violence, and a reign 
of terror seemed to be inaugurated. Under the 
lead of prominent secessionists, the mob de- 
stroyed several bridges on the railroad leading 
to Philadelphia, and committed other violent 
and riotous acts, for the purpose of preventing 
the transportation of troops. 

Governor Hicks, though true to the Union, 
joined with the mayor of Baltimore in request- 
ing the President not to have any more troops 
pass through the city; asserting that if they 
did so, they would be obliged to fight their way 
through. They also adopted a measure of more 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


questionable loyalty, by requesting the officers 
of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad not to 
transport any more troops. At this time it ap- 
peared that the Union men of Baltimore were 
not entirely faithful to their professions, or were 
in a hopeless minority. But many of them 
were timid, and disposed to yield to the rule 
of the mob, who were led by the enemies of the 
government, although the very existence of 
the government might depend upon the prompt 
support which it should receive from the loyal 
soldiers of the north. But after the excitement 
had subsided, a better and more loyal feeling 
began to assert itself, though not successfully 
till the military power of the Union was brought 
there to sustain it, and to overawe the dis- 
unionists. 

Almost as great an excitement, though of a 
different character, was aroused in Massachu- 
setts, upon the receipt of intelligence of the 
riotous attack on the sixth regiment, and the 
death of three and the wounding of many others 
of the citizen soldiers of that state, while march- 
ing to defend the capital of the Union. The 
19th of April was a memorable day in the his- 
tory of the old commonwealth, as the inaugu- 
ration of the revolutionary struggle. Upon 
that day, in 1775, the patriots of Middlesex 
county had hastily armed to resist British 
tyranny, and had shed the first blood of the 
revolution in defence of the liberties of their 
country. Upon the anniversary of that day, 
1861, the descendants and successors of those 
patriots, the men of Middlesex, while marching 
to defend the government and institutions se- 
cured by the struggle that day commenced, had 
shed the first blood in resisting the tyranny 
that would overthrow the blessings transmitted 
to them. The spirit of the people was aroused 
in some degree as it had been by the fall of 
the heroes at Lexington and Concord. There 
was a determination, rendered more firm and 
sacred by the associations of the day, to defend 
the institutions established by their fathers, and 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to crush out the unholy rebellion that would 
overthrow and destroy them. Nor was this ex- 
citement confined to Massachusetts; it was felt 
throughout the free states, and the blood shed 
at Baltimore so quickly after the attack on Fort 
Sumter awakened a spirit among the loyal 
people which showed that patriotism was not 
extinct, and that they were ready to rally 
around the government for the suppression of 
the rebellion. 

Immediately upon the receipt of the intelli- 
gence of the bloody affair at Baltimore, Gov- 
ernor Andrew, of Massachusetts, mindful of the 
families of the victims, as he had been efficient 
and patriotic in forwarding troops to sustain the 
government, telegraphed to the mayor of Balti- 
more as follows :— 


«To His Honor tHe Mayor. 

“JT pray you to cause the bodies of our 
‘Massachusetts soldiers dead in Baltimore to be 
immediately laid out, preserved with ice, and 
tenderly sent forward by express to me. All 
expenses will be paid by this commonwealth. 

“Joun A. ANDREW, 
“Governor of Massachusetts.” 


‘This request could not be fully complied 
with at once, owing to the cutting off of com- 
munication between Baltimore and the north; 
but the bodies were taken in charge by the 
eity authorities, and properly prepared for in- 
terment, and they were subsequently sent home 
at the expense of the city of Baltimore. 

It may be proper here to anticipate the reg- 
ular course of our narrative somewhat, in order 
to do justice to the loyal people of Baltimore 
and of Maryland. On the following 4th of 
July a splendid banner was presented to the 
sixth regiment of Massachusetts, suitably in- 
scribed, and bearing on its folds the words 
“Pratt Street, April 19, 1861.” 

Subsequently, when the state of Maryland, 
after much apparent hesitation on the part of 


181 


its people, and many misgivings among the 
people of the north, assumed a position of un- 
doubted loyalty, the legislature elected by the 
Union majority passed the following act, which, 
as far as possible, wipes away the stain that 
rested upon the honor and loyalty of the 
state :— 


“An Act for the rehef of the families of those of the 
Massachusetts sixth regiment of volunteers, who 
were killed or wounded in the riot of the nineteenth 
of April, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, at Bal- 
tunore. 


“Whereas the sixth regiment of Massachu- 
setts volunteers, on their way to defend the 
national capital, were brutally attacked by a 
mob in the streets of Baltimore, on the nine- 
teenth day of April, eighteen hundred and 
sixty-one, and three were killed and eight 
wounded ; and 

“Whereas the state of Maryland is anxious 
to do something to efface that stain from her 
hitherto untarnished honor; therefore, — 

“Section 1. Be it enacted by the General 
Assembly of Maryland, that the sum of seven 
thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby, 
appropriated, and placed at the disposal of His 
Excellency John A. Andrew, or any one acting 
as governor of the commonwealth of Massa- 
chusetts, who shall disburse the same in the 
manner and proportion he thinks best for the 
relief of the families of those belonging to the 
sixth regiment of Massachusetts volunteers 
who were killed or disabled by wounds re- 
ceived in the riot of the nineteenth of April, 
in Baltimore. 

“Section 2. And be it enacted, that this act 
shall take effect from the date of its passage.” 


This act was passed March 10, 1862, and was 
transmitted to the Governor of Massachusetts 
April 19, the anniversary of the sad events 
for which it was intended to atone. 


182 HISTORY OF 


CHAPTER XXVI. 


Danger threatening the Government. — Efforts to forward 
Troops from Loyal States. — General Butler and the Massa- 
chusetts Eighth Regiment. — New York Seventh. — Choice of 
a Route to Washington. — Departure of General Butler and 
Massachusetts Troops from Philadelphia. — From Perryville to 
Annapolis. — Naval Academy and Frigate Constitution. — 
Danger of Seizure. — The Constitution towed from her Sta- 
tion. — Difficulties encountered. — Arrival of New York Sev- 
enth. — Troops landed. — Fort McHenry reénforced. — United 
States Steamer Alleghany. — The Elkridge Railroad.— Repair 
of Locomotive. — Tracks relaid. — March to Annapolis Junc- 
tion. + Fatigue and Hunger. — Arrival of more Troops. — 
Transportation to Washington.— Opposition of People of 
Maryland to the Passage of Troops. — Protest by Governor 
Hicks. — General Butler’s Reply. —Reply of Mr. Seward to 
Suggestions of Governor Hicks. 


Tue reality of the dangers threatening the 
government could no longer be doubted, when 
_on the one side armed forces were threatening 
it, and on the other a mob in the interest of 
rebellion had cut off communication with its 
loyal supporters. The people of the north 
were, with reason, alarmed at this state of 
affairs, and it seemed for a short time that the 
rebels would accomplish a revolution, and seize 
upon the government before its defenders could 
strike an effective blow for its safety. One 
northern regiment had reached the capital, and, 
with the small regular force and the district 
militia, might afford some protection; but the 
position of affairs in Maryland, the interruption 
of railway and telegraphic communication, and 
the treachery of Virginia, which was just being 
revealed, rendered the prospect gloomy enough 
for a few days. But the loyal people were not 
dismayed, and they felt assured that, though 
rebels and traitors by secret and sudden attack 
might gain some temporary advantage, when 
the power of the loyal people was fully put 
forth, rebellion must be overcome. Some prompt 
action, however, was necessary, lest any delay 
or apparent supineness should increase the 
danger. The people of the north and the state 
authorities were fully alive to this necessity, and 
great efforts were made to hasten the equip- 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


ment and transportation of troops. Numbers 
were already on the way, the vanguard of a 
large army of citizen soldiers. But the first 
thing required was to open communication with 
the national capital; and this was soon accom- 
plished by the energy of a Massachusetts officer 
and troops, ably seconded by the seventh regi- 
ment of New York. 

Brigadier-General Butler, who had been as- 
signed to the command of the several regiments 
from Massachusetts, arrived at Philadelphia, with 
the eighth regiment of that state, on the evening 
after the attack upon the sixth regiment in 
Baltimore. Shortly afterwards the New York 
seventh regiment arrived. There the intelli- 
gence of the events in Baltimore, and the inter- 
ruption of the travel through that city by a 
lawless and armed mob, created intense feeling 
among the people, and a determination on the 
part of the loyal soldiers to fight their way 
through the mob-ruled city, if necessary, in order 
to answer the call of the government. It soon 
appeared that the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad 
Company refused to transport troops, and that 
it was not only not expedient, but impracticable, 
unless with a great loss of life, to pass that 
way to Washington, and it became necessary to 
choose some other route. General Butler, ac- 
cordingly, after examination of the means of 
reaching Washington which were at his com- 
mand, decided to proceed to Annapolis, and 
thence, if there were no facilities for transpor- 
tation, to march to the capital. In this move- 
ment he desired the codperation of the New 
York seventh regiment; but Colonel Lefferts, 
the commander of that regiment, did not at 
first accede to the proposition. General Butler, 
therefore, decided to proceed with the Massa- 
chusetts regiment; and he left Philadelphia on 
the 20th of April, going by railroad to Perry- 
ville, at the head of Chesapeake Bay, opposite 
Havre de Grace, between which places the rail- 
road passengers were transported by a ferry 
boat. Before arriving at Perryville it was ru- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


mored that a large armed force was at that 
place to prevent the passage of troops. It was 
found, however, that there was only a collection 
of men who might have resisted the passage of 
unarmed soldiers, but were not prepared to 
oppose an armed force, and rapidly dispersed 
upon the approach of the troops after leaving 
the cars. 

On arriving at Perryville, the large ferry 
boat, which was fortunately on that side of the 
bay, was immediately taken possession of, and 
the troops embarked. In this, with many dis- 
comforts, they proceeded down the bay to An- 
napolis, arriving in the harbor of that city on 
Sunday morning, April 21. Here General But- 
ler found the frigate Constitution, familiarly 
known and prized by the people as “ Old Iron- 
sides,” which was stationed off the United States 
Naval Academy, in imminent danger of being 
seized by the secessionists. The officer in com- 
mand was expecting such an. attempt, and, not 
having crew enough to man the vessel or to 
make any effectual defence in case of attack, 
had made preparations to blow her up if neces- 
sary, to prevent her falling into the hands of 
the enemy. ‘The arrival of the Massachusetts 
regiment at this juncture obviated the necessity 
of destroying the frigate, and prevented the 
seizure of the buildings and other property 
belonging to the school. General Butler put 
two companies of the troops and a corps organ- 
ized as sappers and miners on board the Con- 
stitution. Many of these soldiers were hardy 
fishermen from Cape Ann, and were quite fa- 
miliar with the duties of a sailor. They bent 
the sails and performed other labors of seamen 
on board the ship to prepare her for sailing. 
Meanwhile the ferry boat was used to tow the 
ship from her station to the mouth of the har- 
bor; but in doing this both vessels got aground, 
and notwithstanding great efforts were made 
to float them, they remained aground till the 
next day; preparations being made in the mean 


183 


time to defend them against any attack that 
might be made. 

The next morning a steamer arrived from 
Philadelphia, bringing the New York seventh 
regiment. This timely arrival was a relief to 
General Butler and his troops, confined as they 
were on board the boat with scarcely any food, 
except what was supplied from some of the 
old ship stores found on board the Constitution. 
An unsuccessful attempt was made at once to 
tow the ferry boat into deep water ; but, finding 
it impossible to do so, Colonel Lefferts pro- 
ceeded to the wharf with his steamer, and de- 
barked his troops, and the steamer then took 
the Massachusetts troops from the ferry boat to 
the wharf, and subsequently towed the Con- 
stitution into deep water. 

Thus the northern troops entered upon the 
soil of Maryland with a determination to reach 
the national capital in spite of the opposition 
of the mob of Baltimore and the secessionists 
of Annapolis, an armed body of whom appeared 
in the neighborhood. But the passage from this 
point to Washington was not to be accomplished 
without much difficulty and some suffering, on 
account of the want of food, by the Massachu- 
setts troops. One of General Butler’s first steps, 
however, after getting the ferry steamer afloat, 
was to send one company to Fort McHenry, 
near Baltimore, to reénforce the small garrison 
stationed there. A few miles from that fort 
was the United States steamer Alleghany, with- 
out any sufficient crew to prevent capture, 
and before proceeding to their destination the 
company took possession of this steamer, and 
anchored her under the guns of the fort; thus, 
without doubt, saving the vessel from the hands 
of the secessionists. The ferry boat was then 
armed and despatched for supplies, and, with 
other boats taken possession of by General 
Butler at Perryville, continued to run between 
that place and Annapolis, for the transportation 
of stores and troops. 


184 


The next object with the troops who had 
thus been landed at Annapolis was to reach 
Washington with the greatest despatch. The 


Annapolis and Elkridge Railroad, leading from | 


that city to the Washington Railroad, it was 
found had been seized by the secessionists, the 
depot yard and buildings securely closed, and 
the locomotives rendered unfit for use. But 
such difficulties as these were easily overcome 
by such men as General Butler had under his 
command, Having taken possession of the rail- 
road depot, the general called for engineers and 
machinists, and a number of skilful mechanics 
at once responded from the ranks of the Mas- 
sachusetts eighth. They were at once set at 
work to examine the only locomotive remain- 
ing at this station, and in a short time, not- 
withstanding it was pretty thoroughly taken 
to pieces, they repaired the engine so that it 
could be used.* In the mean time a part of 
the regiment was sent out on the railroad on a 
scouting expedition, and found the rails torn up 
and the track obstructed. But there were rail- 
road builders as well as machinists in the ranks 
of the Massachusetts regiment, who were abun- 
dantly able to repair the road. 

On the morning of the 24th of April prep- 
arations were sufficiently advanced to push 
forward the column of soldiers towards Washing- 
ton. By this time several other transports had 
arrived in the harbor of Annapolis with more 
troops from New York, Massachusetts,and Rhode 
Island, so that the “base of operations” could 
be held against any force likely to be brought 
against it. Accordingly the Massachusetts 
eighth and New York seventh regiments com- 
menced their march to the junction of the An- 
napolis with the Washington Railroad. The 
howitzers carried by the New York regiment 
were placed upon a car for offensive or defen- 
sive service if necessary, and pushed slowly 


* One of the men employed on this work discovered in this 
locomotive a piece of his own work, he having been employed in 
the construction of it in his own county. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


along, a part of the Massachusetts men remoy- 
ing obstructions and relaying the track as they 
advanced, while the New York troops performed 
guard and picket duty, and prevented any at- 
tack of armed men or interruption from others. 
The march was slow and the work laborious, 
and the advanced party of Massachusetts troops 
were for a long time without food; but their 
comrades from New York generously shared 
their own rations with them. By this and other 
mutual acts of kindness on the march, the most 
friendly feelings were established between these 
two regiments, which, nobly responding to the 
call of their country, were so very different in 
the material of which they were composed ; the 
one being chiefly made up of those engaged in 
mercantile or professional pursuits in the city 
of New York, many of them men of property, 
while the other was composed of mechanics, 
fishermen, and farmers, mostly from the small 
towns of Essex county, in Massachusetts. 

Along the route were seen many horsemen, 
though never in any considerable numbers to- 
gether, who watched the proceedings and prog- 
ress of the troops, apparently with the purpose 
of conveying intelligence to some more for- 
midable party. The people met with appeared 
to be secessionists, and to regard the troops as 
invaders ; and there were many indications that 
they were in hostile territory rather than in 
one of the still loyal states of the Union. At 
night it was feared that some considerable force 
familiar with the country might make an at- 
tack upon the column; but the march and the 
labor was continued through the night by moon- 
light, although numbers of the soldiers were so 
weary and worn out with labor that they fell 
asleep upon the march. But the next morning 
Annapolis Junction was reached, and the troops 
sunk to rest with scarcely a guard to prevent 
a surprise. 

In the course of the day the repaired loco- 
motive and a train of cars arrived from Annapo- 
lis with the remainder of the regiments. ‘The 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


secessionists had again torn up the rails and 
obstructed the track after the repairs had been 
made, so that the train moved slowly, and was 
frequently detained by the necessity of new re- 
pairs. But the road was at last opened, and the 
forces which had now arrived at Annapolis could 
easily protect it from further serious injury. 
Trainscame up from Washington to the Junction, 
and the troops were carried forward as rapidly 
as new regiments arrived to guard the route. 
Communication between the capital and the 
loyal north, upon which it depended for safety, 
_ was again established by the energy of General 
Butler and the mechanical skill which was ex- 
hibited in such a remarkable manner by the 
Massachusetts soldiers ; and as the troops from 
the loyal states hurried forward with a common 
patriotism to support the government of the 
Union, the people felt a great relief that the 
capital was safe, and could not again be placed 
in such peril. 

This route for the transportation of troops to 
the national capital was not opened without the 
opposition of the people of Annapolis and of 
Maryland, and the. protest of the governor of 
the state. The idea of the neutrality of the 
state in the impending contest was cherished 
by many men, who, though disposed to be loyal, | 
were alarmed at the prospect of further riot and 
bloodshed, and it was encouraged by the se- 
cessionists as a long step towards joining the 
rebellion, which it certainly was. 


only sent a protest to General Butler against, 
landing troops at Annapolis, but he advised the 
President to order them elsewhere, and also” 


Governor 
Hicks was loyal; but he. yielded to the wishes 
of the people who advocated neutrality, and not, 


that no more be sent through Maryland. At 
the same time, undoubtedly with an earnest 
desire to adjust the differences which were in- 
volving the country in civil war, he suggested | 
that Lord Lyons be requested to act as a medi- 
ator between the contending parties. 


To the protest of Governor Hicks General. 
24 


185 


Butler made a suitable reply, while he did not 
release the military possession which he had 
taken of the railroad, or abate his efforts to for- 
ward troops. He also offered the services of 
troops to suppress an insurrection of slaves, 
which was alleged to be in contemplation. To 
the suggestions made to the government Mr. 
Seward replied as follows :— 


‘¢DEPARTMENT OF STATE, April 22, 1861. 


‘To Tuomas H. Hicks, Governor or Maryann. 

“Sir: I have had the honor to receive your 
communication of this morning, in which you 
have informed me that you have felt it to be 
your duty to advise the President of the United 
States to order elsewhere the troops off An- 
napolis, and also that no more be sent through 
Maryland,and that you have further suggested 
that Lord Lyons be requested to act as medi- 
ator between the contending parties in our 
country, to prevent the effusion of blood. 

“The President directs me to acknowledge 
the receipt of that communication, and to as- 
sure you that he has weighed the counsels 
which it contains with the respect which he 
habitually cherishes for the chief magistrates 
of the several states, and especially for yourself. 
He regrets as deeply as any magistrate or citi- 


‘zen of the country can, that demonstrations 


against the safety of the United States, with 
very extensive preparations-for the effusion of 
blood, have made it his duty to call out the 
force to which you allude. The force now 
sought to be sent through Maryland is intended 
for nothing but the defence of this capital. 

“The President has necessarily confided the 
choice of the national highway which that force 
shall take in coming to the city to Lieutenant- 
General Scott, commanding the army of the 
United States, who, like his only predecessor, 
is not less distinguished for his humanity than 
for his loyalty, patriotism, and distinguished 
public service. 

“The President instructs me to add that the 


186 


national highway thus selected by the lieuten- 
ant-eeneral has been chosen by him, upon con- 
sultation with prominent magistrates and citi- 
zens of Maryland, as the one which, while a 
route is absolutely necessary, is farther re- 
moved from the populous cities of the state, and 
with the expectation that it would, therefore, 
be the least objectionable one. 

“The President cannot but remember. that 
there has been a time in the history of the 
American Union when forces designed for the 
defence of its capital were not unwelcome any 
where in the state of Maryland, and certainly 
not at Annapolis —then, as now, the capital of 
that patriotic state, and then, also, one of the 
capitals of the Union. If eighty years could 
have obliterated all other noble sentiments of 
that age in Maryland, the President would be 
hopeful, nevertheless, that there is one that 
would forever remain there and every where. 
That sentiment is, that no domestic contention 
whatever that may arise among the parties of 
this republic, ought, in any case, to be referred 
to any foreign arbitrament, least of all to the 
arbitrament of a European monarchy. 

“T have the honor to be, 

“With distinguished consideration, 
“Your Excellency’s most obedient servant, 
“Wiwam H. Sewarp.” 


CHAPTER XXVII. 


Spirit of the South. — Measures of the Confederate Government. 
— Proclamation of Jefferson Davis for Issue of Letters of 
Marque.— The Border Slave States. — Proceedings in Mary- 
land. — Action of the Legislature. — Loyalty secured by Pres- 
ence of Troops. — Call for Volunteers. — Virginia. — The 
Convention and its Action. — Sympathy with the seceded 
States. — Military Preparations. — Committee to wait on Pres- 
ident Lincoln. — The President’s Reply. — Effect of the Bom- 
bardment of Sumter, and the President’s Call for Troops. — 
Union Men ovyerborne, and Secession secured.— Secret Ses- 
sions. — Ordinance of Secession. — Governor Letcher’s Proc- 
lamation. — Ordinance to be submitted to the People.— In- 


fluences on the Vote. — Convention between Virginia and the 
7 


Confederate States. — Its Effect. — Kentucky. — Governor 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


Magoffin. — Loyalty of some of the People. — Secession pre- 
vented. — Missouri. — Governor Jackson. — State Convention. 
— Failure of Secession. — The Legislature and its Measures. — 
Action of Loyal Citizens. — North Carolina. — Governor Ellis. 
— Secession. — Tennessee. — Governor Harris. — Secession 
Sentiment of the People. — Secession, how effected. — Seces- 
sion Ordinance, and League with the Confederate States. — 
Arkansas. —— Governor Rector. — Secession. — Ten seceded 
States. 


Wuite the spirit of the loyal north was thus 
aroused by the attack on Fort Sumter, and the 
government was taking vigorous measures to 
maintain the federal authority, the spirit of 
rebellion seemed to receive a similar impetus 
from the same events. It appeared as if the 
secessionists had waited and longed for the 
commencement of hostilities, and, indifferent 
whether the first shot was fired on one side or 
the other, were rejoiced to have the war begin. 
They were encouraged in this desire for war by 
the belief that there would be so great a defec- 
tion at the north as to render the government 
almost powerless, while with their martial spirit 
and preparation they would be able to show a 
power of resistance and of attack which would 
soon secure terms from a weak government. 
Besides this, they depended upon hostilities to 
drive the border slave states at once into seces- 
sion and rebellion. 

The bombardment and surrender of Fort 
Sumter produced the wildest excitement among 
the people of the south, and the announcement 
of the result was received with the greatest 
satisfaction. Tht proclamation of President 
Lincoln calling for troops, which followed im- 
mediately after the fall of Sumter, aroused at 
once ridicule and indignation. Great stress 
was laid upon the alleged unconstitutionality 
of the President’s call for troops; and it really 
seemed that these people, who were grossly 
violating the constitution and laboring to over: 
throw and destroy it, had relied upon northern 
loyalty to that instrument to aid them in carry- 
ing out their wicked purposes. In their view 
the constitution must be strictly and literally. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


observed by the government, while they ab- 
solved themselves from all obligation to it, and 
undertook to overthrow at once both constitu- 
tion and government. It was also believed that 
the troops could not be raised, and that while 
the southern and border slave states would in- 
dignantly refuse to furnish their quota, some 
of the northern states would decline, or find it 
impossible to respond to the requisition. At 
the same time new impetus was given to the 
martial spirit of the south, and increased efforts 
were made to raise and equip troops; a more 
bitter feeling against the government and peo- 
ple of the north was encouraged by every sort 
of misrepresentation and falsehood; and all 
possible means were used to injure the north 
through trade and commerce. 

The Confederate government, in addition to 
the army previously authorized and the militia 
already called into service, issued a requisition 
for thirty-two thousand volunteers, and most of 
the states called out large numbers in addition 
to these. And as a counter-proclamation to 
that of President Lincoln, Mr. Davis, aiming at 
what was considered the most vulnerable inter- 
est of the north, and one which would soon 
demand from the federal government a more 
pacific policy, issued the followmg proclama- 
tion : — 

“Whereas Abraham Lincoln, President of 
the United States, has announced his intention 
of invading this Confederacy with an armed 
force, for the purpose of capturing its fortresses 
and thereby subverting its independence, and 
subjecting its free people to the dominion of a 
foreign power; and whereas it has thus become 
the duty of this government to repel the threat- 
ened invasion and defend the rights and liber- 
ties of the people by all the means which the 
laws of nations and the usages of civilized war- 
fare place at its disposal ;— 

“ Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President 
of the Confederate States of America, do issue 
this my proclamation, inviting all those who 


187 


may desire by service in private armed vessels 
on the high seas to aid this government in re- 
sisting so wanton and wicked an aggression, to 
make application for commissions or letters of 
marque and reprisal, to be used under the seal 
of these Confederate States. * * # 

“And I do further specially enjoin upon all 
persons holding offices, civil and military, under 
the authority of the Confederate States, that 
they be vigilant and zealous in the discharge 
of the duties incident thereto. 

“And I do moreover solemnly exhort the 
good people of the Confederate States, as they 
love their country, as they prize the blessing 
of free government, as they feel the wrongs of 
the past and those now threatened in aggra- 
vated form by those whose enmity is more im- 
placable because unprovoked, that they exert 
themselves in preserving order, in promoting 
concord, in maintaining the authority and effi- 
ciency of the laws, and in supporting and in- 
vigorating all the measures which may be 
adopted for the common defence, and by which, 
under the blessing of divine Providence, we 
may hope for a speedy, just, and honorable 
peace. 

“In testimony whereof I have set my hand 
and seal this 17th day of April. 

“By the President. 
“Robert Toomss, Secrecary of State.” 


It was believed, according to the southern 
journals, that there would be many persons in 
Europe, and even at the north, who would gladly 
take out letters of marque for the purpose of 
preying upon the commerce of the United 
States. But the result showed that this reliance 
was altogether unfounded, and the whole 
scheme accomplished but little. 

But the aspect of some of the border slave 
states at this juncture was the most threaten- 
ing to the safety of the government. The 
temper of the people of Maryland has been in- 
cidentally noticed in the preceding chapters. 


188 


There was a strong secession element in that 
state, and there were also numbers who were 
nominally Union men, but were opposed to any 
- decided and vigorous action on the part of the 
government to maintain the Union or protect 
itself But there was also a genuine Union 
sentiment there which was destined in the end 
to triumph. At this time the Union men were 
overwhelmed by the more demonstrative action 
of the secessionists, who, being more thoroughly 
organized, and composed of the more active and 
violent classes, would not tolerate any thing but 
sympathy with the south. But, by degrees, as 
the power of the federal government was sus- 
tained by large armed forces posted in such 
positions as to command Maryland, the Union 
sentiment was more boldly asserted, and seces- 
sion became more cautious. 

Governor Hicks convened the legislature of 
Maryland to take such action as the disturbed 
condition of the state demanded, and, though a 
Union man, recommended that Maryland should 
take a neutral position between the north and 
the south. The legislature met at Frederick, 
Annapolis still being occupied by the federal 
troops. There was some fear that secession 
might succeed in the legislature; but better 
counsels or prudence prevailed, and sundry 
attempts to bring about secession, directly or 
indirectly, were voted down. A committee of 
the legislature visited the President, and de- 
elared their opinion that no attempt at seces- 
sion or resistance to the federal authority would 
be made, and they therefore asked that the 
state might be spared the evils of military oc- 
cupation, or any revengeful chastisement for 
former transgressions. The character of this 
address to the President perhaps reveals the 
reasons why secession had not been more suc- 
cessful. The presence of loyal troops in the 
state was not favorable to the success of trea- 
son. The legislature was, indeed, by no means 
loyal. They declared the war for the defence 
of the government unconstitutional, recognized 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the southern Confederacy, and desired the gov- 
ernment to accept its terms of peace, while 
they also adopted such measures as would pre- 
vent the organization of loyal troops in the 
state to respond to the call of the President, 
and thus practically put themselves in oppo- 
sition to the government. In the mean time 
the secessionists of the state were doing all in 
their power to aid the rebellion, by furnishing 
men and means, evidently hoping, too, that the 
time would soon come when Maryland should 
be forced out of the Union. The military power, 
however, was a great restraint upon their op- 
erations, and encouraged the timid still to have 
confidence in the Union. The prevention of 
hasty action served to develop and concen- 
trate the Union sentiment, and thus, notwith- 
standing the efforts of rebels in and out of the 
state, preserved Maryland to the Union without 
a sanguinary struggle. 

On the 14th of May the loyalty of Maryland 
was so far established that Governor Hicks 
issued a proclamation calling for four regiments 
of volunteers for three months, in response to 
the requisition of the national government, to 
serve “within the limits of Maryland, or for the 
defence of the capital of the United States,” 
these conditions having been agreed to by the 
secretary of war. The regiments were duly 
raised, and subsequent calls* for troops were 
more promptly responded to. 

The course pursued by Virginia was marked 
alike by treason and duplicity. The Virginia 
convention had assembled in February, and 
efforts were then made to carry the state over 
to the southern Confederacy, but without suc- 
cess. The secessionists, however, among whom 
were many of the most influential men of the 
state, were untiring in their efforts to increase 
the disunion sentiment, and to prepare the 
public mind, as well as the members of the 
convention, for secession upon the occurrence 
of some event which might afford a pretext. 
Under such counsels Virginia recognized the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Confederate States as an independent govern- 
ment, and herself took the position of an in- 
dependent sovereignty even before she seceded, 
and declared that she would not suffer any fed- 
eral troops to pass over her soil to “invade” the 
south, and that any attempt at “coercion” in 
the seceding states would be resisted by her. 
In the mean time measures were taken to or- 
ganize and increase a military force in the state. 
Having thus practically joined the seceded 
states while professing to remain in the Union, 
it needed only something which might be called 
“coercion” to afford the desired pretext for 
openly joining the cotton states in the rebellion. 
The reénforcement of Fort Sumter was suf- 
ficiently “coercive” to answer the purposes of 
the secessionists ; but the uncertainty and delay 
of the action of the government in this matter 
did not bring affairs to a crisis so soon as desired, 
and for this reason, or in order to have an 
appearance of deliberation, a committee of the 
convention was sent to Washington to ascertain 
what policy the government was about to pursue. 

This committee had an interview with the 
President on the 13th of April, the day on which 
the attack on Fort Sumter was commenced. 
The following reply of the President, embracing 
the resolution under which the committee was 
appointed, shows the object and character of 
the mission : — i 


«To Mussrs. Preston, Stuart, AND RANDOLPH. 


“ GENTLEMEN: As a committee of the Virginia 


convention, now in session, you present me a, 
|| voked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, 


preamble and resolution as follows : — 


‘Whereas, in the opinion of this convention, the | 
uncertainty which prevails in the public mind | 


as to the policy which the Federal Executive, 
intends to pursue towards the seceded states is. 
extremely injurious to the industrial and com-. 
mercial interests of the country, tends to keep up | 


an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjust-. 


ment of the pending difficulties, and threatens 
a disturbance of the public peace, therefore, 


189 


‘ Resolved, That a committee of three dele- 
gates be appointed to wait on the President of 
the United States, present to him this preamble, 
and respectfully ask him to communicate to this 
convention the policy which the Federal Ex- 
ecutive intends to pursue in regard to the Con- 
federate States, 

“In answer, I have to say, that, having at the 
beginning of my official term expressed my in- 
tended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with 
deep regret and mortification I now learn there 
is great and injurious uncertainty in the public 
mind as to what that policy is, and what course 
I intend to pursue. 

“Not having as yet occasion to change, it is 
my purpose to pursue the course marked out in 
the inaugural address. I commend a careful 
consideration of the whole document, as the 
best expression I can give to my purposes. As 
I then and therein said, I now repeat: the power 
confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and 
possess property and places belonging to the 
government, and to collect the duties and im- 
posts; but beyond what is necessary for these 
objects there will be no invasion, no using 
of force against or among the people any 
where. 

“ By the words ‘property and places belong- 
ing to the government, I chiefly allude to the 


| military posts and property which were in pos- 


session of the government when it came into 
my hands. But if, as now appears to be true, 
in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United 
States authority from their places, an unpro- 


I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess it, if 
I can, like places which had been seized before 
the government was devolved upon me, and in 
any event I shall to the best of my ability 
repel force by force. 

“Tn case it proves true that Fort Sumter has 
been assaulted as is reported, I shall perhaps 
cause the United States mails to be withdrawn 
from all the states which claim to have seceded, 


190 


believing that actual war against the govern- 
ment justifies and possibly demands it. 

“TI scarcely need say that I consider the mil- 
itary posts and property situated within the 
states which claim to have seceded as yet be- 
longing to the United States government, as 
much as they did before the supposed secession. 
Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall 
not attempt to collect the duties and revenues 
by any armed invasion of any part of the 
country ; not meaning by this, however, that I 
may not land a force deemed necessary to re- 
lieve a fort upon the border of the country. 
From the fact that I have quoted a part of the 
inaugural address, it must not be inferred that 
I repudiate any other part—the whole of which 
I reaffirm, except so’ far as what I now say of 
the mails may be regarded as a modification.” 


The fall of Fort Sumter and the call for 
troops by President Lincoln followed immedi- 
ately the interview of this committee with the 
President, and probably had more effect upon 
the convention than the report of the com- 
mittee. The proclamation of the President was 
used to excite the people and the members of 
the convention, and, viewed through the atmos- 
phere that pervaded the Virginia capital, that 
document assumed the appearance ofa threat, to 
resist which all southern men were called upon. 
The true friends of the Union were completely 
overborne in the excitement, and it was inti- 
mated that they were subjected to other pres- 
sure besides the opinion of a large majority. 
The convention held secret sessions, and thus 
determined upon secession. While the ordi- 
nance was yet before the convention, further 
military preparations were made in secret ses- 
sion, and probably measures were adopted for 
sudden movements to take possession of the 
United States property within the limits of 
Virginia, if not for an attack upon Washington 
itself. The ordinance of secession, which was 
adopted on the 17th of April, but was not pub- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


lished for some days afterwards, was in the 


| following form : — 


ORDINANCE 


“To repeal the ratification of the constitution of the 
United States of America, by the state of Vir- 
gma, and to resume all the rights and powers 
granted under said constitution. 


“The people of Virginia, in their ratification 
of the constitution of the United States of 
America adopted by them in convention, on the 
twenty-fifth day of June, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
eight, having declared that the powers granted 
under the said constitution were derived from 
the people of the United States, and might be 
resumed whensoever the same should be. per- 
verted to their injury and oppression, and the 
federal government having perverted said 
powers, not only to the injury of the people of 
Virginia, but to the oppression of the southern 
slaveholding states, — 

“ Now, therefore, we, the people of Virginia, 
do declare and ordain, that the ordinance 
adopted by the people of this state in conven- 
tion on the twenty-fifth day of June, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
eighty-eight, whereby the constjtution of the 
United States of America was ratified, and all 
acts of the General Assembly of this state, rati- 
fying or adopting amendments to said constitu- 
tion, are hereby repealed and abrogated ; that 
the union between the state of Virginia and 
the other states under the constitution afore- 
said is hereby dissolved, and that the state of 
Virginia is in the full possession and exercise 
of all the rights of sovereignty which belong 
and appertain to a free and independent state. 
And they do further declare that said constitu- 
tion of the United States of America is no longer 
binding on any of the citizens of this state. 

“This ordinance shall take effect and be an 
act’ of this day, when ratified by a majority of 
the votes of the people of this state, cast at a 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


poll to be taken thereon, on the fourth Thurs- 
day in May next, in pursuance of a schedule 
hereafter to be enacted. 

“Done in convention in the city of Rich- 
mond, on the seventeenth day of April, 
in the year ofour Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-one, and in the eighty- 
fifth year of the commonwealth of Virginia. 

“ A true copy. Jno. L. Eusayg, 
“ Secretary of Convention.” 


On the same day that the ordinance was 
adopted, Governor Letcher issued a proclama- 
tion in reply to that of the President, in which 
he recognized the independence of the Con- 
federate States, argued that the President had 
no right under the constitution of the United 
States to call for an extraordinary force to 
wage offensive war against a foreign power, 
repeated the declaration that Virginia would 
consider the exertion of such force against the 
seceded states as a virtual declaration of war; 
and, expressing the belief that “the influence 
which operates to produce this proclamation 
against the seceding states will be brought to 
bear upon Virginia if she should exercise her 
undoubted right to resume the powers granted 
by her people, and that it is due to her honor 
that an improper exercise of force against her 
people should be repelled,” he ordered the mil- 
itary of the state to hold themselves in readiness 
for immediate orders, and to prepare for efficient 
service. 

At the same time he replied to the requisi- 
tion from the secretary of war as follows: — 

“Your object is to subjugate the southern 
states, and a requisition made upon me for such 
an object, in my judgment, is not within the 
purview of the constitution or of the act of 
1795, and will not be complied with. You have 
chosen to inaugurate civil war, and having done 
so we will meet it in a spirit as determined as 
the administration has exhibited towards the 
south.” 


191 


By a vote of the people at the time of the 
election of the members of the convention, the 
ordinance was required to be submitted to them 
for ratification. ‘The more zealous secessionists 
were greatly opposed to this course, consider- 
ing it a great mistake that the will of the peo- 
ple should be consulted in such a movement. 
But the time fixed for the popular vote was at 
a late day, considering the emergency, and the 
soldiers, who were now every-where assembling, 
were to have the privilege of voting in their 
camps, and could easily be (as they in fact 
were) so disposed as to influence, if not control, 
the vote of the people, if there were any danger 
of the ordinance being rejected. Besides this, 
the state, at the time of the voting, was already 
practically out of the Union, and codperating 
with the southern Confederacy as fully as if it 
were a member of it. Secession was a fore- 
gone conclusion, with which the people had 
really little to do. Mr. Mason, then recently a 
senator in Congress, published a letter just be- 
fore the election, in which he urged that by the 
ordinance of secession and the convention with 
the Confederate States the faith of Virginia was 
pledged to the southern states, and her people 
were absolved from all obligation to the United 
States; and he declared, of those who were 
opposed to secession, that “ honor and duty alike 
require that they should not vote on the ques- 
tion; if they retain such opinions they must 
leave the state” Under such circumstances 
and such instructions from the leaders of se- 
cession, the ordinance was in form submitted 
to the popular vote, and, according to the re- 
turns, was duly ratified. The vote of Western 
Virginia, however, was very strong against the 
ordinance, and in some other portions of the 
state there was a considerable, though unavail- 
ing, opposition vote. 

The leaders of secession and rebellion in 
Virginia did not wait for the ratification of the 
ordinance, which by its own terms was not to 
take effect until ratified. They at once took 


192 


measures to carry out their purpose. 
25th of April, a full month before the ordinance 
of secession was to be submitted to the popular 
vote, the convention passed another ordinance 
“for the adoption of the constitution of the 
provisional government of the Confederate 
States of America.” This ordinance adopted 
and ratified the constitution of the Confederate 
States at once and absolutely, subject, however, 
to the proviso that it should be void if the 
ordinance of secession should be rejected by 
the people. At the same time the following 
“convention” between the commonwealth of 
Virginia and the Confederate States of America 
was entered into: — 


“The commonwealth of Virginia, looking to 
a speedy union of said commonwealth and the 
other slave states with the Confederate States 
of America, according to the provisions of the 
constitution for the provisional government of 
said states, enters into the following temporary 
convention and agreement with said states, for 
the purpose of meeting pressing exigencies 
affecting the common rights, interests, and 
safety of said commonwealth and said Con- 
federacy. 

“1. Until the union of said commonwealth 
with said Confederacy shall be perfected, and 
said commonwealth shall become a member of 
said Confederacy, according to the constitutions 
of both powers, the whole military force and 
military operations, offensive and defensive, of 
said commonwealth, in the impending conflict 
with the United States, shall be under the chief 
control and direction of the President of said 
Confederate States, upon the same principles, 
basis, and footing as if said commonwealth were 
now, and during the interval, a member of said 
Confederacy. 

“2. The commonwealth of Virginia will, 
after the consummation of the union contem- 
plated in this convention, and her adoption of 
the constitution for a permanent government 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


_On the || of said Confederate States, and she shall become 
a member of said Confederacy under said per- 


manent constitution, if the same occur, turn 
over to said Confederate States all the public 
property, naval stores, and munitions of war, 
&ec., she may then be in possession of acquired 
from the United States, on the same terms and 
in like manner as the other states of said Con- 
federacy have done in like cases. 

“3. Whatever expenditures of money, if 
any, said commonwealth of Virginia shall make 
before the union, under the provisional gov- 
ernment as above contemplated, shall be con- 
summated, shall be met and provided for by 
said Confederate States. 

“This convention entered into and agreed 
to in the city of Richmond, Virginia, on the 
twenty-fourth day of April, 1861, by Alexander 
H. Stephens, the duly authorized commissioner 
to act in the matter for the said Confederate 
States, and John Tyler, William Ballard Pres- 
ton, Samuel McD. Moore, James P. Holcombe, 
James C. Bruce, and Lewis E. Harvie, parties 
duly authorized to act in like manner for said 
commonwealth of Virginia, — the whole subject 
to the approval and ratification of the proper 
authorities of both governments respectively. 

“In testimony whereof the parties aforesaid 
have hereto set their hands and seals the day 
and year aforesaid, and at the place aforesaid, in 
duplicate originals. 

“ AuexanperR H. Srepuens, [Seal,] 
“Comnussioner for Confederate States. 


“ JoHn ‘T'yLER, [Seal, ] 
“Wm. Batiarp Preston, [Seal,] 


«8, McD. Moors, [Seal,] | nee 
“James P. Hotcomsz,  [Seal,] |; Virani 
“James C. Bruce, [Seal, ] i 
“Lewis EH. Harviz, [Seal, | | 


“Approved and ratified by the convention 
of oF aL ee on the 25th of April, 1861. 

“ JoHNn JANNEY, President. 
“Jno. L. Eusank, Secretary.” 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Governor Letcher issued his proclamation 
promulgating this ordinance and convention, 
and from that time Virginia was considered by 
its own people (except those of Western Vir- 
ginia) and by the whole south as one of the 
Confederate States. 

Soon afterwards Governor Letcher issued 
another proclamation, in which he said that 
“the sovereignty of the commonwealth of Vir- 
ginia having been denied, her territorial rights 
assailed, her soil threatened with invasion by 
the authorities at Washington, and every arti- 
fice employed which could inflame the people 
of the northern states, it therefore becomes the 
solemn duty of every citizen in Virginia to pre- 
pare for the impending conflict.” “To this end, 


and for these purposes, and with the determina-. 
tion to repel invasion,” the commanding gen-| 
eral of the military forces was authorized “to. 
eall out and cause to be mustered into service, 


from time to time, as public exigencies may 
require, such additional volunteers as he may 
deem necessary.” And under this order, before 
the people had voted upon the question of 
secession, an army was arrayed in Virginia 
against the government of the United States. 
While the posture of affairs in Maryland and 
Virginia, from their proximity to the national 
capital, was regarded with most anxiety, and 
from these states, especially the latter, the great- 
est danger threatened the government, the 
attitude of the other slave states at this junc- 


ture was also a matter of great importance. | 


Of these the course of Kentucky was regarded 
with the deepest interest. There was a strong 
Union sentiment in that state, and until the 
surrender of Fort Sumter there seemed to be 
little doubt that the state would remain true 
to the Union, notwithstanding the efforts 
made by influential secessionists. The Union 
sentiment here, however, was like that which 
was at first manifested in Maryland, and was 
in favor of neutrality rather than a firm support 


of the government. The governor of the state, 
25 


193 


Mr. Magoffin, was a secessionist, whose sympa- 
thies were all with the seceded states; and so 
far as his action could effect any thing, it was 
undoubtedly for the promotion of secession. 
He was in correspondence with the government 
of the Confederate States and the governors of 
the several seceded states, and with the aid of 
other secessionists in Kentucky and in Tennes- 
see, he might have carried the state over to the 
side of rebellion but for the determined stand 
taken by the Union men. The call for troops 
by the national government, producing, as it 
did every where at the south, intense feeling, 
was an occasion which, it was feared, might be 
used to bring about a crisis in which the state 
would be committed to secession before the 
people could prevent it. 
fortunately escaped. 
Governor Magoffin peremptorily refused to 
comply with the requisition for troops, and con- 
vened the legislature to take such action as the 
crisis demanded. That body was not disposed 
to aid in the secession scheme, but, on the con- 
trary,inquired pretty sharply into the governor's 
proceedings. There was a determination shown 
not to go with the rebellious states, nor yet to 
give the government a firm and vigorous sup- 
port, but to assume a position of neutrality, and 
to put the state in a condition to maintain that 
position. Measures were taken to organize a 
military force, but not to respond to the requi- 
sition of the government ; and while the United 
States forces were desired to keep away from 
the soil of Kentucky, the Confederate forces 
were at least equally notified not to enter the 
state. Neutrality here was not so much in the 
interest of secession as it appeared to be in 
some other states, and was honestly and ear- 
nestly advocated by some of the ablest men of 
the state, as Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Guthrie, and 
others. But among the people there was also 
a genuine loyalty; and though the state gov- 
ernment did not respond to the call for troops, 
there were many ready to enlist in the defence 


But this danger was 


194 HISTORY OF 


of the national flag. Several regiments were | 
raised for the defence of the state against any 
invasion from the seceded states, and to put 
down any rebellion within its borders. On the 
other hand, there were many who joined the 
rebel army, and some who still openly labored 
and hoped to secure the secession of Kentucky ; 
while others, under the semblance of Union 
men, really gave all their wishes and efforts for 
the success of the rebellion* But Kentucky, 
like Maryland, having escaped a sudden and 
hasty plunge into rebellion, grew more loyal, 
until at last its position of neutrality was in 
some degree abandoned, and it was ranged with 
the firm supporters of the government. 
Missouri was, perhaps, in a more critical situ- 
ation than Kentucky. Though there was in 
some parts of the state a considerable anti- 
slavery sentiment, there was in a large propor- 
tion of it a very strong pro-slavery feeling, as 
was manifested in the Kansas troubles, and con- | 
sequently a warm sympathy with the southern 
movement. A state convention had been called 
in January, 1861 for the purpose of taking 
“such action as the condition of the country 
demanded.” The legislature which passed the 
bill for this convention was supposed to be in 
favor of secession, and it was the hope of se- 
cessionists, undoubtedly, that an ordinance of 
secession would be adopted. But the Union 
men made an earnest effort at the polls, and 
elected a majority of the members of the con- 


* Of the loyal men of Kentucky, Joseph Holt stands among the 
truest patriots in the country. He gave some character to the 
administration of Mr. Buchanan in its last days, and saved the 
government from utter destruction; and he was afterwards the un- 
flinching supporter of the government, whose decision and firm- 
ness did much for the preservation of Kentucky among the loyal 
states. Among the traitors of that state Mr. Breckinridge, be- 
cause of his former position, was preéminent. He had been Vice- 
President of the United States, and was now a senator in Con- 
gress. But he had been the presidential candidate of those who 
led the secession movement, and though for a time he held the 
position of a loyal man and senator in Congress, his sympathies 

‘were all on the side of treason and rebellion, and eventually he 


joined the rebels, and was appointed a general in their army. 


THE UNITED STATES. 


vention; and when that body assembled, in 
March, a vote was adopted requiring the mem- 
bers to take an oath to support the constitution 
of the United States as well as that of Missouri, 
and subsequently it voted decisively against 
secession, and adjourned till the following De- 
cember. 

The governor of the state, Mr. Jackson, was 
a secessionist, who had been in conference with 
the leaders of the rebellion in the more south- 
ern states; and though, influenced by the un- 
mistakable language and action of the conven- 
tion, he professed fidelity to the Union, and 
advocated an attitude of neutrality, he showed 
himself ready to do all that was in his power 
to unite Missouri with the seceded states. 
The convention having failed to carry out the 
scheme of secession, the governor subsequently 
convened the legislature to put the state “in a 
proper attitude of defence,’ by organizing the 
militia and adopting other military measures. 
In the mean time he replied to the requisition 
for troops from the secretary of war as fol- 
lows: — ? 

“Sir: Your despatch of the 15th instant, 
making a call on Missouri for four regiments 
of men for immediate service, has been received. 
There can be, I apprehend, no doubt but these 
men are intended to form a part of the Presi- 
dent’s army to make war upon the people of 
the seceded states. Your requisition, in my 
judgment, is illegal, unconstitutional, and revo- 
lutionary in its object, inhuman and diabolical, 
and cannot be complied with. Not one man 
will the state of Missouri furnish to carry on 
such an unholy crusade.” 

In his message to the legislature, Governor 
Jackson expressed himself in equally strong 
terms against the government, and justified 
the action of the seceded states. The legisla- 
ture, holding secret sessions much of the time, 
adopted measures for organizing and arming 
the militia of the state, and to divert the school 
fund from its legitimate purpose to pay the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


military expenses. Other measures were also 
adopted, which, under the pretence of neutrality 
in the contest between the national government 
and the rebel states, were designed to aid the 
rebel cause. Having thus provided for a mili- 
tary force, the governor soon found occasion to 
call them out, and General Sterling Price, whose 
sympathies were also with the rebels, was ap- 
pointed to organize and command them. 
Meanwhile the loyal citizens of the state, 
chiefly in St. Louis and vicinity, organized as 
home guards, and were mustered into the ser- 
vice of .the United States. And on the other 
hand the secessionists organized into military 
forces, seized the United’ States arsenal at Lib- 


erty, and in various parts of the state committed | 


hostile acts and violence against Union citizens. 
A bitter feeling arose between the loyal citi- 
zens and the secessionists, and, encouraged by 
the state and local authorities, the latter were 
enabled to bring about collisions which must 
inevitably lead to such action on the part of 
the United States authorities, as, it was hoped, 
would cause an uprising in favor of the “inde- 
pendence of Missouri.” To this end the action 
of the disloyal authorities of Missourl seemed 
constantly to be directed, until it was at last 
reached. But though they entailed civil war 
upon the state, they did not succeed in consum- 
mating their purpose. The events to which 
this action led will be mentioned in another 
chapter. 

The three slave states south of the border 
slave states found it less difficult to slide into 
the rebel Confederacy. In North Carolina there 
had been what was termed a strong Union 
sentiment, and it had been among the most 
loyal*of the southern states; but there was a 
disposition among the majority to codperate 
with the other slave states, and the excitement 
created by the opening of hostilities at Charles- 
ton and the President’s call for troops afforded 
an opportunity for secessionists to hurry the 
_ state into the rebellion. Through misrepresen- 


195 


tation of the purposes and views of the federal 
government, and fierce calls to resist a threat- 
ened invasion of their state and their rights, 
and perhaps through the apathy or alarm of 
those who were at heart loyal to the Union, the 
people of North Carolina suffered themselves 
to be transferred from the Union to the Confed- 
erate States. The position taken by Virginia, 
already committed to the rebel cause, probably 
had its influence; for North Carolina was thus 
territorially separated from the Union, and 
hemmed in by the Confederacy, and would 
be exposed to dangers to which no other state 
was subjected. 

Governor Ellis had not shown himself a se- 
cessionist, though he was carried along with the 
prevailing current of sympathy for the south. 
He had not advised secession, and had resisted 
the unauthorized attempts of secessionists to 
seize United States property. When the requi- 
sition for troops was issued, he refused to com- 
ply with it in more courteous terms than were 
used by some of the slave state governors; but 
he issued a proclamation for a meeting of the 
legislature, in which he characterized the call 
as unconstitutional, “a high-handed and tyran- 
nical outrage,” and “a direct step towards the 
subjugation of the south,” and declared that 
“united action in defence of the sovereignty of 
North Carolina and of the rights of the south 
becomes now the duty of all.” He next called 
for volunteers in addition to the militia of the 
state, and seized the United States arsenal and 
mint. These steps were preliminary to the 
final action of the state through a convention 
which soon assembled, and which, on the 20th 
of May, adopted an ordinance of secession, and 
another ratifying and adopting the provisional 
constitution of the Confederate States. 

Tennessee joined the rebel states at an ear- 
lier day. Although the state in February had 
given a large Union majority, the governor, 
Mr. Harris, and some of its leading politicians, 
were thorough secessionists, and from the com- 


196 


mencement of the movement had been enlisted 
in it. In the course of time it appeared that a 
majority of the people in the western part of 
the state were also really imbued with the spirit 
of secession and rebellion. In the eastern part 
of the state there was a strong Union senti- 
ment; but the loyal people there were over- 
whelmed by the secessionists, and were subjected 
to the grossest outrages and tyranny on account 
of their loyalty. The state being substantially 
under the control of the secessionists, they 
waited only something which should afford a 
pretext for going over to the rebellion. The 
action of the government in taking measures 
to maintain its authority and to preserve the 
Union was all that was required. Governor 
Harris replied to the requisition for troops, 
“Tennessee will not furnish a single man for 
coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessary, for the 
defence of our rights or those of our southern 
brothers.” The seizure of bonds and other prop- 


erty belonging to the United States was next 


resorted to. Already the rebel army had re- 
ceived considerable additions from this state ; 
and now further military preparations were 
made both on behalf of the state and of the 
southern Confederacy, of which it was not yet 
a member. The method of accomplishing se- 
cession was similar to that adopted in Virginia. 
A convention, or league, authorized by the 
legislature in secret session, was entered into 
between the state and the Confederate States, 
similar to that agreed to by Virginia and the 
Confederacy, in which it was provided that, 
until Tennessee became a member of the Con- 
federacy, the “ whole military force and military 
operations, offensive and defensive, of said state, 
in the impending conflict with the United 
States, shall be under the chief control and 
direction of the President of the Confederate 
States, upon the same basis, principles, and foot- 
ing, as if said state were now, and during the 
interval, a member of said Confederacy.” And 
it was also provided that all the public property 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


“acquired* from the United States” should be 
transferred to the Confederate States. At the 
same time a declaration of independence and a 
secession ordinance were also adopted in secret 
session, to be submitted to the people for rati- 
fication. But as the league had practically 
carried Tennessee into the rebel confederacy, 
and the time for voting was put at a distant 
day, before which there would be further acts to 
commit the state more irretrievably to rebellion, 
the vote of the people was of little consequence. 
Tennessee was, therefore, actually one of the 
Confederate States from the time of the forming 
of the league and passing the secession ordi- 
nance, which were on the 6th of May.+ 

In Arkansas there was, probably, some loyalty 
among the people, but it was of little account 
in the secession excitement which spread so 
swiftly through the slave states after the fall of 
Fort Sumter. Rebellious demonstrations had 
before been made by the people in different 
parts of the state, and as early as February the 
United States arsenal at Little Rock had been 
surrendered te the state authorities. To the 
President’s call for troops Governor Rector re- 
plied, in a letter to the secretary of war, as 
follows : — 

“Tn answer to your requisition for troops 
from Arkansas, to subjugate the southern states, 
I have to say that none will be furnished. The 
demand is only adding insult to injury. The 
people of this commonwealth are freemen, not 
slaves, and will defend to the last extremity 
their honor, lives, and property against north- 
ern mendacity and usurpation.” 


* The rebels used mild terms to express the robbery, plunder, and 
theft by which they “ acquired” the property of the United States. 

+ Among the loyal men and earnest patriots of Tennessee, who 
would not join, or in any way consent to, the rebellion, were An- 
drew Johnson, United States senator, Horace Maynard, represen- 
tative in Congress, Emerson Etheridge, subsequently clerk of the 
house of representatives, and Rev. William G. Brownlow, known 
as Parson Brownlow, of the Knoxville “Union.” Among those of 


whom the country had reason to expect better things than joining 


in the treason, was John Bell, recently the “ Union” candidate 
for president. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


As in some of the other states, the refusal to 
furnish troops was followed by acts of hostility 
against the federal government, in the seizure 
of public property, and organizing forces to 
resist rather than to aid the Union. A state 
convention, which had been previously elected, 
was reassembled, and on the 6th of May 
adopted an ordinance of secession. On the 17th 
of the month Arkansas was admitted as a mem- 
ber of the Confederate States by the Congress 
at Montgomery. 

Thus the seceded states were increased to 
ten, and had reached the limit to which they 
were likely to extend. One other of the bor- 
der slave states remains to be mentioned, the 
little state of Delaware, which alone of the 
slave states assumed a loyal attitude at the out- 
set, and in which, by the state authority, a force 
was duly organized in response to the Presi- 
dent’s requisition, and mustered into the service 
of the United States. 


e 


CHAPTER XXVIII. 


Attempts to seize United States Property in Virginia. — Fortress 
Monroe.— Gosport Navy Yard.— Preparations of the Gov- 
-ernment for saving Public Vessels and Property. — Negligence 
of Commander and Treachery of Subordinate Officers. — Re- 
port of Secretary of the Navy on the Subject. — Commodore 
Paulding sent to Norfolk. — His Arrival too late to save the 
Vessels. — Ships already scuttled. — Preservation of the Cum- 
berland. — The Vessels and Buildings burned. — Loss to the 
United States. — Harper’s Ferry Armory. — Small Force sent 
for its Protection. — Advance of a Rebel Force to seize it. — 
Arsenal destroyed by Lieutenant Jones. — Disappointment of 
the Virginia Rebels. — Seizure of other Posts and Military 
Property in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas. — Mili- 
tary Posts in the seceded States still retained by the United 
States. 


WueEn secession had been determined upon 
in Virginia, and before the ordinance was yet 
promulgated, preparations were made to seize 
the public property of the United States within 
the limits of the state. The most important 
places belonging to the United States in Vir- 
ginia, of which treason thus sought to get pos- 


197 


session, were Fortress Monroe, in Hampton 
Roads, Gosport Navy Yard, and the armory at 
Harper’s Ferry; the first an extensive and 
strong fortification, commanding the entrance 
to the only good harbors and thriving ports in 
the state, and the others containing a large 
quantity of arms and ordnance stores, while 
at the navy yard were also several valuable 
vessels of war. 

The government was aware of the danger 
which threatened these important posts, and 
took measures to save them, or to prevent 
them from falling into the hands of the rebels. 
In Fortress Monroe there was a garrison of 
two or three hundred men, which was not suf- 
ficient to hold it against a very large force at- 
tacking from the land side, and was entirely 
inadequate to prevent the rebels from taking _ 
strong positions in the immediate vicinity. 
Two of the Massachusetts regiments, which 
were the first to respond to the federal requisi- 
tion, were accordingly sent to that stronghold, 


jjand arrived there just as the Virginia rebels 


were about to put in execution their plans. 
This timely arrival secured the safety of the 
fort if an attack or surprise was contemplated, 
and, in a sudden emergency, was instrumental 
in destroying some of the public property at 
the Gosport Navy Yard, in order that it might 
not be used by the rebels. 

But a place much more easily seized, and far 
more valuable to the rebels, because of the 
great quantity of ordnance and stores, as well 
as formidable ships of war which were lying 
there, was the Gosport Navy Yard.* The meas- 
ure adopted by the government to preserve 
the property at this important naval station, 
and the criminal negligence of some of its 
officers, and the treachery of others, are re- 
counted in the report of the secretary of the 
navy as follows: — . 


* Known more generally, perhaps, as the Norfolk Navy Yard, 
but really on the opposite side of the Elizabeth River, from the 
more important port of Norfolk. 


198 


“The navy yard at Norfolk, protected by no 
fortress or garrison, has always been a favored 
depot with the government. It was filled with 
arms and munitions, and several ships were in 
the harbor, dismantled and in ordinary, and in 
no condition to be moved, had there been men 
to move them. There were, however, no sea- 
men there or on home stations to man these 
vessels, or even one of them of the larger 
class, and any attempt to withdraw them, or 
either of them, without a crew, would, in the 
then sensitive and disturbed condition of the 
public mind, have betrayed alarm and distrust, 
and been likely to cause difficulty. 

“ Apprehensive, however, that action might 
be necessary, the commandant of the yard 
was, early in April, advised of this feeling, and 
cautioned to extreme vigilance and circum- 
spection. These admonitions were, a few days 
later, repeated to Commodore McCauley. This 
commandant, whose patriotism and fidelity 
were not doubted, was surrounded by officers 
in whom he placed confidence; but most of 
them, as events soon proved, were faithless to 
the flag and the country. 

“On the 10th of April, Commodore McCauley 
was ordered to put the shipping and public 
property in condition to be moved and placed 
beyond danger, should it become necessary ; 
but in doing this he was warned to take no 
steps that could give needless alarm. The 
steam frigate Merrimac could, it was believed, 
were her machinery in order, be made avail- 
able in this emergency, not only to extricate 
herself, but the other shipping in the harbor. 
Not knowing, however, who could be confided 
in to take charge of her, a commander and 
two engineers were-detailed to proceed to Nor- 
folk for that purpose. Two days after, on the 
12th of April, the department directed that 
the Merrimac should be prepared to proceed 
to Philadelphia with the utmost despatch. It 
was stated that to repair the engine and put it 
in working condition would require four weeks, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


Discrediting this report, the engineer-in-chief. 


|was ordered to proceed forthwith in person, 


and attend to the necessary preparations. 

“On the 16th of April the commandant was 
directed to lose no time in placing armament 
on board the Merrimac; to get the Plymouth 
and Dolphin beyond danger; to have the Ger- 
mantown in a condition to be towed out, and 
to put the more valuable public property, ord- 
nance, stores, &c., on shipboard, so that they 
could, at any. moment, be moved beyond 
danger. 

“Such was the energy and despatch of the 
engineer-in-chief, that on the 16th the depart- 
ment was advised by the commandant of the 
yard that on the 17th the Merrimac would 
be ready for temporary service; but when, on 
the afternoon of that day, the engineer-in-chief 
reported her ready for steam, Commodore 
McCauley refused to have her fired up. Fires, 
were, however, built early the next morning, 
and at nine o’clock the engines were working, 
engineers, firemen, &c.,,on board; but the 
commandant still refused to permit her to 
be moved, and in the afternoon gave direc- 
tions to draw the fires. The cause of this 
refusal to move the Merrimac has no explana- 
tion other than that of misplaced confidence 
in his junior officers, who opposed it. 

“As soon as this fatal error was reported to 
the department, orders were instantly issued to 
Commodore Paulding to proceed forthwith to 
Norfolk, with such officers and marines as 
could be obtained, and take command of all 
the vessels afloat on that station; to repel 
force by force, and prevent the ships and pub- 
lic property, at all hazards, from passing into 
the hands of the insurrectionists. But when 
that officer reached Norfolk, on the evening 
of Saturday the 20th, he found that the pow- 
der magazine had already been seized, and that 
an armed force had commenced throwing up 
batteries in the vicinity. The commandant of 
the yard, after refusing to permit the vessels 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to be moved on Thursday, and omitting it on| 


Friday, ordered them to be scuttled on Satur- 
day evening; and they were sinking when 
Commodore Paulding, with the force under his 
command, arrived at Norfolk. This officer, 
knowing that to sink the ships would be only 
a temporary deprivation to the insurgents, 
who would, when in full possession of the 
place, again have them afloat, ordered the 
torch to be applied to the sinking ships. Pur- 
suant to instructions, he also destroyed, so far 
as he was able with his limited force, the pub- 
lic property in the yard before abandoning the 
place. 

“The Cumberland was towed down the river, 
and passed, after some little delay, over the 
obstructions that had been sunk in the channel 
to prevent her removal. 

“This unfortunate calamity at Norfolk not 
only deprived the government of several ves- 
sels, but of a large amount of ordnance and 
stores which had there accumulated. In pre- 
venting the shipping and property from pass- 
ing into the hands of the insurgents, who had 
gathered in considerable force in that vicinity 
under General Talliaferro, Commodore Paul- 
ding, the officers, and those under them, per- 
formed their duty, and carried out, so far as 
was in their power, the wishes of the govern- 
ment and the instructions of the department.” 

Commodore Paulding, on his passage to Nor- 
folk in the Pawnee, stopped at Fortress Mon- 
roe, and there took on board the third Massa- 
chusetts regiment, which had that day arrived 
from Boston. With this force to aid in the 
preservation of the public property, or to keep 
it from the hands of the rebels, he proceeded 
to Norfolk. There was great excitement at 
Norfolk and Portsmouth, and the secessionists 
seemed exceedingly anxious to obtain posses- 
sion of the yard and the vessels. They had 
already seized the magazine, and, aided by 
traitors in the yard, would undoubtedly soon 
have had possession of the coveted prize but 


199 


for the timely arrival of the Pawnee. The 
troops were landed, and the vessel placed in a 
position to resist any attack. The vessels, 
however, with the exception of the frigate 
Cumberland, had already been scuttled, and 
were sinking. It was impossible to save them 
and the valuable works in the yard, and every 
effort was directed to their destruction in order 
that they might be of no service to the rebels. 
While a portion of the troops, and a marine 
force of about sixty men, were posted so as to 
repel an attack, the other soldiers and a body 
of seamen were engaged in the work of de- 
struction. All the government papers and 
other movable property were first secured, 
however, on board the Pawnee and Cumber- 
‘land. The costly dry dock was ruined, the 
guns, of which there were a great number of 
the largest and most effective belonging to the 
United States, were spiked, the ship-houses and 
other buildings were amply supplied with 
combustibles for the flames, and the more val- 
uable vessels, which were in shoal water, were 
prepared in like manner. When these prep- 
arations were made, as they were in a hurried 
manner, under the expectation of an attack 
from the military forces in the vicinity of the 
yard, the trains were fired, and the Pawnee 
towed the Cumberland down the river, safely 
passing the obstructions sunk in the channel 
by order of Governor Letcher for the pur- 
pose of preventing the escape of the coveted 
vessels. 

The fire raged fiercely, and occasional ex- 
plosions hastened the work of destruction, 
which was in some parts complete, and in 
others only partial. The most valuable of the 
vessels, the steam frigate Merrimac, was but 
very partially burned before she sunk so as to 
extinguish the fire; and other property was 
saved by the Virginia soldiers and people as 


_ soon as the departure of the Union force and 
the fear of explosions allowed them to enter 


‘the yard. The vessels thus sacrificed were 


200 


the line of battle ships Pennsylvania, Colum- 
bus, and New York, the latter still being on 
the stocks; the frigates United States, Raritan, 
and Columbia; the sloops of war Germantown 
and Plymouth; the brig Dolphin; and the 
steam frigate Merrimac. Several of the ves- 
sels were old and of little value; but the Mer- 
rimac and one or two others were a serious loss 
to the government. The Virginia rebels had 
counted on securing these vessels, and they 
were greatly disappointed at the failure of their 
plans and enraged at the destruction of prop- 
erty which, with singular notions of proprietor- 
ship, they regarded as their own. 

They were equally disappointed in their 
attempts to seize the armory at Harper’s Ferry 
and the arms contained in it. This attempt 
was made at about the same time as that at 
Norfolk, pursuant to the arrangements of the 
Virginia authorities when the secession ordi- 
nance was adopted. A company of mounted 
riflemen, under the command of Lieutenant 
Roger Jones, had been sent by the government 
to protect the armory; but this was too small 
a force to resist any considerable body of men, 
such as would probably be sent to take pos- 
session of the armory, should the rebels deter- 
mine upon such a course. Orders were accord- 
ingly given for the destruction of the arms and 
arsenal, should it be impossible to hold the place. 

On the night of April 18, Lieutenant Jones 
received information that a force of twenty- 
five hundred or three thousand men was 
approaching the town, and was within a few 
hours’ march. The arsenal buildings had al- 
ready been prepared for the flames, and upon 
learning that a portion of the Virginia troops 
would reach the armory in a few minutes, Lieu- 
tenant Jones ardered the torch to be applied. 
These buildings and the carpenter’s shop were 
soon in flames, but the armory buildings, with 
much of their valuable machinery, were not set 
on fire. Having thus secured the destruction 
of the arms, which it was most important to 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


keep from the hands of the rebels, the small 
federal force was withdrawn, and crossing into 
Maryland, proceeded by a forced march to Car- 
lisle Barracks, in Pennsylvania, 

Here again the Virginians were baffled. The 
arms contained in the arsenal were what they 
most desired to obtain; but the greater part of 
them were totally destroyed, or rendered unfit 
for service. Parts of the valuable machinery 
used in the manufacture of the arms, were, 
however, not damaged, and the rebels claimed 
to have saved a large number of arms also; but 
it was the belief of Lieutenant Jones that these 
were almost wholly destroyed. 

While the rebels were prevented by this 
action of the federal troops from obtaining any 
immediate material advantage, the destruction 
of the arsenal and its contents, and the aban- 
donment of the armory, were a serious loss to the 
United States. The arms were much needed, 
so many of the best muskets having been dis- 
tributed by Floyd among the southern states. 
The armory at Springfield, Massachusetts, was 
the only other national manufactory of small 
arms, and that was, of course, inadequate to 
supply the number which would soon be re- 
quired by the forces to be called into the field. 
The works at Harper’s Ferry were extensive 
and valuable, and a very effective arm was made 
there. But the small force at the disposal of 
the government rendered it impossible to pro- 
tect them from an attack by large numbers, and 
the only alternative was to destroy what would 
most aid the insurgents. 

The abandonment of the Gosport Navy Yard 
and Harper's Ferry left all the national posts 
in Virginia, except Fortress Monroe, in the 
hands of the rebels. They took possession of 
Fort Norfolk, near the city of Norfolk, and other 
small fortifications, and the United States arse-_ 
nal near Richmond, as well as the navy yard and 
the armory; and they also posted their military 
forces in other important places on the coast, 
and erected new fortifications. 


PRESIDENT 


The forts, military posts, and other public 
property of the United States in North Caro- 
lina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, which had not 
already been seized, were taken possession of 
immediately upon the secession of those states, 
so that now the United States retained within 
the seceded states only Fort Pickens, at the 
entrance of Pensacola Bay, the Tortugas, Key 
_ West, and Fortress Monroe, together with the 
Rip Raps, an unfinished fort at the entrance.to 
Hampton Roads, near Fortress Monroe. Re- 
enforcements had been sent to Fort Pickens, 
and were landed in safety, a portion on the 
12th, and others on the 16th of April, so that 
this important position could be held notwith- 
standing the threatened attack of considerable 
forces which were collected in the vicinity. 
Fort Jefferson, on the Dry Tortugas, off the coast 
of Florida, and Key West were also strength- 
ened at this time, and from their position were 
safe against any attack which the rebels would 
be able to make. ‘These important posts the 
government was determined to hold at all haz- 
ards, both for the maintenance of its authority 
within the states in which they were situated, 
and as bases of future operations in case they 
should be necessary. 


CHAPTER XXIX. 


Blockade of Southern Ports. — President’s Proclamations. — Ac- 
tion of the Navy Department. — Concentration of available 
Vessels. —The Blockading Squadrons.— Defficiency of Off- 
cers. — Spirit and Action of the seceded States. — Existence 
of War recognized by the Confederate Congress. — Troops 
concentrated in Virginia. — Purposes of the Rebels. — Hostile 
Acts in Texas.— Capture of the Star of the West. — Troops 
made Prisoners of War. — Measures of the Government to 
meet this State of Affairs. — Call for Volunteers for Three 
Years. — Response from the Loyal States. — Excess of Troops 
offered. — Equipment and Organization of Troops. — Concen- 
tration of Federal Troops. — Command of the Forces. — Gen- 
erals appointed. — Patriotism of the People.—- Hearty Sup- 
port of the Government in extraordinary Measures. 


Tue government, being forced by the action 
of the seceded states to assert its authority by 
Fs : 296 


LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


201 


force, determined to do so at once, and with 
such vigor as the means at its command would 
allow. One of the first steps was to blockade 
the ports of the seceded states. In order to do 
this so as to guard against complications with 
foreign governments, it was deemed proper to 
announce the purpose of blockading these ports 
in the usual manner when the ports of another 
power are to be blockaded. Accordingly, the 
President issued the following 


PROCLAMATION. 


“Whereas an insurrection against the gov- 
ernment of the United States has broken out 
in the states of South Carolina, Georgia, Ala- 
bama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, 
and the laws of the United States for the col- 
lection of the revenue cannot be effectually 
executed therein conformably to that provision 
of the constitution which requires duties to be 
uniform throughout the United States ; 

“ And whereas a combination of persons en- 
gaged in such insurrection have threatened to 
grant pretended letters of marque to authorize 
the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the 
lives, vessels, and property of good citizens of 
the country lawfully engaged in commerce on 
the high seas, and in waters of the United 
States ; — 

“And whereas an executive proclamation 
has been already issued, requiring the persons 
engaged in these disorderly proceedings to 
desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for 
the purpose of repressing the same, and con- 
vening Congress in extraordinary session to 
deliberate and determine thereon ; — 

“Now, therefore, I, Apranam Lincoxy, Presi- 
dent of the United States, with a view to the 
same purposes before mentioned, and to the pro- 
tection of the public peace, and the lives and 
property of quiet and orderly citizens pursuing 
their lawful occupations, until Congress shall 
have assembled and deliberated on the said un- 
lawful proceedings, or until the same shall have 


HISTORY OF THE 


202 


ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set 
on foot a blockade of the ports within the states 
aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United 
States, and of the law of nations in such case 
provided. For this purpose a competent force 
will be posted so as to prevent entrance and 
exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, 
therefore, with a view to violate such blockade, 
a vessel shall approach, or shall attempt to 
leave, any of the said ports, she will be duly 
warned by the commander of one of the block- 
ading vessels, who will indorse on her register 
the fact and date of such warning, and if the 
same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave 
the blockaded port, she will be captured and 
sent to the nearest convenient port, for such 
proceedings against her and her cargo as prize 
as may be deemed advisable. , 

“And I hereby proclaim and declare that if 
any person, under the pretended authority of 
the said states, or under any other pretence, 
shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the 
persons or cargo on board of her, such person 
will be held amenable to the laws of the United 
States for the prevention and punishment of 
piracy. 

“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my 
hand, and caused the seal of the United States 
to be affixed. 

“Done at the city of Washington, this nine- 
teenth day of April, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty-one, and of the independence of the 
United States the eighty-fifth. 

“ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 


[1, 8] 
“ By the President. 


*WituiaM H. Szwarp, Secretary of State.” 


When Virginia and North Carolina had 
joined in the rebellion, it became necessary to 
extend the blockade to those states also, and 
an additional proclamation was issued, as fol- 
lows : — 


UNITED STATES. 


“ By the President of the United States. 
«A PROCLAMATION. 

“Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my 
proclamation of the 19th instant, a blockade of 
the ports of the states of South Carolina, Geor- 
gia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, 
and Texas was ordered to be established ; 

“And whereas, since that date, public prop- 
erty of the United States has been seized, the 
collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly 
commissioned officers of the United States, 
while engaged in executing the orders of their 
superiors, have been arrested and held in cus- 
tody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the 
discharge of their official duties without due 
legal process, by persons claiming to act under 
authorities of the states of Virginia and North 
Carolina, an efficient blockade of the ports of 
those states will also be established. 

“Jn witness whereof, I have hereunto set my 
hand, and caused the seal of the United States 
to be affixed. 

“ Done at the city of Washington, this twen- 
ty-seventh day of April, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and sixty-one, and of the independence 
of the United States the eighty-fifth. 

[L. s.] “ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
“By the President. 


‘‘Witiiam H, Sewarp, Secretary of State.” 


The navy department took prompt and 
efficient measures, so far as it was able, to en- 
force the blockade and to maintain the author- 
ity of the government. The seaboard of the 
insurgent states embraced an extent of nearly 
three thousand miles, along which were nu- 
merous ports and harbors of more or less mag- 
nitude and importance; and to institute an 
effective blockade of such an extensive coast 
required a very large force. All the available 
vessels were concentrated as quickly as possible 
to perform this work; those in the dockyards 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


were prepared for service with as much despatch 
as could be commanded, and most of those on 
foreign stations were recalled. But with all 
the efforts of the department there were at its 
disposal, for all purposes at home and abroad, 
but sixty-two vessels, carrying about one thou- 
sand guns and eleven thousand men. But im- 
mediate measures were taken to build, with all 
proper despatch, seven or eight steam sloops of 
war, which had been authorized by Congress at 
its late session, and also for the construction 
of a considerable number of smaller steam-gun- 
boats, for which there was no authority except 
the pressing wants of the government. Steam- 
ers and sailing vessels were also purchased and 
chartered, and being furnished with small arma- 
ments were rendered serviceable for the block- 
ade and other duties required by the govern- 
ment. 

With such vessels as could be collected, two 
blockading squadrons were formed; one on 
the Atlantic coast, under command of Flag- 
officer Stringham, consisting at first of twenty- 
two vessels with two hundred and ninety-six 
guns and thirty-three hundred men; and the 
other in the Gulf of Mexico, under Flag-officer 
Mervine, consisting of twenty-one vessels, with 
two hundred and eighty-two guns and thirty- 
five hundred men. In the mean time, Flag- 
officer Pendergrast, of the home squadron, with 
two or three of his vessels, established non- 
intercourse as far as possible, and gave notice 
of the blockade to foreigners. It was some 
time before the blockading squadrons were 
filled up to the numbers above stated; but as 
fast as the vessels could be prepared they were 
despatched to their destination, and the block- 
ade; which at first was confined to only a few 
of the more important ports, was gradually ex- 
tended as‘far as the limited number of vesscls 
would permit. 

One difficulty with which the navy depart- 
ment had to contend, in putting into service 
a large naval force, was a lack of officers. 


203 


After the 4th of March there were a great num- 
ber of resignations, and at the time of organizing 
the blockading squadrons no less than two 
hundred and fifty-nine officers had resigned or 
been dismissed for disloyalty, in addition to 
those who had previously left the service. To 
supply the deficiency it was necessary to ap- 
point officers from the merchant marine, though 
a considerable number of gentlemen who had 
formerly been connected with the navy, some 
of them of great ability and experience, ten- 
dered their services to sustain the flag and the 
country. 

In making these preparations to meet the 
emergency in which the country was placed, the 
navy department, like the war department, was 
obliged to transcend its authority and the ap- 
propriations which had been made for that 
branch of the public service. But when the 
existence of the nation was threatened, it was 
necessary for the government to assume powers 
for its preservation, and all its acts in this 
direction were sustained by the common sen- 
timent of the loyal people. 

The fierce spirit in which the action of the 
federal government was regarded at the south, 
and the great military preparations which were 
made by the several seceded states and the 
government of the Confederate States, made it 
evident that secession was to become a deter- 
thined rebellion. The Confederate Congress 
passed an act recognizing the “existence of 
war between the United States and the Con- 
federate States,” and making hostile prepara- 
tions to carry it on. Troops were at once sent 
from all the seceded states into Virginia to join 
the forces of that state, and it was declared by 
the press and by influential parties, though not 
avowed by the Confederate authorities, that the 


‘army thus collecting was to attack Washing- 
‘ton and invade the free states. 
of the rebellion undoubtedly had such inten- 


The leaders 


tions ; contingent, however, upon the secession 


‘of Maryland, or such an insurrection there 


204 


against the federal government as should give 
promise, with southern codperation, of the 
addition of that state to the Confederacy.* 
And it was, moreover, evident that the dis- 
loyal people in Maryland were ready to ac- 
complish secession if possible, or, failing in 
that, to take up arms in aid of the rebel 
cause. 

In Texas hostile acts of a more decided char- 
acter were committed. The United States 
troops in that state, who had been so basely 
betrayed by General Twiggs, had, in some cases, 
been surrounded by superior numbers of the 
state troops, and compelled to surrender. It 
was declared, at the time General Twiggs be- 
trayed these forces, that the men should be 
free to-go north if they desired it. The tran- 
sport Star of the West had been despatched 
to Indianola to bring away a portion of these 
troops, when both the vessel and the soldiers, 
although making no hostile demonstrations, 
were treacherously made captive. At mid- 
night, on the 19th of April, (the memorable 
day of the riot in Baltimore,) a Texan steamer 
approached the Star of the West, for the al- 
leged purpose of embarking on board the lat- 
ter vessel some three hundred United States 
soldiers. Preparations were accordingly made 
for their reception ; but instead of the United 
States troops, the steamer had a large number 
of Texan soldiers, who took possession of the 
transport, and sent her to New Orleans, retain- 
ing the crew as prisoners of war. Shortly 
afterwards a body of unarmed United States 
troops, while attempting to leave Indianola in 
two sailing vessels, were pursued by the Tex- 
ans in armed steamers, and made prisoners. 

Similar hostile demonstrations, wherever the 
secessionists could make them, especially in 
Virginia, where, from their proximity to the 
national capital, they were most threatening, 
indicated a determination on the part of the 


* The speech of A. H. Stephens, at Atlanta, Georgia, April 30, 
1861, acknowledges such a purpose. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


rebels, who so readily acknowledged “ the 
existence of war,” to wage it with all their 
power. . 

It was apparent, therefore, that the govern- 
ment must prepare for a more formidable 
struggle, and a longer one, than was antici- 
pated when the call for three months’ troops 
was issued. It was accordingly determined to 
raise troops for a longer term, and a calli for 
volunteers for three years, or for the war, was ~ 
issued, as follows : — 


“ By the President of the United States. 
«A PROCLAMATION. ut 


“ Whereas existing exigencies demand im- 
mediate and adequate measures for the protec- 
tion of the national constitution and the 
preservation of the national Union, by the 
suppression of the insurrectionary combina- 
tions now existing in several states for oppos- 
ing the laws of the Union, and obstructing the 
execution thereof, to which end a military force, 
in addition to that called forth by my procla- 
mation of the fifteenth day of April of the 
present year, appears to be indispeusably 
necessary, — 

“Now, therefore, 1, Apranam Linco1y, Presi- 
dent of the United States, and Commander-in- 
Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of 
the militia of the several states when called 
into actual service, do hereby call into the 
service of the United States forty-two thou- 
sand and thirty-four volunteers to serve fora 
period of three years, unless sooner discharged, 
and to be mustered into service as infantry 
and cavalry. The proportion of each arm, and 
the details of enrolment *and organization, 
will be made known through the department 
of war. 

“ And I also direct that the regular army of 
the United States be increased by the addition 
of eight regiments: of infantry, and one of 
cavalry, and one regiment of artillery, making, 
altogether, a maximum aggregate increase of 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


twenty-two thousand seven hundred and four: 
teen officers and enlisted men, the details of 
which increase will also be made known 
through the department of war. 

“And I further direct the enlistment, for 
not less than one nor more than three years, 
of eighteen thousand seamen, in addition to 
the present force, for the naval service of the 
United States. The details of the enlistment 
and organization will be made known through 
the department of the navy. 

“The call for volunteers hereby made, and 
the direction for the increase of the regular 
army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby 
given, together with the plan of organization 
adopted for the volunteers and for the regular 
forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to 
Congress as soon as assembled. In the mean 
time, I earnestly invoke the codperation of all 
good citizens in the measures hereby adopted 
for the effectual suppression of unlawful vio- 
lence, for the impartial enforcement of consti- 
tutional laws, and for the speediest possible 
restoration of peace and order, and, with those, 
of happiness and prosperity throughout our 
country. 

“In testimony whereof I have hereunto set 
my hand, and caused the seal of the United 
States to be affixed. 

“ Done at the city of Washington, this third 
day of May, in the year of our Lord 
one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
one, and of the independence of -the 
United States the eighty-fifth. 

“ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
“ By the President. 


“ Wirtram H. Sewarp, Secretary of State.” 


The response to this call in the loyal states 
was prompt and enthusiastic; and so numer- 
ous were the offers of troops that the govern- 
ment accepted a much larger number of regi- 
ments than were called for. To arm and 
equip this large number of men taxed the 


205 


military resources of the government and of 
the states to the utmost. The supply of the 
most effective arms was limited, and it was 
found necessary to make large purchases in Eu- 
rope. This was done both by the federal govern- 
ment and by some of the states. Fortunately 
this want of equipments was early foreseen, 
and orders had been sent to Europe in season 
to import a part of the requisite supply by the 
time the troops were organized. The most 
liberal provisions were made by the state legis- 
latures, municipal authorities, and individuals 
to raise and equip these troops, and to supply 
them with comforts. The sums thus appropri- 
ated amounted in the aggregate to many mil- 
lions of dollars, and greatly facilitated the 
complete equipment of the soldiers. 
of the states, too, liberal aid was given, by pub- 
lic appropriations or by private funds, to the 
families of volunteers, thus relieving the sol- 
dier from anxiety on account of those depend- 
ent upon him. 

The troops, when organized and equipped, 
were collected in Washington, in the vicinity 
of Baltimore, in Cairo, at the junction of the 
Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, in St. Louis, and 
at points on the Ohio River from which they 
could enter Western Virginia; but the larger 
part were assembled in Washington and vicin- 
ity, gradually forming a large army there, to 
be used either for the protection of the capital 
or for offensive operations in Virginia, where 
the rebels were collecting their most formida- 
ble forces. 

For the command of the large army thus 
suddenly called into the field a great number 
of general officers was required, besides the 
regimental and company officers, who were 
appointed by the governors of states. The 
number of experienced officers who could be 
appointed to these important posts was quite 
limited. Many officers who had been educated 
at the West Point Military Academy, and had 
served in the small army of the United States, 


In many 


206 


were promoted to a rank much above that they 
had held; and some men in civil life, who were 
judged to have the requisite qualifications, 
were also appointed to places of high rank. 
Among the general officers who were early 
appointed were George B. McClellan and John 
C. Fremont, major-generals in the regular 
army; Benjamin F. Butler, John A. Dix, and 
Nathaniel P. Banks, major-generals of volun- 
teers; E. V. Sumner, J. R. F. Mansfield, Irvin 
McDowell, Robert S. Anderson, and William 
S. Rosecrans, brigadier-generals in the army, 
and some of them also major-generals of vol- 
unteers. Many of the brigadier-generals of 
volunteers were regular army officers of an 
inferior grade, and not a few were taken from 
civil life, though many of these had received 
a military education, and had formerly served 
in the army.* 

The preparations made by the government 
to oppose the rebel forces and to put down the 
rebellion, though on a vast scale, compared 
with any previous war measures in the history 
of the country, did not keep pace with the 
patriotism and ardor of the people in the loyal 
states. The patriotism of the people was fully 
aroused, and they were disposed to support 
the government in the heartiest manner in all 
its efforts to maintain the Union, giving men 
and money without stint for a vigorous prose- 
cution of the war against a rebellion so rap- 
idly assuming gigantic proportions. The sec- 
retary of the treasury found bankers and 
capitalists sympathizing with the mass of the 
people in their desire to furnish the govern- 
ment with all necessary means to secure suc- 


cess; and he was enabled to obtain, on much} 


better terms than in the last months of the 
previous administration, large loans for the 


purpose of meeting the enormous expenses to | 


which the country was so suddenly subjected 


_ ————— 


* See Appendix. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. | 


by the necessity of these vast military and 
naval preparations. 

While the government transcended its pow- 
ers in the organization of armies and naval 
forces, and in raising the large sums required 
for these purposes, it could safely rely on the 
manifest patriotism of the people that all such 
action would be ratified by Congress when that 
body should assemble, as it was at once by the 
people whom Congress represented. Never, 
perhaps, was a constitutional government, of 
limited powers, so thoroughly sustained by the 
confidence of the people, and its necessary as- 
sumptions of power so readily acquiesced in. 
To the nations of Europe it revealed a new 
phase of republican institutions. They learned 
that true patriotism is consistent with such in- 
stitutions ; that loyalty to principles and ideas 
is as true and strong a sentiment as fidelity to 
a crowned head; and that the obedience of an 
intelligent, free people to its constituted rulers, 
even when they transcend their legitimate 
power for the common good, is more certain, 
as it is more hearty, than that which is secured 


by force. 


CHAPTER XXX. 


Foreign Relations. —Rebel Emissaries abroad. —Circular of Mr. 
Black, President Buchanan’s Secretary of State, to Foreign 
Ministers. — Circular of Mr. Seward. — Instructions to For- 
eign Ministers of the United States. — Negotiations respecting 
International Law concerning Privateers. — Circular of Mr. 
Seward on the Subject. — Propositions not accepted by For- 
eign Powers. — Policy of the European Powers towards the 
United States. — Russia, Austria, Prussia, &c.— England and 
France. — Efforts of Secessionists in those Countries. — Neu- 
trality. — Delay of England and France in declaring their 
Policy. — Proclamation of Neutrality by the Queen. — Similar 
Action in France. — Violation of Neutrality by British Sub- 

| jects. — Supplies of Contraband Articles, and Running of the 

Blockade. — Nassau the Depot of the Contraband 'Trade.— 

| General Remarks. 


Tue action of foreign powers, in relation to 
the internal troubles of the United States and 
the assumptions of the “Confederate States” 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


as an independent and sovereign power, was a 
subject of great importance, and early received 
the attention of the government. It was cer- 
tain that great efforts would be made, and, in- 
deed, had begun in the early stages of seces- 
sion, to secure a recognition, by some of the 
great powers of Europe, of the independence 
of the Confederate States. Kmissaries were 
sent abroad to create a sympathy for the south 
among influential classes, which should event- 
ually secure the friendly action of the govern- 
ments. Extraordinary advantages of cheap 
. cotton and free trade were held out to the self- 
interest and avarice of the nations, as induce- 
ments for this recognition; and by the mean 
misrepresentations of some of the éte of south- 
ern society, who, under the false pretences of 
ehivalry and social superiority, stooped to de- 
ception and falsehood, the poison of secession 
was infused into aristocratic circles. Even some 
of the diplomatic agents of the United States 
were engaged in this treacherous work, while 
others, less active, promoted the rebel interests 
by a weak, half-earnest support of the govern- 
ment they represented. 

On the 28th -of February, Mr. Black, then 
secretary of state under President Buchanan, 
addressed a circular to the foreign ministers of 
the United States, in which he said, — 

“Tt is not improbable that persons claiming 
to represent the states which have thus at- 
tempted to throw off their federal obligations 
will seek a recognition of their independence 
by the [Emperor of Russia.*] In the event of 
such an effort being made, you are expected by 
the President to use such means as may in your 
judgment be proper and necessary to prevent 
its success. 

“Tt must be very evident that it is the right 
of this government to ask of all foreign powers 
that the latter shall take no steps which may 


rats 
tend to encourage the revolutionary movement | 


* The same circular, mutatis mutandis, was sent to the repre- 
sentatives at other courts. 


207 


of the seceding states, or increase the danger 
of disaffection in those which still remain loyal. 
The President feels assured that the govern- 
ment of the Emperor will not do any thing in 
these affairs inconsistent with the friendship 
which this government has always heretofore 
experienced from him and his ancestors. If 
the independence of the ‘ Confederated States’ 
should be acknowledged by the great powers of 
Europe, it would tend to disturb the friendly re- 
lations, diplomatic and commercial, now existing 
between those powers and the United States.” 

Upon assuming the office of secretary of 
state under President Lincoln, Mr. Seward 
addressed a cireular to the same ministers, in 
substance as follows: — 

“Sir: My predecessor, in his despatch num- 
ber 10, addressed to you on the 28th of Febru- 
ary last, instructed you to usé all proper and 
necessary measures to prevent the success of 
efforts which may be made by persons claiming 
to represent those states of this Union in whose 
name a provisional government has been an- 
nounced to procure a recognition of their inde- 
pendence by the government of Spain. 

“]T am now instructed by the President of the. 
United States to inform you that, having as- 
sumed the administration of the government 
in pursuance of an unquestioned election and 
of the directions of the constitution, he renews 
the injunction which I have mentioned, and re- 
lies upon the exercise of the greatest possible 
diligence and fidelity on your part to counter- 
act and prevent the designs of those who would 
invoke foreign intervention to embarrass or 
overthrow the republic. 

“When you reflect on the novelty of such 
designs, their unpatriotic and revolutionary 
character, and the long train of evils which must 
follow directly or consequentially from even 
their partial or temporary success, the President 
feels assured that you will justly appreciate and 
cordially approve the caution which prompts 


|| this communication. 


208 


“JT transmit herewith a copy of the address 
pronounced by the President on taking the 
constitutional oath of office. It sets forth clear- 
ly the errors of the misguided partisans who are 
seeking, to dismember the Union, the grounds 
on which the conduct of those partisans is dis- 
allowed, and also the general policy which the 
government will pursue with a view to the 
preservation of domestic peace and order, and 
the maintenance and preservation of the fed- 
eral Union. 

“You will lose no time in submitting this 
address to the Spanish minister for foreign 
affairs, and in assuring him that the President 
of the United States entertains a full confidence 
in the speedy restoration of the harmony and 
unity of the government by a firm, yet just and 
liberal bearing, codperating with the deliberate 
and loyal action of the American people. 

“You will truthfully urge upon the Spanish 
government the-consideration that the present 
disturbances have had their origin only in pop- 
ular passions, excited under novel circumstances 
of very transient. character, and that while not 
one person of well-balanced mind has attempted 
to show that dismemberment of the Union 
would be permanently conducive to the safety 
and welfare of even his own state or section, 
much less of all the states and sections of our 
country, the people themselves still retain and 
cherish a profound confidence in our happy 
constitution, together with a veneration and 
affection for it such as no other form of gov- 
ernment .ever received at the hands of those 
for whom it was established. 

“We feel free to assume that it is the general 
conviction of men, not only here but in all 
other countries, that this federal Union affords 
a better system than any other that could be 
contrived to assure the safety, the peace, the 
prosperity, the welfare, and the happiness of 
all the states of which it is composed. The 
position of these states, and their mining, agri- 
cultural, manufacturing, commercial, political, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


and social relations and influences, seem to 
make it permanently the interest of all other 
nations that our present political system shall 
be unchanged and undisturbed. Any advan- 
tage that any foreign nation might derive from 
a connection that it might form with any dis- 
satisfied or discontented portion, state, or sec- 
tion, even if not altogether illusory, would be 
ephemeral, and would be overbalanced by the 
evils it would suffer from a disseverance of the 
whole Union, whose manifest policy it must be 
hereafter, as it has always been heretofore, to 
maintain peace, liberal commerce, and cordial. 
amity with all other nations, and to favor the 
establishment of well-ordered government over 
the whole American continent. 

“ Nor do we think we exaggerate our national 
importance when we claim that any political 
disaster that should befall us, and introduce dis- 
cord or anarchy among the states that have so. 


|long constituted one great, pacific, prosperous 


nation, under a form of government which has 


|approved itself to the respect and confidence 


of mankind, might tend by its influence to dis- 


‘turb and unsettle the existing systems of govy- 


ernment in other parts of the world, and arrest 
that progress of improvement and civilization 
which marks the era in which we live.” 

But according to the usual custom of the 
government upon a change of administration, 
new appointments were early made, as already 
mentioned,* to the more important foreign 
missions; and in the present juncture, when 
some of the ministers were in codperation with 
the secession movement, and others, from lack 
of sympathy with the new administration, were 
but indifferent representatives of their country, 
the appointment of new envoys was important 
and necessary. ‘To the new ministers special 
instructions were given more in detail, exhibit- 
ing, to some extent, the policy of the adminis- 
tration, as far as then developed, with regard 


* Page 162. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to the rebellion, and its position towards for- 
eign powers. These instructions differed ac- 
cording to the mission, but the general princi- 
ples and arguments were much the same, and 
as an example of them, the following, to Mr. 
Dayton, the minister to France, are explicit and 
forcible in stating the views of the government 
respecting the rebellion and concerning the 
rights of foreign nations : — 


“ Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton. 
‘« DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, April 22, 1861. 

“Sir: You enter a very important foreign 
mission at a moment when our demestic affairs 
have reached a crisis which awakens deep so- 
licitude. Throughout a period of eighty years 
law and order have prevailed, and internal 
peace and tranquillity have been undisturbed. 
Five months ago sedition showed itself openly 
in several of the southern states, and it has 
acted ever since that time with boldness, skill, 
and energy. An insurrectionary government, 
embracing seven members of this Union, has 
been proclaimed under the name of the Con- 
federate States of America. That pretended 
authority, by means chiefly of surprise, easily 
seen here to have been unavoidable, although 
liable to be misunderstood abroad, has possessed 
itself of a navy yard, several fortifications and 
arsenals, and considerable quantities of arms, 
ordnance, and military stores. On the 12th of 
April, instant, its forces commenced an attack 
upon, and ultimately carried, Fort Sumter, 
against the brave and heroic resistance of a 
diminutive garrison, which had been, through 
the neglect of the former administration, left 
in a condition to prevent supplies and reén- 
forcements. 

“Owing to the very peculiar construction of 
our system, the late administration, Congress, 
and every: other department of the federal 
government, including the army and the navy, 
contained agents, abettors, and sympathizers in 


this insurrection. 
27 


The federal authorities thus | 


209 


became inefficient, while large portions of the 
people were bewildered by the suddenness of 
the appearance of disunion, by apprehension 
that needless resistance might aggravate and 
precipitate the movement, and by political 
affinities with those engaged in it. 

“The project of dismembering the Union 
doubtless has some support in commercial and 
political ambition. But it is chiefly based upon 
a local, though widely-extended partisan dis- 
appointment in the result of the recent election 
of President of the United States. It acquired 
strength for a time from its assumed character 
of legitimate opposition to a successful party, 
while, on the other hand, that party could not 
all at once accept the fact that an administra- 
tive political issue had given place to one which 
involved the very existence of the government 
and of the Union. These embarrassments are 
passing away so rapidly as to indicate that far 
the greater mass of the people remain loyal as 
heretofore. The President improved the tem- 
porary misfortune of the fall of Fort Sumter by 
calling on the militia of the states to reénforce 
the federal army, and summoning Congress for 
its counsel and aid in the emergency. On the 
other hand, the insurrectionists have met those 
measures with an invitation to privateers from 
all lands to come forth and commit depreda- 
tions on the commerce of the country. 

“To take care that the government of his 
Majesty the Emperor of France do not mis- 
understand our position, and through that mis- 
understanding do us some possible wrong, is 
the chief duty which you will have to perform 
at Paris. 

“Tt would have been gratifying to the Presi- 
dent if the movements to which I have alluded 
had taken such a course as to leave this gov- 
ernment free from the necessity, in any event, 
of conferring upon them in the presence of 
foreign powers. In this age of social develop- 
ment, however, isolation even in misfortune is 
impossible, and every attempt at revolution in 


210 


one country becomes a subject of discussion in 
every other. The agitators in this case have, 
perhaps not unnaturally, carried their bad cause 
before foreign states by an appeal for recogni- 
tion of the independence they have proclaimed, 
and which they are committed to establish by 
arms. Prudence requires that we oppose that 
appeal. The President believes that you will 
be able to do this in such a manner as will at 
once comport with the high consideration for 
his Imperial Majesty which this government 
habitually entertains, and a due sense of the 
dignity and honor of the American people. 
“The Emperor of France has given abundant 
proofs that he considers the people in every 
country the rightful source of all authority, and 
that its only legitimate objects are their safety, 
freedom, and welfare. He is versed in our 
constitution, and therefore he will not need 
demonstration that the system which is estab- 
lished by the constitution is founded strictly on 
those very principles. You will be at no loss 
to show also that it is perfectly adapted to the 
physical condition and the temper, spirit, and 
habits of the American people. In all its es- 
sential features it is the same system which 
was first built, and has since existed with ever- 
renewed popular consent in this part of Ameri- 
ca. The people of this country have always 
enjoyed the personal rights guaranteed by the 
great statutes of British freedom, representation 
concurrent with taxation, jury trial, hberty of 
conscience, equality before the laws, and popu- 
lar suffrage. The element of federation or union 
was early developed while the colonies were 
under the authority of, and during their revo- 
lutionary contest with, the British crown, and 
was perfected afterwards by the establishment 
of the constitution of the United States. Prac- 
tically it has been voluntarily accepted by every 
state, territory, and individual citizen of the 
United States. The working of the system has 
been completely successful, while not one square 
mile of domain that we at any time had occu- 


| 


HISTORY OF ‘THE UNITED STATES. 


pied has ever been lost to us. We have ex- 
tended our jurisdiction from the St. Mary’s 
River to the Rio Grande, on the Gulf of Mexico, 
and in a wide belt from the Mississippi to the 
Pacific Ocean. Our population has swollen 
from four millions to thirty-one millions. The 
number of our states has increased from thirteen 
to thirty-four. Our country has risen from insig- 
nificance to be the second in the world. Leav- 
ing out of view unimportant local instances of 
conflict, we have had only two foreign wars, 
and the aggregate duration of them was less 
than five years. Not one human life has hith- 
erto been forfeited for disloyalty to the govern- 
ment, nor has martial law ever been established, 
except temporarily in case of invasion. No 
other people have ever enjoyed so much im- 
munity from the various forms of political 
casualties and calamities. 

“ While there is not now, even in the midst 
of the gathering excitement of civil war, one 
American who declares his dissent from the 
principles of the constitution, that great charter 
of federal authority has won the approbation 
of the civilized world. Many nations have taken, 
it as a model, and almost every other one has 
in some degree conformed its institutions to the 
principles of this constitution. The empire of 
France, and the new kingdom of Italy especially, 
are built on the same broad foundation with 
that of this federal republic, namely, universal 
suffrage. 

“Surely we cannot err in assuming that a 
system of government which arose out of the 
free consent of the people of this country, which 
has been often reconsidered and yet continually 
upheld in preference to every other throughout 
a period of two hundred years, which has com- 
manded the acceptance or the approval of all 
other nations, and to the principles of which 
even those who attempt to overthrew it adhere 
in the very heat of insurrection, must be re- 
garded as one which is not only well adapted 
to the condition and character of the American 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


people, but is even indispensable and insepara- 
ble from their national existence. 

“Should it be answered that while all this 
has heretofore seemed true, yet that it is now 
disproved by the existing insurrection, you 
may truthfully reply that we must wait for that 
refutation until we see the end of the insurrec- 
tion; that the insurrection proves in fact noth- 
ing else except that eighty-years of peace is as 
much as human nature has the moderation to 
endure under circumstances the most conducive 
to moderation. 

“The attempted revolution is simply cause- 
less. It is, indeed, equally without a reason 
and without an object. Confessedly there is 
neither reason nor object, unlesss it be one 
arising out of the subject of slavery. The prac- 
tice of slavery has been so long a theme of 
angry political debate, while it has all the time 
been, as it yet is, a domestic concern, that I ap- 
proach it with deep regret in a communication 
which relates to the action of a representative 
of this government abroad. I refrain from any 
observation whatever concerning the morality 
or the immorality, the economy or the waste, 
the social or the unsocial aspects of slavery, and 
confine myself, by direction of the President, 
strictly to the point that the attempt at revo- 
lution on account of it is, as I have already said, 
without reason and without object. Slavery of 
persons of African derivation existed practically 
within all the European colonies which, as states, 
now constitute the United States of America. 
The framers of our government accepted that 
fact, and with it the ideas concerning it which 
were then gaining ground throughout the civ- 
ilized world. They expected and desired that 
it should ultimately cease, and with that view, 
authorized Congress to prohibit the foreign 
slave trade after 1808. They did not expect 
that the practice of African slavery should be 
abruptly terminated to the prejudice of the 
peace and the economy of the country. ‘They 
therefore placed the entire control of slavery, 


211 


as it was then existing, beyond the control of 
the federal authorities, by leaving it to remain 
subject to the exclusive management and dis- 
position of the several states themselves, and 
fortified it there with a provision for the return 
of fugitives from labor and service, and another 
securing an allowance of three fifths of such 
persons in fixing the basis of direct taxation 
and representation. The legislators of that 
day took notice of the existence of a vast and 
nearly unoccupied region lying between the 
western borders of the Atlantic states and the 
Mississippi River. A few slaves were found 
in the south-west, and none in the north-west. 
They left the matter in the south-west to the 
discretion of the new states to be formed there, 
and prohibited the practice of slavery in the 
north-western region forever. 

“ Kconomical, moral, and political causes have 
subsequently modified the sentiments of that 
age differently in the two sections. Long ago 
slavery was prohibited by all the northern 
states, and, on the contrary, the increased pro- 
duction of cotton has resulted in fortifying the 
institution of slavery in the southern states. 
The accretions of domain, by purchase from 
Spain, France, and Mexico, brought regions in 
which slavery had either a very slight foothold 
or none at all; and this new domain, as it should 
come under occupation, was to be constituted 
into new states, which must be either free states 
or slave states. The original states divided ac- 
cording to their own divers practices — the free 
states seeking so to direct federal legislation 
and action as to result in multiplying free 
states, and the slave states so to direct them as 
to multiply slave states. The interest became 
more intense because the several states have 
equal representation in the senate of the United 
States. This controversy soon disclosed itself 
in the popular elections, and more distinctly 
than ever before in the recent canvass, which 
resulted in the accession of the present admin- 
istration. 


212 


«Tt is now to be observed that, from the éar- 
liest agitation of the subject until that last elec- 
tion, the decisions of the people were practically 
favorable to the interest of the class which 
favored the extension of slavery ; and yet their 
opponents always acquiesced. Under these 
circumstances, the executive administration, the 
national legislature, and the judiciary, were for 
practical purposes in the hands of that party, 
and the laws, with the administration and ex- 
ecution of them, conformed to their own policy. 
The opposite class prevailed in the late election 
so far as to bring in the President and Vice- 
President, the citizens they had preferred, but 
no further —Congress and the judiciary re- 
mained under the same bias as before. The 
new President could not assume his trust until 
the 4th of March, 1861, and even after that 
time, as before, the laws and the execution of 
them must remain unchanged. He could not, 
without consent of his opponents in Congress, 
change either, nor appoint a minister, or a min- 
isterial officer, nor draw a dollar from the treas- 
ury even for his own defence or support. It 
was under these circumstances that, on the very 
day when the election closed and its result 
became known, four months before the new 
administration was to come in, the disappointed 
party took their appeal from the ballot-box to 
arms, and inaugurated their revolution. 

“T need not further elaborate the proposition 
that the revolution is without a cause; it- has 
not even a pretext. 

“Tt is just as clear that it is without an ob- 
ject. Moral and physical causes have deter- 
mined inflexibly the character of each one of 
the territories over which the dispute has arisen, 
and both parties after the election harmoniously 
agreed on all the federal laws required for their 
organization. The territories will remain in all 
respects the same, whether the revolution shall 
succeed or shall fail. The condition of slavery 
in the several states will remain just the same 
whether it succeed or fail. There is not even 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


{a pretext for the complaint that the disaffected 
states are to be conquered by the United States 
if the revolution fail; for the rights of the 
states, and the condition of every human being 
in them, will remain subject to exactly the same 
laws and forms of administration, whether the 
revolution shall succeed or whether it shall 
fail. In the one case, the states would be fed- 
erally connected with the new confederacy ; in 
the other, they would, as now, be members of 
the United States; but their constitutions and 
laws, customs, habits, and institutions in either 
case will remain the same. 

“It is hardly necessary to add to this incon 
testable statement the further fact that the new 
President, as well as the citizens through whose 
suffrages he has come into the administration, 
has always repudiated all designs whatever and 
wherever imputed to him and them of disturb- 
ing the system of slavery as it is existing under 
the constitution and laws. The case, however, 
would not be fully presented if I were to omit 
to say that any such effort on his part would 
be unconstitutional, and all his actions in that 
direction would be prevented by the judicial 
authority, even though they were assented to 
by Congress and the people. 

“This revolution, thus equally destitute of 
just cause and legitimate object, aims, never- 
theless, at the dismemberment of the federal 
Union, and, if successful, must end in the over- 
throw of the government of the United States. 
If it be true, as the consent of mankind author- 
izes us to assume, that the establishment of this 
government was the most auspicious political 
event that has happened in the whole progress 
of history, its fall must be deemed not merely a 
national calamity, which a patriotic government 
ought to try to prevent, but a misfortune to 
the human race, which should secure for us at 
least the forbearance of all other nations. 

“Tt cannot be maintained that disunion 
would leave it still existing in its true char: 
acter, and for its proper ends, although in two 


PRESIDENT 


not very unequal and similar parts. Its in- 
tegrity as a federal government, embracing all 
of the American independent, contiguous, and 
homogeneous states, protecting them all against 
foreign dangers and internal commotions, se- 
curing to them all a common property, great- 
ness, dignity, influence, and happiness, is an 
indispensable feature of its constitution. 
“Dismemberment would be less effectually 
subversive of the character, objects, and pur- 
poses of the Union, if the two confederacies, 
which it is proposed shall succeed it, could 
severally be expected to exercise its great 
functions within their respective dominions. 
But this would be impossible. The several 
states are now held in union with each other 
by a confessed obligation of cohesion that 
only their common consent could dissolve, and 
that moral law, hitherto acknowledged by all, 
is substituted for the central military author- 
ity, which, in other systems, secures the integ- 
rity, as well as the peace and harmony, of 
states. But if the revolution shall prevail, and 
dismemberment ensue, the federal obligation 
in that case will be broken, its moral force 
spent, and in its place there must come up 


the principles which are the acknowledged. 


elements of the revolution, namely: first, that 
in either confederacy each state is at liberty 
to secede at pleasure; and secondly, the 
minority in each confederacy, and even in 
each state, may, whenever the will of the ma- 
jority is ascertained, take an appeal from the 
ballot to the sword. It is manifest that the 
success of this revolution would therefore be 
not only a practical overthrow of the entire 
system of government, but the first stage by 
each confederacy in the road to anarchy, such 
as so widely prevails in Spanish America. 
The contest, then, involves nothing less than 
a failure of the hope to devise a stable system 
of government upon the principle of the con- 
sent of the people, and working through the 
peaceful expressions of their will without de- 


LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


213 


pending on military authority. If the Presi- 
dent were addressing his countrymen at home 
on this occasion, instead of one of their represen- 
tatives going abroad, he would direct me to set 
forth the consequences which obviously must 
follow the dissolution of the American Union 
— the loss of the ambition, which is a needful 
inspiration to a great people; -the loss of the 
respect of mankind, and the veneration and 
respect of posterity; the loss of the enterprise 
and vigor which make us a prosperous nation ; 
and, with the loss of sustained and constant 
culture, which makes us an intellectual peo- 
ple, the loss of safety, both at home and 
abroad, which. directly involves the greatest 
calamity of all, the loss of liberty. It is suffi- 
cient only to allude to these possible evils on 
this occasion to afford you the grounds for as- 
suring the government of France that the 
President regards the revolution as one which 
in every event must and will be prevented, 
since it is manifest that the evils which would 
result from its success would be as incurable as 
they would be intolerable. 

“Tt is, indeed, an occasion of much regret 
that it has been found needful to employ force 
for this purpose. It is contrary to the genius 
and the habits of the people, as it is repug- 
nant to the sentiments of the government of 
the country and of mankind. But the Presi- 
dent believes that the country will accept that 
alternative with the less regret because suff- 
cient time has been allowed to try every ex- 
pedient of conciliatory prevention, and civil 
war is at last proved to be unavoidable. The 
responsibility of it must rest with those who 
have not only inaugurated it, but have done 
so without cause and without provocation. 
The world will see that it is an evil that comes 
upon us not from any necessity growing out 
of administration, or out of our constitution 
itself, but from a necessity growing out of our 
common nature. 

“It must not, however, be inferred, that the 


214 


reluctance of the government to employ force 
so long has demoralized the administration, or 
can demoralize the American people. They 
are capable of a high, resolute, and vigorous 
defence of the Union, and they will maintain 
that defence with only the more firmness and 
fidelity, because they are animated by no hos- 
tile spirit, but, on the contrary, by a friendly 
and even fraternal one, being satisfied that its 
benefits will result equally to those who are 
engaged in overthrowing and those who are 
engaged in defending the Union. 

“T have thus, under the President’s direction, 
placed before you a simple, unexaggerated, and 
dispassionate statement of the origin, nature, 
and purposes of the contest in which the 
United States are now involved. I have done 
so only for the purpose of deducing from it 
the arguments you will find it necessary to 
employ in opposing the application of the so- 
called Confederate States to the government 
of his Majesty the Emperor for a recognition 
of its independence and sovereignty. 

“The President neither expects nor desires 
any intervention, or even any favor, from the 
government of France, or any other, in this 
emergency. Whatever else he may consent to 
do, he will never invoke, nor even admit, for- 
eign interference or influence in this or any 
other controversy in which the government of 
the United States may be engaged with any 
portion of the American people. It has been 
simply his aim to show that the present con- 
troversy furnishes no one ground on which a 
great and friendly power, like France, can 
justly lend aid or sympathy to the party en- 
gaged in insurrection, and therefore he in- 
structs you to insist on the practice of neu- 
trality by the government of the Emperor, as 
all our representatives are instructed to insist 
on the neutrality of the several powers to 
which they are aceredited. 

“Not entertaining the least apprehension of 
the departure from that course by his Majes- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


'ty’s government, it is not without some reluc- 


tance that the President consents to the sugges- 
tion of some considerations affecting France 
herself, which you may urge in support of it. 
France is an agricultural and manufacturing 
country. Her industry depends very largely 
on a consumption of her productions and fab- 
rics within the United States, and on the re- 
ceipt, in exchange, of cotton, or other staples, 
or their equivalent in money, from the United 
States. The ability of the United States to 
thus consume and furnish depends on their 
ability to maintain and preserve peace. War 
here will in any case be less flagrant, and 
peace, when broken, will be restored all the 
more quickly and all the more perfectly if for- 
eign nations shall have the sagacity, not to say 
the magnanimity, to practise the neutrality we 
demand. 

“Foreign intervention would oblige us to 
treat those who would yield it as allies of the 
insurrectionary party, and to carry on the war 
against them as enemies. The case would not 
be relieved, but, on the contrary, would only 
be aggravated, if several Huropean states 
should combine in that intervention. The 
President and the people of the United States 
deem the Union, which would then be at stake, 
worth all the cost and all the sacrifices of a ~ 
contest with the world in arms, if such a con- 
test should prove inevitable. 

“ However other Kuropean powers may mis- 
take, his Majesty is the last one of those sov- 
ereigns to misapprehend the nature of this 
controversy. He knows that the revolution 


of 1775 in this country was a successful con- 
test of the great American idea of free pop- 
ular government against resisting prejudices 


and errors. He knows that the conflict awa- 
kened the sympathies of mankind, and that 


ultimately the triumph of that idea has been 
hailed by all Kuropean nations. 


He knows at 
what cost European nations resisted for a time 


the progress of that idea, and perhaps is not 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


unwilling to confess how much France, espe- 
_ cially, has profited by it. He will not fail to 
recognize the presence of that one great idea 
in the present conflict, nor will he mistake the 
side on which it will be found. It is, in short, 
the very principle of universal suffrage, with 
its claim to obedience to its decrees, on which 
the government of France is built, that is put 
in issue by the insurrection here, and is in this 
emergency to be vindicated, and, more effect- 
ually than ever, established by the government 
of the United States. 

“J forbear from treating of questions arising 
out of the revenue laws of the United States, 
which lately have been supposed to have some 
bearing on the subject. They have already 
passed away before the proclamation of the 
blockade of ports in the hands of the revolu- 
tionary party. Nor could considerations so 
merely mercenary and ephemeral in any case 
cnter into the counsels of the Emperor of France. 

“You will, naturally enough, be asked, What 
is the President’s expectation concerning the 
progress of the contest and the prospect of its 
termination? It is, of course, impossible to 
speculate, with any confidence, upon the course 
of a revolution, and to fix times and seasons 
for the occurrence of political events affected 
by the excitement of popular passions; but 
there are two things which may be assumed as 
certain: first, that the union of these states 
is an object of supreme and undying devotion 
on the part of the American people, and, there- 
fore, it will be vindicated and maintained ; 
secondly, the American people, notwithstanding 
any temporary disturbance of their equanim- 
ity, are yet a sagacious and practical people, 
and less experience of evils than any other 
nation would require will bring them back to 
their customary and habitual exercise of rea- 
son and reflection, and, through that process, 
to the settlement of the controversy without 
further devastation and demoralization by need- 
less continuance in a state of civil war. 


| 


215 


“The President recognizes, to a certain ex- 
tent, the European idea of the balance of power. 
If the principle has any foundation at all, the 
independence and the stability of these United 
States, just in their present form, properties, 
and character, are essential to the preservation 
of the balance between the nations of the earth 
as it now exists. It is not easy to see how 
France, Great Britain, Russia, or even reviving 
Spain, could hope to suppress wars of ambition 
which must inevitably break out if this con- 
tinent of North America, now, after the exclu- 
sion of foreign interests for three quarters of a 
century, is again to become a theatre for the 
ambition and cupidity of European nations. 

“It stands forth now to the glory of France 
that she contributed to the emancipation of 
this continent from the control of European 
states — an emancipation which has rendered 
only less benefit to those nations than to Amer- 
ica itself. The present enlightened monarch 
of France is too ambitious, in the generous 
sense of the word, to signalize hisereign by an 
attempt to reverse that great and magnanimous 
transaction. He is, moreover, too wise not to 
understand that the safety and advancement 
of the United States are guaranteed by the 
necessities, and, therefore, by the sympathies, 
of mankind. 

“Tam, sir, respectfully, 

“Your obedient servant, 


“ Wittram H. Sewarp. 
‘‘Hon. Wittiam L. Dayton, &c.” 


In view of the proclamation of Jefferson 
Davis, proposing to issue letters of marque, 
and the possibility that under that proposition 
the sea might swarm with privateers, greatly 
to the detriment of the commerce of the 
United States, the government further sought 
to establish with other maritime powers certain 
principles of public law for the protection of 
private property upon the sea. The principles 
in question had, some years before, been the 


216 


subject of negotiation among the leading mar- 
itime powers of Europe, and the United States 
had, to some extent, participated in these nego- 
tiations, but without becoming a party to any 
convention or agreement. The history of the 
negotiations, and the character of the proposi- 
tions to which the European powers agreed, 
are shown in the following circular sent by Mr. 
Seward to the United States ministers at the 
courts of those powers, for the purpose of 
now making the United States a party to the 
international agreement, and thus diminishing 
the dangers to commerce by stamping priva- 
teering as piracy. 


“ Mr. Seward to Ministers of the United States in Great 
Britain, France, Russia, Prussia, Austria, Belgium, Ita- 
ly, and Denmark. 

CIRCULAR. 


‘¢ DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WasHINGTON, April 24, 1861. 

“Str: The advocates of benevolence and 
the believers in human progress, encouraged 
by the slow though marked meliorations of 
the barbarities of war which have obtained in 
modern times, have been, as you are well 
aware, recently engaged with much assiduity 
in endeavoring to effect some modifications of 
the law of nations in regard to the rights of 
neutrals in maritime war. In the spirit of 
these movements the President of the United 
States, in the year 1854, submitted to the sev- 
eral maritime nations two propositions, to 
which he solicited their assent as permanent 
principles of international law, which were as 
follows: 

“<1, Free ships make free goods; that is to 
say, that the effects or goods belonging to sub- 
jects or citizens of a power or state at war are 
free from capture or confiscation when found 
on board of neutral vessels, with the exception 
of articles contraband of war. 

“<9. That the property of neutrals on board 
an enemy’s vessel is not subject to confiscation 
unless the same be contraband of war’ 


? 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


“Several of the governments to which these 
propositions were submitted expressed their 
willingness to accept them, while some others, 
which were in a state of war, intimated a de- 
sire to defer acting thereon until the return 
of peace should present what they thought 
would be a more auspicious season for such 
interesting negotiations. 

“On the 16th of April, 1856, a congress was 
in session at Paris. It consisted of several 
maritime powers, represented by their pleni- 
potentiaries, namely, Great Britain, Austria, 
France, Russia, Prussia, Sardinia, and Turkey. 
That congress having taken up the general 
subject to which allusion has already been 
made in this letter, on the day before men- 
tioned, came to an agreement, which they 
adopted in the form of a declaration, to the 
effect following: namely, — 

“<1, Privateering is and remains abolished. 

“<2. The neutral flag covers enemy’s goods, 
with the exception of contraband of war. 

“<3. Neutral goods, with the exception of 
contraband of war, are not liable to capture 
under enemy’s flag. 

“<4, Blockades, in order to be binding, must 
be effective ; that is to say, maintained by forces 
sufficient really to prevent access to the coast 
of the enemy’ 

“The agreement pledged the parties consti- 
tuting the congress to-bring the declaration 
thus made to the knowledge of the states 
which had not been represented in that body, 
and to invite them to accede to it. The con- 


|| gress, however, at the same time insisted, in 


the first place, that the declaration should be 
binding only on the powers who were or 
should become parties to it as one whole and 
indivisible compact; and, secondly, that the 
parties who had agreed, and those who should 
afterwards accede to it, should, after the adop- 
tion of the same, enter into no arrangement 
on the application of maritime law in time 
of war without stipulating for a strict obser- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


vance of the four points resolved by the decla- 
ration. 

“The declaration which I have thus substan- 
tially recited of course prevented all the pow- 
ers which became parties to it from accepting 
the two propositions which had been before 
submitted to the-maritime nations by the Pyresi- 
dent of the United States. 

“The declaration was, in due time, submitted 
by the governments represented in the con- 
gress at Paris to the government of the United 
States. 

“The President, about the 14th of July, 
1856, made known to the states concerned his 
unwillingness to accede to the declaration. In 
making that announcement on behalf of this 
government, my predecessor, Mr. Marcy, called 
the attention of those states to the following 
points, namely : — 

“1st. That the second and third proposi- 
tions, contained in the Paris declaration, are 
substantially the same with the two proposi- 
tions which had before been submitted to the 
maritime states by the President. 

“2d. That the Paris declaration, with the 
conditions annexed, was inadmissible by the 
United States in three respects; namely, first, 
that the government of the United States 
could not give its assent to the first proposi- 
tion contained in the declaration, namely, that 
‘privateering is and remains abolished, al- 
though it was willing to accept it with an 
amendment which should exempt the private 
property of individuals, though belonging to 
belligerent states, from seizure or confiscation 
by national vessels in maritime war. Second, 
that for this reason the stipulation annexed to 
the declaration, viz., that the propositions must 
be taken altogether or rejected altogether, 
without modification, could not be allowed. 
Third, that the fourth condition annexed to 
the declaration, which provided that the parties 
acceding to it should enter into no negotiation 

28 


217 


for any modifications of the law of maritime 
war with nations which should not contain the 
four points contained in the Paris declaration, 
seemed inconsistent with a proper regard to 
the national sovereignty of the United States. 

“On the 29th of July, 1856, Mr. Mason, 
then minister of the United States at Paris, 
was instructed by the President to propose to 
the government of France to enter into an 
arrangement for its adherence, with the United 
States, to the four principles of the declaration 
of the congress of Paris, provided the first of 
them should be amended as specified in Mr. 
Marcy’s note to the Count de Sartiges on the 
28th of July, 1856. Mr. Mason accordingly 
brought the subject to the notice of the im- 
perial government of France, which was dis- 
posed to entertain the matter favorably, but 
which failed to communicate its decision on 
the subject to him. Similar instructions re- 
garding the matter were addressed by this 
department to Mr. Dallas, our minister at Lon- 
don, on the 31st day of January, 1857; but 
the proposition above referred to had not been 
directly presented to the British government 
by him when the administration of this gov- 
ernment by Franklin Pierce, during whose 
term these proceedings occurred, came to an 
end, on the 3d of March, 1857, and was suc- 
ceeded by that of James Buchanan, who di- 
rected the negotiations to be arrested for the 
purpose of enabling him to examine the ques- 
tions involved, and they have ever since re- 
mained in that state of suspension. 

“The President of the United States has 
now taken the subject into consideration, and 
he is prepared to communicate his views upon 
it, with a disposition to bring the negotiation 
to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion. 

“ For that purpose you are hereby instructed 
to seek an early opportunity to call the atten- 
tion of Her Majesty’s government to the sub- 
ject, and to ascertain whether it is disposed to 


218 HISTORY OF 


enter into negotiations for the accession of 
the government of the United States to the 
declaration of the Paris congress, with the con- 
ditions annexed by that body to the same; 
and if you shall find that government so dis- 
posed, you will then enter into a convention 
to that effect, substantially in the form of a 
project for that purpose herewith transmitted 
to you; the convention to take effect from the 
time when the due ratifications of the same 
shall have been exchanged. It is presumed 
that you will need no special explanation of 
the sentiments of the President on this sub- 
ject for the purpose of conducting the neces- 
sary conferences with the government to which 
you are accredited. Its assent is expected on 
the ground that the proposition is accepted at 
its suggestion, and in the form it has preferred. 
For your own information it will be sufficient 
to say that the President adheres to the opin- 
ion expressed by my predecessor, Mr. Marcy, 
that it would be eminently desirable for the 
good of all nations that the property and ef- 
fects of private individuals, not contraband, 
should be exempt from seizure and confiscation 
by national vessels in maritime war. If the 
time and circumstances were propitious to a 
prosecution of the negotiation with that object 
in view, he would direct that it should be as- 
siduously pursued. But the right season seems 
to have passed, at least for the present. Eu- 
rope seems once more on the verge of quite 
general wars. On the other hand, a portion 
of the American people have raised the stan- 
dard of insurrection, and proclaimed a provis- 
ional government, and, through their organs, 
have taken the bad resolution to invite priva- 
teers to prey upon the peaceful commerce of 
the United States. 

“Prudence and humanity combine in per- 
suading the President, under the circumstances, 
that it is wise to secure the lesser good offered 
by the Paris congress, without waiting indefi- 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


nitely in hope to obtain the greater one offered 
to the maritime nations by the President of 
the United States. 
“T am, sir, respectfully, 
“ Your obedient servant, 
“Wirtam H. Szwarp.” 


Various obstacles were thrown in the way 
of agreeing to such a convention by some of 
the principal maritime powers, and no imme- 
diate advantage was derived from the proposi- 
tion. The action of the government, however, 
was of moment to the future interests of law- 
ful commerce, and had an important bearing 
on questions likely to arise in the course of 
the war; while the failure to enter into the 
proposed convention may subsequently have 
prejudiced the interests of parties, the subjects 
of Kuropean sovereigns, who might have 
claimed the protection of the neutral flag. 

The spirit manifested by some of the prin- 
cipal powers of Europe towards the United 
States was such as had been hoped for. Rus- 
sia, with whom the relations of the United 
States had always been most friendly, ex- 
pressed a hearty sympathy with the United 
States, and a hope that the internal troubles 
would soon be settled. Austria, who naturally 
had an aversion to insurrection and rebellion 
against established authority, gave ample as- 
surance that the rebel states would receive no 
encouragement there. Prussia declared her 
sympathy with the federal government, and 
some of the inferior powers expressed their 
friendship in a similar manner. In England 
and France, however, with whose people the 
United States were more intimately connected, 
there was less cordiality for the federal gov- 
ernment than was expected. « It was in those 
countries, especially, that the secessionists had 
labored most earnestly to poison the public 
mind, and to secure the interest of the goy- 
ernments. They found there not a few influ- 


. PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ential presses and individuals who espoused 
their course openly, or, with secret friendship, 
indirectly aided them by advocating neutrality 
on the part of their government, and advising 
“peaceful separation” as the best and only 
mode of adjusting the difficulties. Neutrality, 
indeed, was all that the government and Hy 
ple of the United States demanded, though 
they hoped for sympathy from nations and 
governments which had so often avowed their 
abhorrence of slavery. But it was a genuine 
neutrality that was asked, of action and of 
language — a thorough non-intervention on the 
part both of government and, people, and an 
avoidance of any recognition of the rebellious 
states that should give them the rights of an 
independent government, or put them on an 
equality with the government of the United 
States, with which these powers had treaties 
and friendly relations. 

It was some time before stig English and 
French governments declared their purposes 
with regard to the rebellion. It was com- 
monly understood that they would act in con- 
cert, as they had in other cases; and there 
were constant rumors of the course which 
they had decided to pursue. At last, on the 
13th of May, the English government defined 
its policy by a proclamation of neutrality by 
the Queen. The substance of this proclama- 
tion was as follows: — 

“ Whereas we are happily at peace with all 
sovereign powers and states; and whereas hos- 
tilities have unhappily commenced between 
the government of the United States and cer- 
tain states styling themselves the Confederate 
States of America; and whereas we, being at 
peace with the government of the United 
‘States, have declared our royal determination 
to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality in 
the contest between the said contending par- 
ties, — we, therefore, have thought fit, with the 
advice of privy council, to issue our royal 
proclamation. 


219 


“And we do hereby strictly charge and 
command all our loving subjects to observe a 
strict neutrality in and during the aforesaid 
hostilities, and to abstain from violating or 
contravening either the laws and statutes of 
the realm in this behalf, or the law of nations 
in relation thereto, as they will answer to the 
contrary at their peril. 

“ And we hereby further warn all our loving 
subjects, and all persons whatever entitled to 
our protection, that if any of them shall pre- 
sume, in contempt of this royal proclamation, 
and of our high displeasure, to do any acts in 
derogation of their duty as subjects of a 
neutral sovereign in said contest, or in viola- 
tion or contravention of the law of nations in 
that behalf, as, for example and more especially, 
by entering into the military service of either 
of the contending parties, as commissioned or 
non-commissioned officers or soldiers; or by 
serving as Officers, sailors, or marines on board 
any ship or vessel of war, or transport of or in 
the service of either of the contending. par- 
ties; or by serving as officers, sailors, or ma- 
rines on board any privateer hearing letters of 
marque of or from either of the said contend- 
ing parties; or by engaging to go or going to 
any place beyond the seas, with intent to en- 
list or engage in any such service, or by pro- 
curing or attempting to procure within Her 
Majesty’s dominions, at home or abroad, others 
to do so; or by fitting out, arming, or equip- 
ping any ship or vessel to be employed as a 
ship of war, or privateer, or transport, by either 
of the said contending parties; or by break- 
ing, or endeavoring to break, any blockade 
lawfully and actually established by or on be- 
half of either of the said contending parties; 
or by carrying officers, soldiers, despatches, 
arms, military stores or materials, or any arti- 
cle or articles considered and deemed to be 
contraband of war, according to law or modern 
usage of nations, for the use or service of 
either of the said contending parties, — all 


220 


persons so offending will incur and be liable to 
the several penalties and penal consequences 
by said statute, or by the law of nations in 
that behalf imposed. 

“ And we do hereby declare that all our sub- 
jects, and persons entitled to our protection, 
who may misconduct themselves in these prem- 
ises, will do so at their own peril and of their 
own wrong, and that they will in no wise ob- 
tain any protection from us, against any liabil- 
ities or penal consequences, but will, on the 
contrary, incur our high displeasure by such 
misconduct. 

“Given at Richmond Park, May 15.” 


France soon followed the example of Eng- 
land by declaring neutrality, and the Emperor 
issued a similar proclamation. These procla- 
mations probably had the effect to deter per- 
sons, who otherwise might have been tempted 
by the offer of Jefferson Davis, from fitting 
out privateers; but the cupidity of many of 
the English led them to fit out vessels loaded 
with articles contraband of war for the purpose 
of running the blockade. The rebels in this 
way received much aid and comfort from the 
English; and while any thing destined for the 
United States was closely watched, it does not 
appear that the proceedings intended to aid the 
rebels were, to any considerable extent, inter- 
fered with. In the British North American Prov- 
inces and the British West Indies the Queen’s 
proclamation was constantly violated with im- 
punity, and large supplies were thus furnished 
to the rebels by running the blockade in small 
vessels and steamers, which, at some point or 
other on the extended coast of the southern 
states, were enabled to avoid the blockading 
cruisers. As the blockading fleet was increased, 
the difficulties attending this contraband trade 
were multiplied, and many of the vessels were 
captured as prizes. The principal depot of 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the trade was at Nassau, New Providence, to 
which place large quantities of contraband 
goods were carried, and were there transferred 
to smaller and swift vessels, to be carried into 
some of the southern ports. And while this 
trade was carried on without any apparent 
restraint on the part of the British authorities, 
the cruisers of the United States were not 
allowed to coal there, or at any other British ~ 
port in the West Indies; an example which 
was followed in the Dutch colonies. 

Such was the policy of the leading maritime 
powers towards the “ belligerents,” as the gov- 
ernment and loyal people of the United States, 
on the one hand, and the traitors and rebels 
on the other, were termed. The United 
States government, a leading power among 
the nations of the world, having treaty rela- 
tions with all other leading powers, was treated 
with the coldest forms of strict neutrality ; 
while the rebel Confederacy, not recognized as 
an independent power by any nation, was 
nominally subjected to the same neutrality, 
while practically it received all the benefits of 
a lax administration on the part of the public 
authorities, and the hearty sympathy and aid 
of parties who should have been bound to a 
close observance of the avowed neutrality. It 
is to be observed, however, in justice to other 


foreign nations, that the contraband trade, by 


which the rebels were supplied with materials 
of war, and the violation of the blockade, were 
carried on almost wholly by the English. 

It has been necessary to anticipate our nar- 
rative a little in thus alluding to the foreign 
relations of the United States and the policy 
adopted by other nations with regard to the 
insurrection; but, as a matter of considerable 
importance in the history of the rebellion, these 
affairs could not well be overlooked before con- 
tinuing the relation of domestic events and the 
warlike movements of armed forces. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER XXXL 


Military Movements. — Position of the Rebels in Virginia. — 
Federal Troops sent to the Relay House. — Their Position. — 
Effect of the Movement. — Landing of Troops in Baltimore. 
— Entrance of Massachusetts Troops into Baltimore. — Pos- 
session of Federal Hill. — Route through Baltimore opened 
for Federal Troops. — Effect of the Presence of Troops in the 
City. — Sympathy with the Rebellion. — Secession Women. — 
Seizure of Contraband Articles, and Arrest of Rebel Sympa- 
thizers. — Military Movements at the West. — Cairo. — Con- 
spiracy to seize it.— Conferences between General Prentiss 
and Kentucky Officers. — Organization of State Troops in 
Missouri. — Removal of Arms from the Arsenal at St. Louis 
to Illinois. — General Harney. —Home Guards. — Demand 
of the Police Commissioners of St. Louis. — Camp Jackson. 
— Evident Purpose of the Encampment of State Troops. — 
Arms from Louisiana. — Measures adopted by Captain Lyon. 
— Camp Jackson surrounded. —Surrender of State Troops. — 
Attack by the Mob on Federal Troops. —The Result. — 
Proclamation by General Harney. — Gradual Restoration of 
Quiet and Confidence. 


Tue events in the history of the rebellion 
thus far recorded are chiefly preliminary to 
the actual struggle which was to ensue. Se- 
cession had gradually proceeded till it had in- 
cluded eleven states, and assumed the position 
of a hostile power, organizing forces and making 
every preparation for resistance to legitimate, 
constitutional authority, and, indeed, for the 
overthrow of the free and liberal government 
under which the United States had become a 
great power among the nations. To suppress 
insurrection, to repel assaults upon its author- 
ity, and to maintain itself, the integrity of the 
Union, and the rights of the loyal states, the 
federal government had called into the field 
large forces, and had greatly increased its navy. 
The position of the several states was essen- 
tially settled, though the rebels had not aban- 
doned their hopes of securing Maryland, Ken- 
tucky, and Missouri; the rebellion had become 
well defined in territorial extent, though its 
gigantic proportions were hardly yet realized ; 
and we now enter upon the period when it be- 
comes necessary to record the movements of 
military and naval forces, and the actual hos- 
tilities which it was evident could no longer be 


221 


avoided without suffermg the government to 
fall in pieces, and yielding the country to the 
control of the oligarchy which originated the 
rebellion. 

A considerable force had been collected at 
Washington by the first of May, and was con- 
stantly receiving accessions through Annapolis 
and by way of the Potomac. But the route 
through Baltimore was not yet opened, com- 
munication by way of the Potomac was threat- 
ened with interruption by batteries on the Vir- 
ginia shore, and the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- 
road was held at Harper’s Ferry and at points 
west of that place by large numbers of the 
rebels. With such limited means of communi- 
cation with the loyal states, while a hostile feel- 
ing of formidable extent still existed in Mary- 
land, Washington could not be considered out 
of danger. For, besides the large force which 
was collecting at Harper's Ferry, an army equal 
at least to that already concentrated by the 
federal government was forming at Richmond. 
It was necessary, therefore, to secure Maryland 
beyond all danger of being added to the states 
in rebellion, to open communication through 
Baltimore, and to prepare for any attempt to 
throw a rebel force into the rear of Washing- 
ton from Harper’s Ferry. Accordingly one of 
the first steps taken by the government, after 
making Washington secure from immediate 
danger, was to send a force of about three 
thousand infantry, consisting of two Massachu- 
setts regiments and one from New York, with a 
Massachusetts battery of artillery, to the Relay 
House, a short distance from Baltimore, at the 
junction of the Baltimore and. Ohio Railroad 
with the Washington branch. At the same time 
the garrison of Fort McHenry, near Baltimore, 
was reénforced by a battalion of rifles, and a 
ship of war was stationed in the harbor of that 
city to assist the garrison in case of necessity. 

The movement of troops to the Relay House, 
which took place on the 5th of May, was under 
the command of General Butler, and was ef- 


222 


fected quite suddenly and unexpectedly to the 
secessionists of Baltimore. The force was so 
posted as to command the Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad and the Washington branch, and a 
body of troops was constantly stationed at the 
junction of the railroads to examine the trains 
for contraband goods which might be forwarded 
by the secessionists of Baltimore to the rebels 
in Virginia. These measures had the effect to 
stop the transit of many contraband articles 
destined for the rebels, and to suppress, in some 
degree, the sympathy and aid which the dis- 
loyal people of Baltimore were disposed to ex- 
tend to the rebellion. But the chief purpose 
of this movement and disposition of troops was 
probably to prevent any rebel force from moy- 
ing from Harper’s Ferry by railroad to Balti- 
more, and exciting the disloyal people to join 
them in holding that city and attacking Wash- 
ington. Previous to this the rebels might easily 
have carried out such a movement, and, prob- 
ably, with success; for most of the managers 
and employés of the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- 
road were notoriously in sympathy with the 
rebels, and the insurgents could have been as 
suddenly and secretly moved as were the troops 
of General Butler. The slumbering disloyalty 
of Maryland would thus have been aroused; and 
in the condition in which the Union men of the 
state then were, unarmed and disorganized, the 
rebels would have had every advantage. For- 
tunately General Scott foresaw the danger be- 
fore any such attempt was made; and in his 
action the loyal people of the north saw, with 
satisfaction, that the government was becoming 
strong enough to take some more effective 
measures than simply collecting troops at Wash- 
ington, though all felt that was the first ne- 
cessity. 

Soon after General Butler went to the Relay 
House, a considerable force of regular soldiers 
and Pennsylvania volunteers were landed at 
“Locust Point,” in Baltimore, one of the termini 
of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. They 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


were transported from Perryville in a steam- 
boat, and the steam cutter Harriet Lane stood 
off the Point with her ports open, ready to fire 
upon any force of rebels or rioters who should 
oppose the debarkation. There was no attempt 
to interfere with the troops. The mayor of 
Baltimore and a police force were present, and 
the crowd of spectators appeared to have been 
attracted by curiosity rather than a purpose to 
obstruct the passage of troops, so far as their 
acts indicated. The soldiers, with artillery, 
horses, and baggage, were transferred from the 
steamboat to the cars, and carried immediately 
to Washington. 

In the mean time the bridges on the rail- 
roads between Pennsylvania and Baltimore 
were repaired, and were soon after opened for 
the transportation of troops. On the 13th of 
May General Butler entered Baltimore with a 
part of his troops, carrying into effect a pro- 
phetic threat which he had made to some of the 
Baltimore authorities, that Massachusetts troops 
in the service of the United States must march 
unmolested over the pavements where Massa- 
chusetts blood was shed on the 19th of April. 
The march into Baltimore was looked upon by 
the disloyal people there with indignation ; but 
there was no outbreak, for it was well under- 
stood that in case of such attack the city would 
be at the mercy of Fort McHenry, now fully 
garrisoned, the vessels of war in the harbor, and 
the United States troops that could at very 
short notice be brought to quell any rebellious 
demonstration. On the other hand, the loyal 
people of Baltimore received the troops with 
cheers and other demonstrations of welcome. 
Proceeding to Federal Hill, in the southern part 
of the city, the artillery was posted so as to be 
of service in case of necessity,and the forces 
disposed of to meet any emergency. ‘Troops 
from the north now arrived on the railroads 
from Pennsylvania, and marched unmolested 
through the city. Some attempts were made 
secretly to destroy the bridges or track of the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


railroads, but without success, and no riotous 
obstruction of the passage of the troops was 
made. The route through Baltimore was opened 
not to be again closed to the passage of the 
forces called to the support of the government. 

The troops at Federal Hill, after a few days’ 
stay, returned to the Relay House; but the 
position was held by some of the newly-arrived 
regiments, and from that time a considerable 
force was kept in Baltimore to sustain the Union 
sentiment and to repress secession. General 
Cadwallader, of Pennsylvania, who came with 
the troops from that state, was assigned to the 
command of the forces in the city. General 
Butler’s efficient and unceremonious course had 
not been very acceptable to the secessionists 
and semi-disloyal people of Baltimore, and they 
expressed much satisfaction with the change, 
though General Butler still had command of 
the department, his headquarters being at An- 
napolis. By the genuine loyalists his course 
was universally approved. General Butler soon 
after, being now appointed major-general, was 
ordered to Fortress Monroe, to take command 
of a considerable force which was being col- 
lected at that point. 

Though the presence of troops in Baltimore 
kept the secessionists in subjection, and pre- 
* vented them from any open demonstrations of 
sympathy with the rebels, secret aid and com- 
fort were constantly extended to them. Small 
parties went into Virginia to join the rebel 
forces, and arms, ammunition, and medical 
stores, in small quantities, were smuggled away. 
There were also not infrequent exhibitions of 
sympathy with the southern cause, and con- 
tempt for the federal soldiers, by individuals. 
The secession women of Baltimore were con- 
spicuous in this conduct, taking great pains to 
display’ upon their persons or in their windows 
miniature flags of the southern Confederacy, 
and avoiding, or otherwise manifesting their 
dislike for, the federal-officers and soldiers. To 
such an extent was this conduct carried, that it 


223 


became necessary to repress it by military 
orders; and some of the more reckless female 
sympathizers with the rebels were justly hu- 
miliated by the insulted soldiers. 

At the Relay House, as well as in Baltimore, 
the troops were employed to prevent the pas- 
sage of men to join the rebels and the trans- 
portation of stores for their benefit. The con- 
traband trade was in this way, to some extent, 
stopped, but it was directed into other channels, 
and conducted more secretly. Among the 
seizures made by the troops at the Relay House 
was that of the Winans steam-gun, a piece of 
ordnance which was alleged to be a very formi- 
dable affair, and about which a great deal had 
been said. Special pains were taken to secure 
this gun, and it was finally captured while be- 
ing transported, in an incomplete state, on a 
common road. It proved to be of little value; 
and though its capture was regarded as of some 
importance, it would probably have been of 
little use to the rebels. There were also at 
Baltimore and in the vicinity a number of cap- 
tures of men and contraband goods on board 
of steamers and small vessels bound down the 
bay; and in the city there were several im- 
portant seizures of arms, evidently intended for 
the rebels in Virginia, or for the arming of the 
rebels of Maryland, should they have an oppor- 
tunity to use them. 

While military movements were thus being 
made at the east, and an army was collecting 
about Washington, similar movements were 
made at the west. As before stated, a force was 
stationed at Cairo, an important position at the 
junction of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, and 
this point was made the rendezvous of a large 
part of the volunteers in the western states. 
This disposition of the volunteers was made by 
the war department in consequence of evidence 
being received that a conspiracy existed in Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee, and Missouri to seize Cairo 
as an important strategic point, and to take 
possession of the southern portion of the Illinois 


1) 


224 


Central Railroad, and thus cut off communica- 
tion between that point and the more loyal 
northern and central part of the state. From 
time to time the reports continued of military 
preparations in Kentucky hostile to the United 
States government, and rumors were frequent 
of a contemplated attack upon the troops at 
Cairo. On the other hand, it was more gen- 
erally stated that the preparations in Kentucky 
were to prevent any “invasion of the state by 
either party ” according to the policy advocated 
by some of the leading men of the state at the 
commencement of the rebellion. Conferences 
were held at different times between General 
Prentiss, commanding the forces at Cairo, and 
several Kentucky officers, among whom were 
Generals Buckner and Tilghman, afterwards in 
the rebel army, the result of which was, that 
there would be no “invasion” of Kentucky, 
except: to attack a rebel force, or to suppress a 
rebel movement. In this position matters re- 
mained for some time, the rebels in the mean 
time concentrating forces at different points in 
Western Kentucky, and the loyal people be- 
coming gradually more decided in their adhe- 
sion to the government, until they welcomed 
a movement of federal forces upon their own 
soil. 

In Missouri active military movements were 
early found necessary. As seen in a previous 
chapter, Governor Jackson and the legislature 
were in favor of secession, and their efforts 
were directed to that end. A large number of 
the people sympathized with the movement, 
and it was quite evident that Missouri would 
be the scene of civil strife sooner than any other 
state, and, perhaps, of a more malignant char- 
acter. Armed bands were every where formed 
for the avowed purpose of aiding the rebellion, 
and the state troops organized by the governor 
and General Price, under the acts of the seces- 
sion legislature, were really designed to aid the 
same cause. On the other hand, troops desig- 
nated as the “home guard” were formed by the 


q 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


loyal people, chiefly at St. Louis and some of 
the more important towns, and some of them 
were mustered into the service of the United 
States. 

While affairs were in this condition in Mis- - 
souri, and the activity of the secessionists, with 
the aid of the state and municipal authorities, 
seemed to give them the advantage, some so- 
licitude was felt for the United States arsenal 
at St. Louis. There was a body of regular 
troops posted there, and the home guards were 
being organized as rapidly as could be done 
under the circumstances; but a sudden move- 
ment of the state forces and the mob, which for 
some time gathered in the vicinity of the arse- 
nal, might effect the destruction, if not the 
capture, of a large quantity of arms. These 
arms were needed for the equipment of troops 
in Illinois and Indiana, as well as the home 
guard of Missouri; and it was deemed desirable 
to secure and transport them to those states 
without bringing about any collision. This 
object was successfully accomplished on the 
night of the 25th of April, by Captain James 
H. Stokes, of Hlinois. 

Having a requisition from the secretary of 
war for ten thousand muskets for the governor 
of Illinois, Captain Stokes went to St. Louis, 
where he found a large mob about the arsenal, 
watching the movement of the federal soldiers, 
and ready to obstruct any removal of the pub- 
lic property, and to bring in the state troops, 
who only awaited such an attempt in order to 
make a descent upon the arsenal. On the 25th 
of April, Captain Stokes received information 
that Governor Jackson had ordered two thou- 
sand of the state troops from Jefferson City to 
St. Louis; and it was considered by the United 
States officers that such a movement threat- 
ened the seizure of the arsenal. Alreatly bat- 
teries had been planted in the vicinity of the 
arsenal, and with the small force which as yet 
could be depended upon for its defence, the 
success of an attack by a large body of seces- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


sionists was more than probable. An order was 
telegraphed to Alton, in Illinois, some miles 
above St. Louis, for a steamer to be sent down 
to the arsenal landing at midnight. Before the 


arrival of this boat some five hundred flint-lock | 


muskets, which had been brought to the arsenal 
from Kentucky for repairs, were sent on board 
another steamer, for the purpose of covering 
the real intentions of the officers. A large 
part of the mob followed these arms, and they 
were taken possession of by the secessionists. 
The spies, who still lingered about the arsenal, 
were put in the guard house, and while the 
secessionists were rejoicing over their success 
in preventing the transportation of arms beyond 
the state, the steamboat from Alton came down 
to the arsenal landing, and the ten thousand 
percussion arms, for which Captain Stokes 
brought a requisition, were quickly placed on 
board. Having secured them, Captain Stokes 
entreated Captain Lyon and Major Callender, 
the officers in charge, to allow him to take the 
remainder of the valuable arms contained in 
the arsenal. In view of the danger of the arms 
falling into the hands of the secessionists if 
they were retained, these officers yielded to 
the appeal; and accordingly, about eleven 
thousand more of effective arms were placed on 
board the boat, together with ammunition and 
equipments, leaving but seven or eight thou- 
sand guns for arming the home guards. The 
work of loading being completed, it was found 
that the steamboat, in consequence of the weight 
of the load, was fast aground. The danger of 
an attack under these circumstances was great, 
should the facts become known to the seces- 
sionists ; but by shifting the cargo the boat was 
got afloat, and proceeded safely to Alton. There 
the citizens were summoned to bring away the 
arms, or to protect them from attack, should 
the rebels of St. Louis pursue, as they were 
likely to do; and the entire load was soon 
transferred from the boat to cars, and was 
carried-to Springfield, to be placed in loyal 
29 


225 


hands for the maintenance of the govern- 
ment. 

General Harney was commander of the west- 
ern military department; but at this time he 
was on his way to Washington. While on the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad at Harper’s Ferry, 
he was taken from the cars by rebel soldiers, 
and detained as a prisoner. Being sent to 
Richmond, however, he was immediately re- 
leased. By some his loyalty was called in 
question; but he soon after showed himself a. 
hearty supporter of the Union, though it was 
feared that his social relations might render 
him less active and stern in his measures 
against rebellion than the exigencies required. 

The home guards organized in St. Louis 
were quartered in their armories in different 
parts of the city. The organization and arming 
of this body of men gave offence to the seces- 
sionists, who saw in such a force a serious 
obstacle to the accomplishment of their pur- 
poses. The police commissioners, who were 
in sympathy with the rebellion, accordingly 
demanded of Captain Lyon, the commandant 
of the post in the absence of General Harney, 
that all forces in the service of the United 
States, except those in the arsenal, should be 
removed. The demand was refused, as might 
have been expected; and the subject was re- 
ferred by the commissioners to the state gov- 
ernment. ‘The secessionists evidently hoped in 
this way to bring about a collision between the 
state and the federal government, by which 
Missouri might be carried out of the Union 
before a sufficient force should be able to 
repress the rebellious and sustain the Union 
sentiment. 

A few days after this demand, a “camp of 
instruction” of the state troops was formed at 
St. Louis, in obedience to orders from Governor 
Jackson, and men from the south-western part 
of the state were sent to it. The camp was 
styled “Camp Jackson,” and was under the 
command of Brigadier-general Frost, of the 


226 HISTORY OF 


Missouri militia. To arm these or some other 
portions of the state troops, it was known that 
some of the arms taken by the Louisiana 
secessionists from the United States arsenal at 
Baton Rouge were sent to Missouri. Other 
camps of the state troops had been formed at 
the same time in different parts of the state, 
avowedly for the purpose of instructing the 
troops for a period of six days. But the well- 
known sympathies of the governor of the state 
and of the legislature, as well as of the men 
enrolled in this militia, made it evident that if 
they were not assembled for some ulterior and 
hostile purpose, they might be used in the 
present condition of affairs to precipitate a 
collision and secure secession. 

Acting from a conviction based on a knowl- 
edge of events transpiring in the state, and of 
the purposes of the leading men in the state 
government, and also under instructions from 
Washington, Captain Lyon determined to nip 
this plan in the bud. Accordingly, on the 10th 
of May, with the force under his command, 
numbering some five or six thousand men, 
including the home guards mustered into the 
service of the United States, Captain Lyon 
marched out of the city to Camp Jackson, and 
posting his troops so as completely to surround 
it, he summoned the commander of the state 
troops to surrender. Previous to this, General 
Frost addressed a note to Captain Lyon, stating 
that he had received intimations that the latter 
intended to make an attack on the camp, and 
denying that any attack was contemplated on 
the arsenal by the troops under his command. 
Captain Lyon, however, made no reply to this 
note, but carried out his plans, feeling assured 
that it was time, and that it was his duty, to 
take stringent measures to prevent the success 
of the secession plot. In his note to General 
Frost, demanding the surrender, Captain Lyon 
wrote, — 

“Your command is regarded as evidently 
hostile towards the government of the United 


THE UNITED STATES. 


States. Itis, for the most part, made up of those 
secessionists who have openly avowed their 
hostility to the general government, and have 
been plotting at the seizure of its property and 
the overthrow of its authority. You are openly 
in communication with the so-called southern 
Confederacy, which is now at war with the 
United States, and you are receiving at your 
camp, from the said Confederacy and under its 
flag, large supplies of material of war, most of 
which is known to be the property of the 
United States. These extraordinary prepara- 
tions plainly indicate none other than the well 
known purpose of the governor of this state, 
under whose orders you are acting, and whose 
purpose, recently communicated to the legis- 
ture, has just been responded to by that body 
in the most unparalleled legislation, having in 
direct view hostilities to the general govern- 
ment and codperation with its enemies.” 

Captain Lyon gave General Frost half an 
hour to comply with hisdemand. After a brief 
consultation with his officers, General Frost 
agreed to surrender. The state troops were ° 
accordingly made prisoners of war, and upon 
laying down their arms were offered their free- 
dom if they would take an oath of allegiance. 
This, however, with a few exceptions, they 
refused to do, and were accordingly taken to 
the arsenal. The number of prisoners was 
about one. thousand, and a considerable quan- 
tity of the arms brought from Louisiana was 
found in the camp. 

When the federal troops, with their prison- 
ers, were returning to the city, an attack was 
made by some of the mob upon a portion of 
the troops, and several shots were discharged at 
them. The soldiers were so fiercely assaulted 
that they were obliged to defend themselves, 
and they fired ‘upon their assailants. Unfor- 
tunately there was a vast crowd of people 
present, — men, women, and children, — from 
the midst of whom the rioters made their as- 
sault. Knowing the purpose for which the fed- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


eral troops marched to the camp, and the danger 
of some conflict, it was folly for such a crowd 
to attend from mere curiosity, and it was hardly 
to be expected that soldiers, wantonly and 
fiercely assailed, should forbear to defend them- 
selves, or should see the crowd beyond their 
immediate assailants. Upwards of twenty per- 
sons were killed or wounded by the fire of 
the soldiers, and the crowd, with the rioters, 
immediately scattered. Great excitement en- 
sued in the city, and the most violent threats 
against the soldiers and the federal government 
were uttered. But the display of force made 
by Captain Lyon, and the determination which 
he had shown to suppress insurrection in its 
incipient stages, had a good effect. The Union 
men were encouraged by the exercise of federal 
power, and the secessionists found that their 
plots were to be crushed by force if necessary. 
The next day another attack was made by a 
mob upon a body of the home guard who had 
just been enlisted, and more blood was shed. 
The repetition of such scenes threw the people 
of St. Louis into a state of excitement and 
alarm. To restore confidence, General Harney, 
who had now returned, issued a proclamation, 
expressing regret at the existing state of things, 
and pledging himself to do all he could to pre- 
serve the peace and to protect the citizens. A 
body of regular troops was placed in the city 
to assist in maintaining order, and after a time 
quiet and confidence were partially restored, 
many of the secessionists left the city to join 
insurrectionary forces in other places, and the 
Union men grew stronger and more hopeful. 
In order to prevent, as far as possible, the 
arming of insurgent forces, seizures of arms 
were made at several places in St. Louis, most 
of which were secreted, and were evidently in- 
tended to be used in the rebel cause. These 
measures, and the continued mustering of the 
home guards into the service of the United 
States, kept up a state of excitement in the city | 
among those who sympathized with secession, 


227 


while, on the other hand, the continued organi- 
zation of the state troops created some well- 
grounded alarm among the Union men. In 
this state of things an agreement was made 
between General Harney and General Price, 
who commanded the state troops, by which it 
was arranged that these troops should be dis- 
banded; and as this would tend to secure the 
maintenance of the public peace, General Har- 
ney declared that he should have no object, as 
he had no wish, to make military movements 
which might create excitement and jealousies. 
The state troops, however, refused to disband, 
according to the agreement of General Price, 
and it was evidently the purpose of their lead- 
ers that, under the pretext of maintaining the 
neutrality and safety of the state, they should 
be organized to aid the rebellion. General 
Price, too, issued a proclamation to his sub- 
ordinate officers, in which, with specious argu- 
ments, he enjoined upon them “to see that all 
citizens, of whatever opinions in politics or 
religion, be protected in their persons and 
property ”— an injunction evidently designed 
to bring about a collision with the United 
States military authorities. 

General Harney was, soon after, relieved from 
the command of this department, and Cap- 
tain Lyon, now appointed brigadier-general, 
succeeded him. This appomtment was very 
unsatisfactory to the secessionists, for in his 
decisive action in capturing the state troops at 
Camp Jackson they saw reason to suppose that 
he would not deal leniently with rebellion. 
Governor Jackson then proposed to disband and 
disarm the “state guard,” if general Lyon 
would disband the various forces of home 
guards which had been mustered into the ser- 
vice of the United States. Such a proposition 
could not, of course, be entertained by General 
Lyon; and Governor Jackson, finding that his 
scheme for suffering Missouri to fall into the 
Confederacy without opposition would fail, is- 
sued a proclamation for the purpose of taking 


228 


it out by force, and joining at once in the rebel- 
lion. In it the governor thus stated the position 
taken by General Lyon and Francis P. Blair, Jr., 
member of Congress from the St. Louis district, 
who was associated with him in the conference : 
“They demanded not only the disorganization 
and disbanding of the state militia, and the 
nullification of the military bill, but they re- 
fused to disband their own home guard, and 
insisted that the federal government should 
enjoy the unrestricted right to move and sta- 
tion its froops throughout the state whenever 
and wherever it might, in the opinion of its 
officers, be necessary either for the protection 
of the loyal subjects of the federal government 
or for repelling invasion, and they plainly an- 
nounced that it was the intention of the admin- 


istration to take military possession, under these |, 


pretexts, of the whole state,and to reduce it, 
as avowed by General Lyon himself, to the 
exact condition of Maryland.” Bent upon 
making Missouri independent of the federal 


government, Governor Jackson considered these | 


terms as degrading, and he charged the federal 
agents with “ energetically hastening the execu- 
tion of their bloody and revolutionary schemes 
for the inauguration of civil war in your midst, 
and for the military oceupation of your state by 
armed bands of lawless invaders— for the over- 
throw of your state government, and for the 
subversion of those liberties which the govern- 
ment has a right to protect; and they intend to 
bring their whole power to subjugate you, if 
possible, to the military despotism which has 
assumed the powers of the federal government.” 
Inflaming the people with such misrepre- 
sentations, he called “the militia of the state, 
to the number of fifty thousand, into the ser- 


vice of the state, for the purpose of repelling 


such invasion.” 

The safety of St. Louis appeared to be 
secured for the present; but this action of 
Governor Jackson, and the military prepara- 
tions in various parts of the state in conse- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


quence thereof, soon led to open rebellion and 


civil war, the events of which will be recorded 
in subsequent pages. 


CHAPTER XXXII. 


Movements of Confederate Troops to Virginia. — Danger to 
Washington. —Federal Movements. — Advance of the Army 
into Virginia. — Entrance into Alexandria. — Colonel Ells- 
worth’s Movements. — He hauls down a Secession Flag. — 
Assassinated by the Proprietor. — The Assassin killed. — En- 
trance of other Troops into the City. — Capture of Cavalry. — 
Success of the Movement.— The Death of Ellsworth. — 
Sketch of his Life. — Funeral Ceremonies. — Movement of 
Troops from Fortress Monroe into Virginia. — Another Move- 
ment in North-western Virginia. — Effect of the Advance of 
Federal Troops at the South. — Misrepresentation to excite 
the Hatred of the People towards the Government and Army. 
— Beauregard’s Proclamation. — Jefferson Davis’s Speech. — 
Proclamations and Orders of Federal Officers. — General 
McClellan’s Proclamation and Orders. — General Patterson’s 
Orders. — Colonel Duryea’s Proclamation. —General McDow- 
ell’s Orders. — Leniency of Federal, and Barbarity of Rebel, 
Warfare. 


As soon as Virginia had been, by its conven- 
tion, contingently transferred from the Union 
to the Confederate States, and before the peo- 
ple had acted upon the question of secession, 
troops from the other seceded states were sent 
as rapidly as they could be raised and equipped 
into that state, and were placed under command 
of General Robert E. Lee,* who had been made 
commander-in-chief of the Virginia troops. The 
cry of the south was, “On to Washington ;” and 
from the disposition of the troops such was 
supposed to be the design of the rebels. On 
the southern bank of the Potomac, Arlington 
Heights and adjacent hills commanded the city, 
-and there were constant rumors that the rebels 
were erecting batteries upon them, or were 
_preparing to do so. There was known to be a’ 
body of rebel soldiers in Alexandria. On the 
‘Lower Potomac they had certainly appeared, 


* General Lee had been an officer of the United States army, 
one of General Scott’s staff, and was highly esteemed by that 
general. He treacherously left the service when the secession of 
Virginia was probable. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


in more or less force, and were erecting bat-| 
teries, while at Harper’s Ferry their numbers 
were increasing, and they were taking up po- 
sitions at other points above and below that 
place, and had indeed taken possession of Mary- 
land Heights, opposite Harper’s Ferry. These 
movements had been made before the secession 
of Virginia had been consummated by the vote 
of the people, which was given on the 23d 
of May. 

A. federal force had already been ordered 
forward from Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, to 
Hagerstown in Maryland, to oppose any ad- 
vance of the rebels from Harper’s Ferry ; and a 
movement of troops into Virginia, to such an 
extent at least as to secure the safety of Wash- 
ington, was now determined upon. This move-| 
ment was delayed, for weighty reasons, till the+ 
election in Virginia had passed; but on the 
night following the election, the necessary prep- 
arations were made, and early on the morning 
of the 24th of May, the troops entered Virginia. 
The entire force consisted of about thirteen 
thousand men, and was under the command of 
General J. K. F. Mansfield, of the United States 
army. ; 

A portion of this force, of which the District 
of Columbia volunteers formed the vanguard, 
crossed the “Long Bridge” over the Potomac, 
and proceeded towards Alexandria, the advance 
halting about half a mile from the town for the 
main body to come up. Another division of 
the troops proceeded down the river by steam-| 
boats. At about the same time, a third division 
crossed the chain bridge, near Georgetgwn, and 
took possession of Arlington Heights and the 
adjacent hills. 

- A little before five o’clock in the morning, 
the commander of the United States steamer | 


Pawnee, which was lying off Alexandria, sent a 1 
flag of truce to the rebel forces, giving them | 


one hour within which to withdraw from the | 
town. Soon after, the New York Fire Zouaves, | 
commanded by Colonel Ellsworth, and other, 


229 


troops, arrived at the wharf, and immediately 
debarked. After detailing a company to destroy 
the railroad track near by, Colonel Ellsworth 
formed his regiment, and leaving them to await 
further orders, proceeded, with two or three 
officers and a very small guard, to take posses- 
sion of the telegraph office and to cut the 
wires. 

While on the way, a large secession flag was 
observed raised over a hotel, called the “ Mar- 
shall House,” and the small party entered the 
building, Colonel Ellsworth being determined 
to haul down the flag, which for some time had 
been waving there in sight of the loyal troops 
about Washington. Proceeding to the top of 
the house with his companions, Colonel Elis- 
worth cut down the flag, and was returning 
with it, preceded by private Brownell, when, 
as he had nearly reached the foot of the upper 
stairs, the proprietor of the house suddenly met 
them, and, levelling a double-barrelled gun at 
Colonel Ellsworth, discharged one of the barrels, 
killing the colonel instantly. Private Brow- 
nell had endeavored to turn the gun aside, but 
ineffectually. No sooner, however, had the 
man discharged his piece, than Brownell shot 
him, and thrust his bayonet through him, killing 
him at once, as he was in the act of discharging 
the other barrel. The suddenness of this at- 
tack, and the loss of their commander, alarmed 
the small party, who did not know how large a 
body of men might attack them from the vari- 
ous rooms opening upon the hall in which they 
were. Posting themselves as guards in the pas- 
sage-way, and threatening any one who should 
dare to open a door, they awaited the arrival 
of a company of the Zouaves, for which Colonel 
Ellsworth had despatched one of his men upon 
entering the house. The time seemed long, 
for the company had missed the street; but it 
arrived at last, and relieved the party from 
their unpleasant, and, as they supposed, dan- 
gerous position. It appeared, however, that 
there were no armed men in the house, and that 


230 


the proprietor, whose name was Jackson, had 
acted without concert with any other parties. 

Meanwhile other troops entered the city, and 
the first Michigan regiment, with a detachment 
of regular cavalry and a section of a battery 
of artillery, proceeding directly to the railroad 
depot, saw a train just moving off with the 
principal part of the rebel force which had oc- 
cupied the city. The artillery, however, cap- 
tured a small body of cavalry, which was unable 
to get away. The railroad track was then torn 
up at different points outside of the town, to 
prevent the passage of trains with troops, or 
the transportation of stores from the town. 
The forces were disposed so as to hold the 
place against any attack, and to prevent any 
disturbance or insurrection among the seces- 
sion inhabitants. 

The entire movement was well planned and 
executed, though no force, as was by some 
anticipated, disputed possession of the points 
aimed at. By it the city of Washington was 
secured from the danger of rebel batteries on 
the hills-of the Virginia side of the Potomac, 
and the entire line of that bank of the river 
from Georgetown to Alexandria, was held and 
could be occupied by a force adequate to repel 
any rebel attack. The one drawback to the 
success of the movement was the untimely 
death of Colonel Ellsworth — an event which 
caused a deeper and more general sorrow than 
the fall of any one man during the war. His 
youth, his ability, his manly and chivalric char- 
acter, and his patriotism, had endeared him to 
the people even though they knew him not, 
and he was universally lamented as one of the 
first and noblest martyrs in the wicked rebel- 
lion. Such a man will live in history; and his 
memory merits more than the brief record of 
his death. 

Ephraim Elmer Ellsworth was born in Me- 
chanicsville, New York, April 23, 1837. 
business misfortunes of his father, when he was 
quite young, limited his opportunities for more 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


than a common education, and he was early 
thrown upon his own resources for support. 
Proud, sensitive, and generous, he felt the weight 
of circumstances even in his boyhood, but de- 
voted himself with energy to the pursuits in 
which he wasengaged. While yet quite young 
he went to Chicago, and associated himself 
in business with Mr. Devereux,* of Massachu- 
setts. For atime they met with success; but 
through the acts of another party, they after- 
wards suffered some losses, and were compelled 
to give up their business. Ellsworth then com- 
menced the study of law with the energy which 
characterized all his undertakings, and sup- 
ported himself by copying during the hours 
which he could spare from study and sleep. At 
this time he must have endured great priva- 
trons and mental suffering. He lived by him- 
self, with very few friends and no amusements. 
He would not permit himself to accept hospi- 
talities and courtesies which his poverty would 
not admit of his reciprocating, and generous 
and genial as his nature was, his pride and sensi- 
tiveness must have often caused him severe 
struggles. 

Ellsworth was not a_ man, however, to waste 
his strength in morbid suffering. He had an 
ambition to accomplish something practical, and 
to do some good for his country. The idea 
which most occupied his attention from an early 
period of his manhood, and even of his youth, 
was a complete and effective organization of 
the militia of the United States. To this he 
gave much thought and study; and, deeply im- 
pressed with the necessity of such a system of 
‘national defence, he undertook to convince the 
people of the value of his theory of organization 
and drill by a practical illustration of its worth. 
He first trained himself in the manual of arms, 
by severe discipline and practice, and close study 


} of all the movements of the soldier in an ana- 
The 


tomical view; and he thus was able to make 


* Afterwards lieutenant-colonel of the 19th Massachusetts 


' regiment. 


PRESIDENT 


some improvements on the chasseur drill then 
in use. Having made himself perfect, he or- 
ganized a company whose movements and drill 
should be equally exact and perfect. But he 
was not content with having men who could 
drill well; he must have them disciplined in all 
respects, of unimpeached moral character and 
unquestioned sobriety, and bound together by 
confidence in each other, a chivalrous sense of 
honor, and fidelity to the purpose of their 
organization. With such a company thoroughly 
organized, he visited, in 1860, the principal 
cities of the north, challenging competition and 
winning the admiration of the vast numbers 
who witnessed the exhibitions of the corps. He 
thus secured the attention of the public, and 
one result of his tour was the formation of 
numerous companies of Zouaves, nominally on 
the plan of the Chicago Zouaves. He next 
formed a regiment in Northern Illinois, organ- 
ized in a manner similar to that of the original 
company; and, as if foreseeing the coming 
struggle, tendered the services of his command 
to the governor of the state. 

But Ellsworth’s plan embraced the whole 
militia of the United States; and he hoped, 
should the presidential election result in the 
choice of Mr. Lincoln, that he might be en- 
abled to accomplish the work to which he had 
given so much thought and study. He entered 
the office of Mr. Lincoln as a law student soon 
after his return frpm his military tour, but still 
engaged most industriously in his favorite study 
and plans. He enlisted heartily in the canvass, 
and eloquently advocated before the* people 
the election of Mr. Lincoln. When that desired 
result was accomplished, he accompanied the 
President elect, who had become his firm friend, 
to Washington, trusting that now his hope 
might be realized by the establishment, in the 
war department, of a bureau of militia, to be 
placed under his superintendence. Disgusted 
with office-seeking as conducted at the capital, 
and waiting apparently in vain for an appoint- 


LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


231 


ment, he abandoned the distasteful contest, and 
was appointed by the President a lieutenant in 
the army. 

Before entering upon the special service for 
which it was intended to detail him, the attack 
on Fort Sumter was made; and Ellsworth, rising 
from a sick bed, proceeded to New York, where, 
by the reputation he had acquired as a soldier, 
and the confidence with which he inspired all 
who came in contact with him, he speedily 
raised a regiment of Zouaves, chiefly among the 
firemen of the city. This regiment, composed 
of men somewhat rough, unruly, and peculiar, 
but athletic, active, daring, and accustomed to 
danger, was well fitted for the Zouave drill and 
tactics to which Ellsworth had devoted so much 
attention. He secured discipline among these 
untamed men by the force of his character, by 
his personal qualities of head and heart, and 
by his physical training, strength, and endur- 
ance. All these inspired the confidence of his 
men, and they were ready to obey all his orders 
and to follow him into any danger. With this 
regiment, finely equipped by the liberality of 
citizens of New York, Colonel Ellsworth went 
to Washington, and when the time came for 
the movement into Virginia he and his com- 
mand were ready. 

Too rash in his desire to accomplish some- 
thing, and scarcely realizing, as few did at that 
time, the malignant and murderous spirit of 
secession, he met with his untimely death. His 
fall was lamented throughout the country, for 
he was every where known as a young, noble, 
and chivalric soldier. . But he was more than a 
brave soldier ; he wasa youth of pure and noble 


‘character, of high aims, of tender and generous 


affections. For his parents, whose staff and 
pride he was, he cherished the truest filial love, 
and his life and death were colored by the 
romance of a still more tender tie of betrothed 
affection. One of his last acts on the night 
before going to Alexandria was to write a letter 
to his parents, in which, as if the result were 


932 HISTORY OF THE 


foreshadowed to his mind, he said, “ Whatever 
may happen, cherish the consolation that I was 
engaged in the performance of a sacred duty ; 
and to-night, thinking over the probabilities of 
the morrow and the occurrences of the past, I 
am perfectly content to accept whatever my 
fortune may be, confident that He who noteth 
the fall of a sparrow will have some purpose 
even in the fate of one like me.” 

The funeral ceremonies over the remains of 
the gallant Ellsworth took place in Washing- 
ton, where the body lay in state in the presi- 
dential mansion, and every mark of respect to 
his memory was paid by the President, who 
was much attached to him, and by the military 
authorities. 

The day preceding the movement of the 
troops across the Potomac, General Butler, who 
was now in command at Fortress Monroe, made a 
reconnoissance with a Vermont regiment, under 
Colonel Phelps, into Hampton village and vi- 
cinity. Some of the inhabitants, observing the 
approach of the troops, attempted to burn the 
bridge leading from the fortress to the Hamp- 
ton side of the bay. The soldiers, however, by 
a rapid movement, scattered the incendiaries 
and extinguished the fire before it had caused 
much damage. The next day, the same when 
the movement was made from Washington, two 
or three regiments went over from the fortress 
and established a permanent camp upon ground 
near the bridge in Hampton, thus occupying 
Virginia soil in another quarter. 

A few days after, on the 27th of May, a regi- 
ment of loyal Virginians, organized at Whee- 
ling, moved towards Grafton, at which point a 
body of rebels were collected, and two Olio 
regiments crossed the river and entered Vir- 
ginia, one following the Virginia regiment from 
Wheeling towards Grafton, and the other cross- 
ing from Marietta to Parkersburg. A large | 
portion of the people in this part of Virginia 


in a subsequent chapter; but there were also 


cite the people to resistance. 


UNITED STATES. 


many secessionists, and small bodies of troops 
from other parts of the state were collecting at 
different points, destroying bridges on the Bal- 
timore and Ohio Railroad, and oppressing and 
annoying the Union families, and the movement 
of the Union troops was for the protection of 
these people, and to open communication by the 
railroad with Washington. This force, and those 
which soon followed, were under the command 
of Major-general George B. McClellan, who, on 
entering upon the soil of Virgina, issued a proc- 
lamation to the loyal Virginians, announcing 
that the purpose of his coming was to aid their 
own troops, and to enable them to organize for 
their own defence against the traitors. And he 
declared that not only would his forces abstain 
from all interference with slavery, but that they 
would, with an iron hand, crush any attempt 
at insurrection on the part of the slaves. 

As these troops proceeded they were re- 
ceived with much joy by the Union people, 
who were largely in the majority in most of 
the places in the north-western part of the state, 
the small bodies of rebel soldiers scattered and 
fled at their approach, and loyal people were 
relieved from the presence of active rebel sym- 
pathizers by their capture or flight. 

Thus were the first movements of troops 
made into territory which was claimed to be 
no longer under the jurisdiction of the United 
States government, and the first steps taken by 
the government to assert it» authority against 
the rebellion. These movements created a 
great excitement, not only in Virginia, but 
throughout the seceded states. They were 
declared to be an invasion of the soil of a 
sovereign state and of the rights of the south, 
and the most fiery appeals were made to ex- 
Every sort of 
misrepresentation of the purposes of the goy- 
ernment was made to inflame the passions 


| and prejudices of men, to force into open and 
were loyal, as will be more particularly noticed | 


active rebellion all who were yet uncommitted 


| ° ° . 
to it or were slow in its support, and even 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to alarm the slaves with fears for their lives 
should the northern armies reach them. The 
martial spirit was more fully aroused, and the 
rebel authorities made new efforts to hurry 
forward troops for the defence of Virginia, 
which was now considered absolutely one of 
the Confederate States. 

General Beauregard, who commanded the 
forces at Charleston at the time of the bom- 
bardment of Fort Sumter, was appointed to the 
command of the Confederate army collecting 
in Virginia; and upon assuming that position 
he issued a proclamation to the people of the 
counties in the vicinity of Washington, con- 
taining the most infamous misrepresentations 
of the character and purposes of the federal 
government. This proclamation commenced 
as follows :— 

“ A reckless and unprincipled tyrant has in- 
vaded your soil. Abraham Lincoln, regardless 
of all moral, legal, and constitutional restraints, 
has thrown his abolition hosts among you, who 
are murdering and imprisoning your citizens, 
confiscating and destroying your property, and 
committing other acts of violence and outrage 
too shocking and revolting to humanity to be 
enumerated. 

“ All rules of civilized warfare are abandoned, 
and they proclaim by their acts, if not on their 
banners, that their war-cry is ‘Beauty and 
Booty.” All that is dear to man — your honor 
and that of your wives and daughters, your 
fortunes and your lives—are involved in this 
momentous contest.” 

Jefferson Davis, upon his arrival at Rich- 
mond, whither the Confederate government 
was now removed, in a speech to the people 
of that city, said, “To the enemy we leave the 
base acts of the assassin and incendiary ; to 
them we leave it to insult helpless women ; to 
us belongs vengeance upon man.” 

The proclamations and orders issued by the 
federal officers sufficiently refute these mis- 
representations and falsehoods with which the 

30 


233 


leaders of the rebellion sought to excite the ha- 
tred of the people of the south against the fed- 
eral government and armies. General McClel- 
lan, when his forces entered Virginia, issued a 
proclamation to the people, setting forth that 
the troops came as friends, that their houses, 
homes, families, and property were safe under 
their protection, and that no interference would 
be made with their slaves, but, on the contrary, 
any attempt at insurrection would be crushed. 
In his orders to his soldiers he said, — 

“You are ordered to cross the frontier and 
enter the soil of Virginia. Your mission is 
to restore peace and confidence, protect the 
majesty of the law, and secure our brethren 
from the grasp of armed traitors. I place under 
the safeguard of your hands the persons and 
property of Virginians. I know yon will re- 
spect their feelings and all their rights, and 
preserve the strictest discipline. Remember 
that each one of you holds in his keeping the 
honor of Ohio and the Union. If you are called 
upon to overcome an armed opposition, I know 
your courage is equal to the task. Remember 
your only foes are armed traitors, and show 
mercy even to them when in your power, for 
many of them are misguided. When, under 
your protection, the loyal men of Western Vir- 
ginia have been enabled to organize and form, 
they can protect themselves, and you can then 
return to your homes with the proud satisfac- 
tion of having preserved a gallant people from 
destruction.” 

General Patterson, when about to move from 
Chambersburg towards Harper’s Ferry, issued 
orders to his troops, in which he said, — 

“You are going on American soil to sustain 
the civil power, to relieve the oppressed, and 
to retake that which is unlawfully held. You 
must bear in mind you are going for the good 
of the whole country, and that, while it is your 
duty to punish sedition, you must protect the 
loyal, and, should the occasion offer, at once 
suppress servile insurrection.” 


234 


Colonel Duryea, who commanded the troops 
sent from Fortress Monroe to Hampton, issued 
a proclamation to the inhabitants, telling them 
that their rights of person and property would 
be entirely respected, and saying, “ Be assured 
that we are here in no war against you, your lib- 
erty, your property, or even your local customs; 
but to keep on high that flag of which your 
own great son was the bearer; to sustain those 
institutions and those laws made by our ances- 
tors, and defended by their common blood.” 

So, too, General McDowell issued orders for 
keeping a strict account of all damage done to 
property by the advance of the army into Vir- 
ginia. And such was the spirit of the procla- 
mations and orders of other officers of the 
Union army as they entered the territory oc- 
cupied by secessionists. These orders were 
strictly observed ; and, as the sequel proved, the 
Union forces, for the most part, erred on the side 
of leniency towards people whose sympathies 
and acts were altogether on the side of rebel- 
lion. On the other hand, the barbarities of the 
rebels towards Union men and women in the 
seceded states, and towards the federal troops 
who fell into their hands, as well as their man- 
ner of conducting the war in many instances, are 
a striking commentary on the language of Davis 
and Beauregard. 


CHAPTER XXXII. 


Military Operations before Washington. — Skirmishes. — Caval- 
ry Dash to Fairfax Court House. — Engagement at Vienna. 
— Military Rule in Baltimore. — Arrests. — Suspension of 
Habeas Corpus. — Movement of Federal Troops in Western 
Virginia. — Attack on Rebels at Philippi.— Complete Rout 
of the Rebel Force. Western Virginia relieved from the 
Presence of Rebel Forces. — General Morris’s Proclamation. 
— Guerrillas. — General Patterson’s Advance. — Retreat of 
the Rebels from the Maryland Side of the Potomac. — Evacu- 
ation of Harper’s Ferry. — Movements in Eastern Virginia. — 
Advance to Newport News. — General Butler and the Slaves 
of Rebels. — Contrabands. — General Butler’s Policy approved. 
— Employment of Negroes. — Expedition to Great Bethel. — 
Unfortunate Mistake. — Federal Troops fire on each other. — 
Attack at Great Bethel. — Unsuccessful Assault, — Retreat 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


of Federal Troops. — Death of Lieutenant Grebble and Major 

Winthrop. — Character and Bravery of Winthrop. — Number 

of the Rebel Force. — The Retreating Force not pursued. — 

Effect of the Repulse at Fortress Monroe.— Potomac Flotilla. 

— Bombardment of Batteries at Acquia Creek. — Action at 

Matthias Point. — Death of Captain Ward. 

Tue federal troops having entered Virginia, 
new regiments were constantly added to the 
forces as fast as they could be forwarded, due 
care being taken to keep a sufficient force in 
and about Baltimore, and along the Potomac 
above Washington. Brigadier-general Irwin 
McDowell, of the United States army, was as- 
signed to the command of the army in Eastern 
Virginia, except the forces at Fortress Monroe 
and vicinity, succeeding Major-general Sand- 
ford, of the New York militia, who had been 
first in command. Extensive earthwork forti- 
fications were constructed on the eminences on 
the south side of the Potomac, opposite Washing- 
ton and Georgetown, and beyond Alexandria. 
The troops were advanced a short distance into 
Virginia, but with the exception of an occa- 
sional capture of a few rebel soldiers or disloyal 
residents, and some picket firmg and skirmish- 
ing, little of importance transpired. One of 
the most spirited of these affairs was the dash 
of Lieutenant Tompkins, with a company of 
cavalry, numbering about fifty, into the village 
of Fairfax Court House. With this small force 
Lieutenant Tompkins entered the village about 
daylight, taking the rebel force, which num- 
bered several hundred, by surprise. Charging 
upon a body of Virginia cavalry, he dispersed 
them, and then dashed again through the vil- 
lage upon some detachments of rebel troops 
who were just forming, and, taking five prison- 
ers, he withdrew and returned within the Union 
lines, with a loss of three men missing and three 
wounded. Captain Marr, of the rebel troops, 
was the only one known to be killed, though 
a number were wounded. ‘T'wo of the missing 
men were captured by the rebels, and were 
reported to have been retaken the next night 
by another bold dash of the same company. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


On the 17th of June an engagement occurred 
unexpectedly near Vienna, on the line of the 
Alexandria and Loudon Railroad, and about 
thirteen miles from Alexandria. This railroad 
had just been repaired and put in a condition 
for use, and a train was despatched with a force 
consisting of the first Ohio regiment, under 
Brigadier-general Schenk, of Ohio, to be posted 
at important points along the road for its pro- 
tection. The guards were posted as the train 
proceeded until the regiment was reduced to 
only four companies. With this small force 
the train was approaching Vienna, when, upon 
turning a curve, it was fired upon by a rebel bat- 
tery of three guns, so posted as to command the 
track, and not to be seen till the train was fairly 
within its range. The fire killed and wounded 
a number of the men, who were on open cars. 
The train being stopped, the troops left the 
cars, and, being formed on either side of the 
railroad, prepared to resist any further attack. 
As they did so, the engine driver, instead of 
retiring slowly, as ordered, detached one car 
and ran back to Alexandria, leaving the troops 
and the remainder of the train. The small 


force, who were under the immediate command | 


of Colonel McCook, stood their ground well; 
but it was seen that the enemy had a large 
body of infantry and cavalry to support his 
artillery, and his force was so much greater 
that it was deemed prudent to retire. This 
was done slowly, the dead and wounded being 
taken along on litters and blankets. The rebels 
did not follow, nor even make any attack with 
their infantry or cavalry, with which they might 
have overwhelmed the small number of federal 
soldiers. It appeared that they were fearful 
that a large federal force was at hand, and that 
the engine had returned to bring up reén- 
forcements. General Schenk fell back slowly 
through the night, and was met by reénforce- 
ments early the next morning; but the enemy 
abandoned their position, and a large federal 
force was advanced to Vienna. 


230 


Quite a large number of troops were wisely 
kept in and about Baltimore and at Annapolis. 
These troops kept the secessionists in subjec- 
tion, although General Cadwallader was more 
lenient than General Butler had been, and the 
spirit of secession in Baltimore was more de- 
monstrative than it had dared to be while the 
latter was in command. Many disloyal persons 
were arrested and confined in Fort McHenry. 
Among them were some of the leading and 
wealthy citizens, whose sympathy with the rebel 
cause was shown by more than words. Writs 
of habeas corpus were issued in behalf of some 
of these prisoners; but under orders from the 
government, General Cadwallader® refused to 
deliver them up or to answer to the process. 
Chief Justice Taney, of the Supreme Court, who 
issued a writ of habeas corpus in one of these 
cases, sent a protest to the President against 
the suspension of the writ, which he said the 
President had no right to suspend, the power 
being vested only in Congress. The necessity 
for suspending the writ was so apparent in the 
condition of affairs in Maryland, that the truly 
loyal people were ready to sustain the course 
of the government even if it transcended its 
powers. But the question of right was an open 


one, and the argument in favor of the power, 


as well as the necessity of exercising it, or even 
assuming it at such a perilous time, was clearly 
set forth in the President's message at the 
extra session of Congress, which will be found 
in a subsequent chapter. General Banks, who 
soon after succeeded to the command of this 
department, drew a tighter rein upon secession. 

In Western Virginia a considerable force had 
followed the advance regiments, and gradually 
occupied many of the most important towns. 
Small forces of the rebels were scattered at 
various points; but there was hardly a skirmish, 
until an attack was made upon a rebel force 


of about fifteen hundred men at the town of 


Philippi. The Union troops left Grafton in 


two columns, composed of parts of several 


236 HISTORY 


regiments and a battery of artillery, under the 
command of Colonels Dumont, Kelly, Critten- 
den, and Lander,* and marched in the night, 
and through a severe storm, about twenty miles, 
to the town where the rebels were encamped. 
Colonel Lander was to attack the enemy in 
front, while Colonel Kelly was to cut off their 
retreat by a movement in the rear. But the 
long and difficult march, and a mistake ofa road, 
prevented Colonel Kelly’s force from reaching 
the position at the appointed time, and Colonel 
Lander’s approach being discovered by the 
rebels, and his men being impatient for an at- 
tack before the rebels could retreat, the latter 
officer, after waiting as long as he could for 
Colonel Kelly to reach his position, opened the 
attack. The cannonading had but just begun, 
when Colonel Kelly’s force appeared on one 
side of the rebel camp, and moved rapidly to- 
wards it. The rebels, however, scarcely offered 
resistance, but, after firing a single volley, scat- 
tered and fled, pursued by the Union troops; 
but as there was no cavalry to follow them, 
they could not be overtaken by the infantry, 
already*wearied with a long march. A few 
prisoners and the camp equipage were captured. 
The enemy lost also sixteen killed and a large 
number wounded. The federal loss was but 
one or two killed and a few wounded; arhong 
the latter, Colonel Kelly, who was shot by a 
rebel whom he was summoning to surrender 
after the battle, if it could be called such, 
was over. | 

The success of this attack relieved the greater 
part of North-western Virginia from the pres- 
ence of rebel forces for a season. The loyal 
inhabitants of this vicinity were greatly rejoiced 
to return to their usual occupations, and to be 
rid of the oppression of the rebel forces. The 
secessionists, who were in a decided minority, 


* F. W. Lander, of Massachusetts, afterwards brigadier-gen- 
eral, who died while in command of a brigade on the Upper 
Potomac. 


OF THE UNITED STATES. 


either followed the retreating rebel forces, or 
prudently kept quiet in their homes. 

General Morris, under whose orders the fed- 
eral forces had moved upon Philippi, soon after 
issued a proclamation, in which he said, “ West- 
ern Virginia is free from the enemies of her 
freedom and peace. In full confidence of your 
ability and desire to protect yourselves, I now 
call upon you to come to the support of your 
constitutional government. I am empowered 
to muster you into the service of the United 
States, to serve only in defence of your own 
soil.” To this call the people responded in con- 
siderable numbers, and a large body of militia, 
or home guards, were organized, in addition to 


| the regiments of volunteers raised for the gen- 
eral service of the United States. 
ground they thus gained in North-western Vir- 


Holding the 


ginia, the federal forces continued their advance 
into the state southward and eastward, for the 
purpose of opening the Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad. But though no large rebel forces 
were again collected in this part of the state, 
there were numerous guerrilla parties, who in- 
flicted much damage upon the loyal citizens, 
destroyed bridges, and waged a petty warfare 
in various ways against the federal forces and 
all who sympathized with the Union cause. 
Early in June, a force of ten or twelve thou- 
sand men, under General Patterson, moved 
down from Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, to- 
wards Harper’s Ferry, and another force moved 
up the north bank of the Potomac from the 
District of Columbia. There were some un- 
important skirmishes, mostly firmg across the 
river by pickets and other small bodies of 
troops, but no battle or decisive movement 
on either side. As General Patterson’s forces 
approached Harper’s Ferry, the rebels evacu- 
ated the Maryland Heights, which they had 
for some time occupied, and where they had 
some artillery mounted, and fell back to their 
main body on the Virginia side of the river. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


The positions held by the rebels at and near 
Harper’s Ferry were naturally strong, and they 
claimed — what was generally believed — that 
they had rendered them impregnable. Their 
confidence in their ability to hold the positions, 
however, seemed to vanish as the federal forces 
approached ; and after gradually withdrawing 
their outlying detachments, they finally, on the 
14th of June, evacuated their main position at 
Harper’s Ferry, and retreated towards Winches- 
ter. Before leaving the place, they destroyed the 
fine bridge over the Potomac, the government 
buildings, and other property which they could 
not remove, as well as their own provisions 
which they were unable to transport. General 
Patterson moved his forces to Williamsport, 
some miles above Harper’s Ferry, and also ad- 
vanced towards the latter place, taking posses- 
sion of strong positions on the Maryland side. 
The rebels still remained gn some force in the 
neighborhood, and an advance into Virginia was 
delayed. 

In Eastern Virginia the Union forces were 
advanced from Hampton to Newport News 
Point, an important position at the mouth of 
the James River, where several regiments en- 
camped and erected fortifications. At the first 
advance of the Union troops into this part of 
Virginia, most of the secessionists of the vicin- 
ity who had not previously left, abandoned their 
houses and estates, and left many of their slaves 
to take care of themselves. Large numbers of 
these sought the protection of the federal 
troops, and gathered about Fortress Monroe. 
For the sake of humanity it became necessary 
to make some provision for these unfortunate 
people, men, women, and children, of all ages. 
General Butler had, at the outset, refused to 
surrender some slaves, fugitives from a known 
secessionist, and he now adopted the general 
policy of considering the able-bodied negroes 
escaping from rebel masters, as “ contraband of 


237 


and in other hostile work. Upon the question 
of detaining and protecting such fugitives Gen- 
eral Butler had no doubt; but in relation to the 
children and infirm he would not assume to 
decide, and submitted the question, with his 
general policy, to the war department. The 
secretary of war approved the course of Gen- 
eral Butler in the following reply :— 


“Sir: Your action in respect to the negroes 
who came within your lines from the service of 
the rebels, is approved. ‘The department is sen- 
sible of embarrassments which must surround 
officers conducting military operations in a state 
by the laws of which slavery is sanctioned. 
The government cannot recognize the rejection 
by any state of its federal obligations; nor can 
it refuse the performance of the federal obliga- 
tions resting upon itself’ Among these federal 
obligations, however, no one can be more im- 
portant than that of suppressing and dispersing 
armed combinations formed for the purpose of 
overthrowing its whole constitutional authority ; 
while, therefore, you will permit no interference 
by the persons under your command with the 
relations of persons held to service under the 
laws of any state, you will, on the other hand, 
so long as any state, within which your military 
operations are conducted, is under the control 
of such organizations, refrain from surrendering 
to alleged masters any persons who may come 
within your lines. You will employ such per- 
sons in the services to which they may be best 
adapted, keeping an account of the labor by 
them performed, of the value of it, and of the 
expenses of their maintenance. The question 
of their final disposition will be reserved for 
future determination. 

“S. Cameron, Secretary of War. 


«To Masor-GENERAL BurTLEeR.” 


Acting under these instructions, large num- 


war,” many of such being compelled by the ||bers of the slaves, who from this time were 
rebels to do service in constructing batteries || quite generally called “contrabands,” were em- 


238 


ployed at Fortress Monroe and in the camps at 
Hampton and Newport News. In the village 
of Hampton, which had been almost wholly 
deserted by the rebel whites, these fugitives 
formed a large part of the population. Such 
as could be were employed in various ways by 
the government officers, receiving rations, and 
in some cases a tardy compensation, and others 
raised vegetables and fruit on the deserted 
grounds of their late masters, for which they 
found a ready sale. The care of these people 
required no little time and attention, and was 
an important department in the administration 
of affairs at Hampton Roads, though not, at all 
times, successfully or faithfully managed. 

Soon after the occupation of Newport News 
by the federal forces, the rebels,in more or less 
force, were found to be posted at points north 
of this place, on the peninsula formed by the 
James and York Rivers. The pickets of the 
enemy occasioned some annoyance, and it was 
found that fortifications were erected at Great 
Bethel, a place some nine miles from Hampton, 
an advance post of their more important posi- 
tion at Yorktown and Williamsburg, from which 
they sent small forces to impress slaves, arrest 
Union men, and to attack the federal pickets. 
General Butler, having determined to drive 
them back from so close proximity to his lines, 
sent a force, consisting of the New York regi- 
ments of Colonels Townsend, Duryea, and 
Bendix, and a battalion of Vermont and Massa- 
chusetts troops, under Lieutenant-colonel Wash- 
burn, with four pieces of artillery, under Lieu- 
tenant Grebble, to make the attack. This force, 
which was commanded by Brigadier-general 
Pierce, of Massachusetts, numbered about three 
thousand men, and moved before daylight from 
Hampton and Newport News, the several regi- 
ments moving separately, and with orders to 
form a junction near Little Bethel, a place be- 
tween Hampton and Great Bethel, where the 
rebels had an outpost. A part of the forces had 
thus united, and the detailed orders of Gen- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


eral Butler were being successfully carried out, 
when, by an unfortunate mistake, Colonel Ben- 
dix’s regiment, which was left at the cross-roads 
to guard against an attack in the rear, opened 
fire upon the command of Colonel Townsend ~ 
as it approached in column by another road, 
being mistaken for the enemy, and killed and 
wounded several men. The fire was returned 
by some of Colonel Townsend’s men, and con- 
fusion and excitement followed among the men 
of these two regiments. The troops which were 
in advance, hearing the firing in their rear, re- 
versed their march to form a junction with their 
support. The design had been to surprise the 
force at Little Bethel, and then to advance 
quickly upon the force at Great Bethel; but 
this unfortunate mistake of course gaye the 
alarm to the enemy, and, leaving their camp, 
they hastily retreated to Great Bethel. Colonel 
Duryea, however, , JUSS before this affair, had suc- 
ceeded in surprising a small FORGE, and captured 
thirty prisoners. 

The mistake having been discovered, the 
troops again moved on towards Great Bethel. 
Here the rebels had constructed fortifications 
commanding the approaches to the place, and 
protected on one side by a creek, the bridge over 
which had been destroyed. From this work the 
rebels opened a fire with heavy guns upon the 
federal forces. Lieutenant Grebble replied rap- 
idly with his howitzers, and an attempt was made 
by a part ofthe infantry to storm the fortifica- 
tion; but though forced to abandon one of their 
batteries, the rebels, protected by their intrench- 
ments, finally repulsed their assailants by their 
fire of musketry and artillery. The federal 
troops, now for the first time under fire, behaved 
well and bravely for the most part; but the at- 
tack was made without sufficient knowledge of 
the position of the enemy, and without any 
well-digested plan. Finding that the place could 
not be carried by such an attack, and that the 
ainmunition was failing, a retreat was ordered 
by General Pierce, and his forces fell back in 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


good order. Had there been sufficient ammu- 
nition, and had the attack been continued but 
a short time longer, there is reason to believe 
that it would have been successful. The fed- 
eral loss in this contest was sixteen killed, fifty- 
three wounded, and five missing; of whom two 
were killed and nineteen were wounded by the 
mistake made by Colonel Bendix’s command. 

Among the killed were Lieutenant Grebble, 
of the regular army, who commanded the artil- 
lery, and Major Winthrop, of General Butler’s 
staff Lieutenant Grebble used his pieces with 
great skill and bravery, though they were too 
light to avail much against the intrenchments 
and the more effective artillery of the rebels. 
He had fired his last shot, and had just spiked 
the gun under his immediate charge, lest it 
should fall into the hands of the enemy before 
it could be drawn away, when he was killed by 
a shot from a rifled cannon. 

Major Theodore Winthrop had served in the 
New York seventh regiment in its brief cam- 
paign at Washington and on the road thither, 
and when that regiment returned home he 
went to Fortress Monroe, and again entered the 
service as a member of General Butler’s staff. 
A man of brilliant mind and great literary tal- 
ent, he was as yet almost unknown to the world, 
though he left some manuscript works which 
have since been widely read and admired. His 
ardent patriotism would not permit him to lie 
idle when his country, and the great principles 
of freedom involved in this contest, called for 
his services. He went with the expedition to 
Great Bethel as a volunteer ; but while there he 
showed the greatest bravery, cheering on the 
men and advancing the farthest towards the 
rebellines. While thus leading a charge he was 
shot, not by a chance bullet, but by the deliberate 
aim of a rebel. His body fell so near the rebel 
lines that the soldiers were unable to bring it 
away. It was, however, subsequently recovered 
under a flag of truce. Among those who knew 
him, Major Winthrop’s death was felt as keenly 


239 


as was Hllsworth’s, so many noble traits of char- 
acter had he, and such genuine ability; and the 
public have since realized, by the publication 
of some of his works, how great a loss to the 
literary world he was. 

The rebel force at Great Bethel was sup- 
posed to be about two thousand, with ten guns 
in their batteries. The number may have been 
exaggerated ; but they had the advantage of a 
strong position and better artillery than that 
of the federal troops. Their success, however, 
was not such as to lead them to pursue the 
retreating forces, except for a short distance, by 
a body of cavalry which was soon disposed to 
retire, the column being protected by the how- 
itzers. The news of the repulse had reached 
Newport News and Fortress Monroe some time 
before the troops arrived, and had produced 
great excitement and activity in preparing to 
resist an attack which it was supposed might 
be made upon the camp at the former place, in 
case the rebels should follow in force. The 
ships of war moved up the roads so as to afford 
additional protection to the camp, and other 
measures for defence were taken; but it ap- 
peared that the rebels were not disposed to 
make any attack. 

While these movements and skirmishes of 
the land forces, preliminary to more important 
movements, were taking place, a gun-boat “flo- 
tiHa ” was organized on the Potomac. It con- 
sisted chiefly of small steamers, purchased for 
the purpose, and carrying a few guns of heavy 
calibre; and its duty was to keep the river open 
for navigation, and to prevent the passage of 
rebel forces or contraband goods between Mary- 
land and Virginia. The rebels had fortified 
several points on the Virginia side of the river, 
and the government transports and war vessels 
had been repeatedly fired upon. 

Among other places, batteries had been 
erected at Acquia Creek, about fifty miles be- 
low Washington, the terminus of a railroad 
from Richmond. These batteries had caused 


240 


some annoyance and damage to passing vessels, 
and Captain Ward, who commanded the flotilla, 
determined to attempt their destruction. On 
the 31st of May he made an attack with his 
flag ship, the steamer Freeborn, supported by 
two steamers of lighter armament. ‘Three bat- 
teries erected near the railroad were, after 
several hours’ cannonading, effectually silenced 
by the heavy fire from the steamers, and the 
vessels were then hauled off, though another 
battery on the heights back from the shore 
still continued its fire. The next day the bom- 
bardment was renewed by the Freeborn and 
the more formidable steamer Pawnee, and was 
continued for five hours, when it was suspended 
in consequence of the fatigue of the men. 
During the night the damage to the batteries 
near the shore had been repaired, and the guns 
from the battery on the heights had apparently 
been transferred to them. The firing on the 
part of the rebels was not so spirited as on the 
day previous; but the vessels were slightly 
damaged, and had the rebel gunners been more 
skilled, the damage might have been serious. 
The rapid and heavy firing of the steamers 
caused a precipitate flight of a part of the rebels, 
and their batteries were almost entirely silenced 
when the vessels withdrew. The buildings in 
the vicinity of the batteries were destroyed, 
but the fortifications were of such a character 
that the damage caused by the gun-boats could 
be easily repaired. 

At a later day, June 27, Captain Ward, who 
had shown himself an active and efficient officer 
in the performance of most arduous duties as 
the commander of the Potomac flotilla, was 
killed in an engagement at Matthias Point. 
There had been frequent reports that the rebels 
had erected batteries at this point, which was 
a strong position from which to attack the ves- 
sels navigating the Potomac; but Captain Ward 
had himself reconnoitred on the point, and sat- 
isfied himself that no permanent batteries had 
been erected. It appeared, however, that the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. | 


rebels had visited the place with field artillery, 
and had thus annoyed the passing vessels. The 
growth of wood was very thick, and would serve 
to cover the enemy in his operations there ; and 
Captain Ward had determined to fell and burn 
the trees and underwood, and thus prevent the 
enemy from masking: his batteries, with the 
view also of inducing the government to hold 
the position with a land force. With a detach- 
ment of men from the Freeborn and the Paw- 
nee, he effected a landing under the fire of the 
Freeborn, which threw shot and shell into the 
woods to drive back any rebel force that 
might be there. Pickets were at once thrown 
out, who soon met the pickets of a rebel force ; 
and soon after a body of rebel troops approached, 
when the naval force was ordered to take to 
the boats and lie off, while Captain Ward re- 
turned to the Freeborn and shelled the woods. 
A landing was again effected, and the men pro- 
ceeded to erect a breastwork of sand-bags for 
protection in future movements. They had 
nearly completed this work, and covered it with 
branches, when the signal for their return to 
the vessel was made. As they were embarking 
in the boats the rebels opened fire upon them 
with musketry. Several men were severely 
wounded; but they all reached the boats, and 
rowed to the Freeborn safely, though under a 
heavy fire. On board that vessel it was found 
that Captain Ward was killed by a musket ball 
at the time of the attack on the forces on shore, 
and just as he was sighting his gun to open 
fire upon the attacking force. This event pre- 
vented the protection to the boats’ crew, which 
Captain Ward intended to give them, and the 
safety of the men was greatly endangered. 
The expedition thus failed to accomplish what 
the brave commander had intended, and in the 
attempt the country lost an able, active, and 
patriotic officer. The rebels still held the Point, 
and continued to endanger the navigation of the 
river, until at a later period it was entirely block- 
aded by their batteries on the Virginia shore. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER XXXIV. 


Rebellion in Missouri. — Action of General Lyon. — Movement 
of Troops from St. Louis to Jefferson City. — Flight of Gov- 
ernor Jackson and his Friends.— The Federal Troops take 
Possession of the Capital. — Proclamation of General Lyon. — 
Advance of Federal Troops towards Booneville. — Battle at 
Booneville. — Flight of the Rebel Forces. —Occupation of 
Booneville. — Liberation of Prisoners. — Proclamation by Gen- 
eral Lyon. — Movement to the South-west. 


Tue proclamation of Governor Jackson, of 
Missouri, was the signal for the breaking out 
of rebellion in that state. The secessionists 
responded to his call for troops to act against 
the United States forces, and armed resistance 
was organized wherever the secessionists pre- 
dominated. These rebel forces soon began to 
assemble at Jefferson City, the capital, and at 
other places in the central and western part of 
the state, and it was evident that the governor, 
with other secession leaders, was determined to 
bring on a conflict which should result in carry- 
ing the state speedily into the southern Con- 
federacy. General Lyon, with whom Colonel 
F. P. Blair codperated with great activity and 
zeal, was not the man to wait for the rebellion 
to become completely organized, and the rebel 
forces to concentrate into a formidable army, be- 
fore he took measures to repress it. Knowing 
the sympathies of the governor and the pur 
poses of the disloyal legislature, he had foreseen 
to what the course of events led; but when the 
governor, by his proclamation, committed him- 
self to open rebellion, he at once made prepara- 
tions to move a part of his forces to Jeffer- 
son City, to hold the capital of the state, and, 
if necessary,-to organize a provisional govern- 
ment. . 

Governor Jackson issued the proclamation 
spoken of on the 12th of June. On the follow- 
ing day General Lyon’s forces left St. Louis for 
Jefferson City, and troops were sent in other 
directions westward, to guard the railroads and 
for future operations. Other troops followed 
immediately, and Governor Jackson, finding that 

31 ; 


241 


the federal authority was to be asserted, left 
the capital with his secession friends, and the 
considerable force of state troops which had 
assembled there, issuing orders for the destruc- 
tion of the railroads and telegraph lines leading 
to the east. The federal forces took posses- 
sion of the city on the 15th. Subsequently, 
Colonel Bornstein, who was placed in command 
of the forces there, issued a proclamation to the 
people, in which he promised protection to all, 
called upon the civil authorities to continue the 
legal exercise of their official duties, offering to 
aid them in the enforcement of the constitu- 
tional laws. of the country, declared that he- 
would suffer no attempt to destroy the Union 
and the government, and called upon the friends 
of the Union to organize for its defence. Gen- 
eral Lyon, on leaving St. Louis, issued the 
following proclamation, which is inserted be- 
cause it describes the position of affairs in the 
state : — } 


“To THE PEOPLE oF Missouri. 


“Prior to the proclamation issued by Govy- 
ernor Jackson of June 12, it was well known 
to you that the governor and legislature sym- 
pathized with the rebellion movements now in 
progress in the country, and had adopted every 
means in their power to effect the separation 
of this state from the general government. For 
this purpose parties of avowed secessionists were 
organized into military companies throughout 
the state, with the full knowledge and approval 
of the-governor. The establishment of encamp- 
ments in this state at this unusual season of the 
year, and authorized for an indefinite period, 
could have had no other object than the concen- 
tration of a large military force, to be subjected 
to the provisions of the military law then in con- 
templation, and subsequently passed —a bill 
so offensive to all peaceable inhabitants, so pal- 
pably unconstitutional, that it would only be 
accepted by those who are willing to conform 
to its extraordinary provisions for the purpose 


“242 HISTORY OF 


of effecting their cherished object, the disrup- 
tion of the federal government. That bill 
provides for obligation to the state on the part 
of all persons enrolled under its provisions, irre- 
spective of any obligation to the United States, 
when the constitution requires all state officers 
to take the oath of allegiance to the United 
States. This of itself is a repudiation of all 
authority of the general government, whose 
constitution is the supreme law, on the part of 
the state government, its officers and such citi- 
zens as might choose to adopt the provisions 
of the bill, and coupled, as it was, on the part 
of the legislature and governor, with declara- 
tions hostile to its authority, and in sympathy 
with those arrayed in hostility against it, could 
leave no doubt of its object to carry out the 
provisions of this extraordinary bill, having in 
direct view hostilities to the federal govern- 
ment. It was so denounced by General Harney, 
who characterized it as a secession ordinance 
in his proclamation of the 14th of May. That 
proclamation, doubtless, gave rise to the inter- 
view between General Harney and General 
Price, resulting in an agreement which it was 
hoped would lead to the restoration of tran- 
quillity and good order in your state. That the 
repudiation of the military bill, and all efforts 
of the militia of the state under its provisions, 
was the basis of the agreement, was shown as 
well by the proclamation of General Harney 
immediately preceding it, as by the paper sub- 
mitted to General Price containing the prelimi- 
nary conditions to an interview with him. 
“This agreement failed to define specifically 
the terms of peace, or how far a suspension of 
the provisions of the military bill should form 
a part of it, though, from the express declara- 
tion of General Harney at the time of the con- 
ference, a suspension of any action under the 
bill until there could be a judicial determination 
of its character by some competent. tribunal, 
must, in good faith, be regarded as the funda- 
mental basis of the negotiation. Nevertheless, 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


‘immediately after this arrangement, and up to 
the time of Governor Jackson’s proclamation, 
complaints of attempts to execute the pro- 
visions of this bill, by which the most extraordi- 
nary hardships have been imposed on peaceful 
and loyal citizens, coupled with the persecution 
and proscription of those opposed to its pro- 
visions, have been made to me as commander 
of the United States forces here, and have been 
carried to Washington, with appeals for relief 
from Union men of all parties in the state, who 
have been abused, insulted, and, in some in- 
stances, driven from their homes. That relief I 
conceive it to be the duty of a just government 
to use every exertion in its power to give. 
“Upon this point the policy of the govern- 
ment is set forth in the following communica- 
tion from the department at Washington, dated 
May 27, to Brigadier-general W. S. Harney, com- 
manding department of the west, St. Louis : — 
«“¢Sm: The President observes with concern 
that, notwithstanding the pledge of the state 
authorities to codperate in preserving the 
peace of Missouri, loyal citizens continue to be 
driven from their homes. It is immaterial 
whether these outrages continue from inactivity 
or indisposition on the part of the state au- 
thorities to prevent them. It is enough that 
they continue, and it will devolve on you the 
duty of putting a stop to them summarily by 
the force under your command, to be aided by 
such troops as you may require from Kansas, 
Iowa, and Illinois. The professions of loyalty 
to the Union by the state authorities of Mis- 
sourl are not to be relied upon. They have 
already falsified their professions too often, and 
are too far committed to secession to be admitted 
to your confidence, and you can only be sure 
of their desisting from their wicked purposes 
when it is not in their power to prosecute them. 
You will, therefore, be unceasingly watchful 
of their movements, and not permit the clamors 
of their partisans or the opponents of the wise 
measures already taken, to prevent your check- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ing any movement against the government, 
however disguised. The authority of the United 
States is paramount, and whenever it is appar- 
ent that any movement, whether by color of 
state authority or not, is hostile, you will not 
hesitate to put it down. 

“¢T,, Tuomas, Adjutant-general? 

“Tt is my design to carry out these instruc- 
tions in letter and spirit. Their justice and 
propriety will be appreciated by any one who 
takes an enlightened view of the relation of 
the citizens of Missouri to the general govern- 
ment. Nor can such a policy be construed as 
at all disparaging to the rights or dignity of 
Missouri, or infringing upon individual liberty. 

“The recent proclamation of Governor Jack- 
son, by which he set at defiance the authority 
of the United States, and urged you to make 
war upon them, is but the consummation of his 
treasonable purposes long indicated by his acts 
and expressed opinions, and now made manifest. 
If, in suppressing these treasonable purposes, 
and carrying out the policy of the government, 
and maintaining its dignity, as above indicated, 
hostilities should unfortunately occur, and un- 
happy consequences should follow, I would 
hope that all aggravation of those events may 
be avoided, and that they may be diverted from 
the innocent, and fall only upon the heads of 
those by whom they have been provoked. 

“Tn the discharge of these plain but onerous 
duties, I shall look for the countenance and 
active codperation of all good citizens, and shall 
expect them to discountenance all illegal com- 
binations or organizations, and support and 
uphold by every lawful means the federal govy- 
ernment, upon the maintenance of which de- 
pend their liberties and the perfect enjoyment 
of all their rights. - 

“N. Lyon, Brigadier-general 
“U7. S. Volunteers, commanding.” 


Leaving a small force under Colonel Born-| 


stem at Jefferson City, General Lyon, with 


243 


about two thousand men, proceeded up the 
Missouri River towards Booneville, where it 
was understood the state troops were posted 
in considerable force. On the 17th the troops 
landed near Rocheport, and, learning that the 
state troops were really at Booneville, and pre- 
paring to give battle, General Lyon marched 
towards that place. After proceeding several 
miles, the enemy — for such they showed them- 
selves to be—were discovered, posted in a 
strong position along a lane and about a large 
brick house, upon some rising ground. On 
arriving at a suitable position, about three 
hundred yards from the rebel line, fire was 
opened by the artillery of General Lyon’s force, 
and the infantry, forming on the right and left, 
commenced a fire of musketry. The fire was 
returned with some spirit for a time; but the 
well-directed fire of the artillery scattered the 
enemy, and the infantry following up the ad- 
tage by effective discharges of musketry, they 
retired in great haste, but formed again in a 
neighboring field. They now returned the 
fire of the federal troops with more spirit, and 
another portion of their forces commenced an 
effective fire from a grove on the left of the 
centre of the Union forces. For a short time 
there was the appearance of a severe battle; 
but the enemy soon gave way again, and re- 
treated with more haste than order. Although 
the ground was well adapted for an obstinate 
defence, the scattered insurgents did not rally 
to resist the advance of the federal troops, who 
took possession of the deserted camp. In the 
mean time the fire from a howitzer on board 
one of the steamboats had compelled the enemy 
to abandon a battery about a mile from the 
camp, constructed near the bank of the river 
to oppose the passage of federal steamers. At 
the camp a considerable quantity of ammu- 
nition, camp equipage, and clothing was cap- 
tured, and a number of prisoners were also 
taken. 

Arriving at Booneville, the scattered in- 


244 HISTORY 


surgents showed some indications of making 
another stand at the fair-grounds, where a state 
armory had recently been established; but a 
few shots from the gun of the steamer pre- 
vented them from rallying. They passed on 
through the town in great disorder, and con- 
tinued their flight westward. The Union troops 
entered the town amid many demonstrations 
of satisfaction on the part of the loyal inhabit- 
ants. The state troops collected at this point 
numbered, probably, about three thousand, but 
only a part of them were in the engagement; 
and of the Union troops hardly more than one 
fourth participated in the action. The loss of 
the state troops was supposed to be upwards 
of fifty killed and wounded, and the federal 
loss was two killed and ten wounded. General 
Price, who had been in command of the state 
troops, had gone west before the federal troops 
arrived, and, according to rebel statements, had 
given orders for his troops to retreat; but 
subsequent orders from Governor Jackson led 
to the engagement. General Lyon’s prompt 
action in attacking this force, which would soon 
‘have increased to a formidable rebel army, 
saved the capital of the state, and relieved the 
state itself from a secession government hold- 
ing the insignia of authority and supported by 
a large armed force. 

General Lyon liberated the prisoners whom he 
had taken, most of whom were quite young, and 
had “been misled by frauds ingeniously devised 
and industriously inculcated by designing lead- 
ers,” upon condition that they should not serve 
in hostilities against. the United States. In 
proclaiming this act, he declared, — 

“TY have done this in spite of the well-known 
fact that the leaders in the present rebellion, 
having long experienced the mildness of the 
general government, still feel confident that this 


OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


mildness cannot be overtaxed even by factious 
hostilities having in view its overthrow; but 
lest, as in the case of the late Camp Jackson 
affair, this clemency shall still be misconstrued, 
it is proper to give warning-that the govern- 
ment cannot always be expected to indulge in 
it to the compromise of its evident welfare. 

“Hearing that those plotting against the 
government have falsely represented that the 
government troops intended a forcible and 
violent invasion of Missouri for purposes of 
military despotism and tyranny, I hereby give 
notice to the people of this state that I shall 
scrupulously avoid all interference with the 
business, rights, and property of every descrip- 
tion recognized by the laws of the state, and 
belonging to law-abiding citizens. But it is 
equally my duty to maintain the paramount 
authority of the United States with such force 
as I have at my command, which will be re- 
tained only so long as opposition makes it 
necessary, and that it is my wish, and shall be 
my purpose, to visit any unavoidable rigor 
arising in this issue upon those only who pro- 
voke it.” 

General Lyon remained at Booneville until 
early in July, there being indications of a 
gathering of the rebel forces at some point 
above that place, on the Missouri River; but it 
did not assume such proportions as to require 
the advance of his entire force. In the mean 
time other Union forces had been moved for- 
ward towards the south-western «part of the 
state. To that part of the state Governor Jack- 
son and General Price had gone, and a rebel 
army was there organized. When it became 
apparent that the rebellion was to be met in 
that quarter, General Lyon also marched thither 
to form a junction with his forces, which had 
already proceeded in that direction. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER XXXV. 


Western Virginia. — Opposition to Secession. — Union Conven- 
tion. — Address to the People. — Convention to organize a 
Government. — Declaration of Vacancies. — Separation op- 
posed. — State Officers elected. — Inauguration of Governor. 
— Inaugural Address.— Government recognized by the 
United States Government. — Legislature. — United States 
Senators. — Affairs in Maryland. —General Banks. — His 
Policy. — Arrest of Marshal Kane. — Proclamation of Gen- 
eral Banks.— Action of the Police Commissioners. — Dis- 
covery of Arms, &c., in the Marshal’s Office. — Disloyalty of 

. Police Commissioners. — Their Arrest. — Proclamation by 

_ General Banks. — Effect of his Measures. 


We have now reviewed the principal mili- 
tary movements and events which took place 
previous to the assembling of Congress at the 
extrasession. War had been inaugurated from 
Eastern Virginia to the western borders of 
Missouri. The rebels were collecting forces at 
various points along this whole line and at 
places on the coast, a considerable army still 
beleaguering Fort Pickens, at the entrance to 
Pensacola Bay, and the various fortifications in 
the seceded states which belonged to the United 
States being strengthened and garrisoned by 
troops of the Confederate States. On the other 
hand, the federal forces, greatly exceeding the 
number first called for, were also collecting and 
making the first advance movements against 
the insurgents. Before entering upon the 
period when the action of the government was 
sustained by the authority of Congress, and 
more important events followed, it is proper 
to mentiogecertain other events of a political 
character, and of no little importance in main- 
taining the federal authority. 

The loyalty of the people of North-western 
Virginia has already been mentioned. They 
opposed secession from the commencement of 
its agitation, and a majority of their representa- 
tives contended against it in the state conven- 
tion. When the ordinance of secession was 
submitted to the popular vote, they gave a 
large majority of votes against it. On the 
13th of May, a Union convention was held at 


245 


Wheeling, which adopted resolutions declaring 
“that the Virginia convention, in assuming to 
change the relations of the state of Virginia 
to the federal government, have not only act- 
ed unwisely and unconstitutionally, but have 
adopted a policy utterly ruinous to all the 
material interests of our section, severing all 
our social ties, and drying up all the channels 
of our trade and prosperity.” Measures were 
inaugurated for the maintenance of relations to 
the Union, even by carrying out the doctrine 
of secession, if necessary, to its logical conclu- 
sion. A more formal convention was called, to 
meet on the 11th of June, to take action upon 
this subject, and an address was issued by a 
committee of the convention, which ably dis- 
cussed the question of secession, denied its 
constitutionality and propriety, and argued in 
favor of establishing a new state government, 
through which the relations of the people to 
the Union might be preserved. The address 
concluded as follows :— 

“Whilst we have a constitution and code of 
laws for our state government, and local officers 
to administer them, the executive and his im- 
mediate subordinates have submitted them- 
selves to the government of the Confederate 
States. They have thrown off their allegiance 
to the United States, and are now diligently 
and laboriously preparing themselves to wage 
war against the government of the Union. We 
need not characterize, in terms, such conduct; 
but, as true and loyal citizens of Virginia, we 
can and must declare that, in our calm and 
deliberate judgment, it will be the duty of the 
people of North-western Virginia to provide, in 
the lawful and constitutional mode, for the ex- 
ercise of those executive and legislative func- 
tions of our state government which have been 
intrusted to those who are faithless and dis- 
loyal, and thus save ourselves from that anarchy 
which so imminently threatens us. In submit- 
ting this grave subject for your consideration, 
we do so in the earnest faith and hope that you 


246 HISTORY 


will send to the convention of the 11th of 
June your best and truest men, that such action 
may be secured as will best subserve the inter- 
ests of our state and secure the perpetuity of 
its union with the United States.” 

The new convention assembled at the ap- 
pointed time, about forty counties of the state 
being represented. It proceeded at once to 
the important business for which it was con- 
vened, and on the 17th the following declara- 
tion was adopted, and subsequently signed by 
the members of the convention : — 

“The true purpose of all government is to 
promote the welfare and provide for the pro- 
tection and security of the governed; and when 
any form or organization of government proves 
inadequate for or subversive of this purpose, it 
is the right, it is the duty, of the latter to alter 
or abolish it. The Bill of Rights of Virginia, 
framed in 1776, reaffirmed in 1830, and again 
in 1851, expressly reserves this right to the 
majority of her people, and the existing con- 
stitution does not confer upon the General 
Assembly the power to call a convention to 
alter its provisions, or to change the relations 
of the commonwealth, without the previously 
expressed consent of such majority. The act 
of the General Assembly calling the convention 
which assembled at Richmond in February last 
was therefore usurpation; and the convention 
thus called has not only abused the powers 
nominally intrusted to it, but, with the con- 
nivance and active aid of the executive, has 
usurped and exercised other powers, to the 
manifest injury of the people, which, if per- 
mitted, will inevitably subject them to a mili- 
tary despotism. 

“The convention, by its pretended ordi- 
nances, has required the people of Virginia to 
separate from and wage war against the goy-| 
ernment of the United States, and against the 
citizens of neighboring states with whom they, 
have heretofore maintained friendly, social, and 
business relations. 


OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


“It has attempted to subvert the Union 
founded by Washington and his compatriots in 
the purer days of the republic, which has con- 
ferred unexampled prosperity upon every class 
of citizens, and upon every section of the 
country. 

“Tt has attempted to transfer the allegiance 
of the people to an illegal confederacy of re- 
bellious states, and required their submission 
to its pretended edicts and decrees. 

“Tt has attempted to place the whole mili- 
tary force and military operation of the com-: 
monwealth under the control and direction of 
such confederacy, for offensive as well as de- 
fensive purposes. 

“Jt has, in conjunction with the state execu- 
tive, instituted, wherever their usurped power 
extends, a reign of terror intended to suppress 
the free expression of the will of the people, 
making elections a mockery and a fraud. 

“The same combination, even before the 
passage of the pretended ordinance of seces- 
sion, instituted war by the seizure and appro- 
priation of the property of the federal govern- 
ment, and by organizing and mobilizing armies, 
with the avowed purpose of capturing or de- 
stroying the capital of the Union. | 

“They have attempted to bring the allegi- 
ance of the people of the United States into 
direct conflict with their subordinate allegiance 
to the state, thereby making obedience to 
their pretended ordinance a reason against the 
former. ~ 

“ We, therefore, the delegates here assembled 
in convention to devise such measures and take 
such: action as the safety and welfare of the 
loyal citizens of Virginia may demand, having 
mutually considered the premises, and viewing 
with great concern the deplorable condition to 
which this once happy commonwealth must be 
reduced, unless some regular adequate remedy 
is speedily adopted, and appealing to the Su- 
preme Ruler of the Universe for the rectitude 
of our intentions, do hereby, in the name and 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 247 


on the behalf of the good people of Virginia, 
solemnly declare that the preservation of their 
dearest rights and liberties, and their security 
in person and property, imperatively demand 
the reérganization of the government of the 
commonwealth, and that all acts of said con- 
vention and executive, tending to separate this 
commonwealth from the United States, or to 
levy and carry on war against them, are without 
authority and void, and the offices of all who 
adhere to the said convention and executive, 
whether legislative, executive, or judicial, are 
vacated.” 

A proposition was made for the ultimate 
separation of the north-western part of the 
state, and the formation of a new state. But, 
though this proposition was favored by many 
of the most earnest of the Union people, it was 
not deemed expedient to adopt such measures 
at first; and, accordingly, after the adoption of 
the foregoing declaration, the convention pro- 
ceeded to the establishment of a government for 
the state of Virginia. Hon. Francis H. Pier- 
pont, one of the firmest of the loyal men;* was 
elected governor, and the various other offices 
under the state constitution were filled by the 
election of Union men. The governor elect 
was inaugurated at once. In his inaugural 
address he thus stated the position of the loyal 
people of Virginia: “ We have been driven into 
the position we occupy to-day by the usurpers 
at the south, who- have inaugurated this war 
upon the soil of Virginia,and have made it the 
great Crimea of this contest. We, representing 
the loyal citizens of Virginia, have been bound 
to assume the position we have assumed to-day 
for the protection of ourselves, our wives, our 


* A loyal journal of Virginia said of Governor Pierpont at this 
time, “He is more than a mere anti-secessionist. He is an 
original and devoted friend of progress and liberalism, as it has 
been especially advocated in Western Virginia. He entertains 
none of those old, effete, hair-splitting notions of despotism, under 
the guise of democracy, which have for the last fifty years gov- 
ered and cursed the great official centre of this commonwealth. 
He is a live man, of and from the people.” 


children, and our property. We, I repeat, have 
been driven to assume this position; and now 
we are but recurring to the great fundamental 
principle of our fathers, that to the loyal people 
of a state belongs the law-making power of that 
state. The loyal people are entitled to the 
government and governmental authority of the 
state. And, fellow-citizens, it is the assumtion 
of that authority upon which we are now about 
to enter. It will be for us, by firmness, and by 
prudence, by wisdom, by discretion, in all our 
acts, to inaugurate every step we take for the 
purpose of restoring law and order to this 
ancient commonwealth; to mark well our steps, 
and to implore the divine wisdom and direction 
of Him that ruleth above, who has every hair 
of our heads numbered, and who suffereth not 
a sparrow to fall unnoticed to the ground, and 
his guidance and direction in enabling us to 
earry out the great work we have undertaken 
here, in humility, but with decision and deter- 
mination.” 

The convention took further measures to 
establish the new government in its various 
departments, and to organize the militia forth- 
with. These acts of the convention were cor- 
dially approved by a large majority of the 
people in most of the counties represented, and 
in Wheeling and other towns along the border 
they were hailed with great demonstrations of 
satisfaction. 

The government thus established, upon apply- 
ing to the United States government “for aid 
to suppress rebellion and violence,” was at once 
recognized as the government of Virginia, and 
from that time cooperated with the federal 
authorities in the measures to maintain the 
national cause. A legislature, composed of 
members from the loyal counties, assembled 
at Wheeling, on the 2d of July, when, among 
other acts, it elected two senators in Congress, 
and provided for the election of representa- 
tives; so that Virginia was still an active mem- 


ber of the Union, through her loyal people, 


248 


while by her disloyal leaders she had. been 
committed to the fortunes of the Southern 
Confederacy. In this respect Virginia stood 
alone, though Tennessee had still two or three 
loyal members to represent her Union people 
in the United States Congress, 

The maintenance of the federal authority in 
Mawgyland, though placed-in the hands of the 
military power, was a matter of political man- 
agement. A show of force was evidently neces- 
sary to keep down the spirit of rebellion; but 
the condition of affairs was such, and so large 
a part of the people were loyal, that strict 
martial law was neither necessary nor expe- 
dient. A watchful care was, however, required, 
to keep the secessionists from actively aiding 
their friends in arms, and preparing for the 
much desired opportunity of openly rising in 
rebellion. As before observed, this class of per- 
sons was greatly pleased at the departure of 
General Butler, and, taking courage from the 
leniency of General Cadwallader, were gather- 
ing strength and confidence, and were showing 
their sympathy with the rebellion in a more 
positive way, while they also chafed at the 
presence of the military force. Such was the 
state of affairs when General Banks was as- 
signed to the command of this department, 
and established his headquarters at Baltimore. 

General Banks adopted a conciliatory policy 
towards the mass of the people, but showed a 
firm purpose of keeping the spirit of rebellion 
in subjection. He sought to codperate with the 
civil authorities in maintaining order and sup- 
pressing sedition and rebellion; but he gave 
those authorities to understand that they must 
act honestly for the maintenance of the federal 
government and the Union. It soon appeared, 
however, that the police authorities of Balti- 
more were disloyal, and that they not only suf- 
fered secessionists to furnish aid and comfort to 
the rebels, but that the police force, under the 
lead of its chief, Marshal Kane, contributed to 
that end. That officer was known to be a 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


secessionist, and, at the time of the riot on the 
19th of April, he had taken measures to sum- 
mon armed men to resist the passage of north- 
ern troops to the national capital. The pressure 
of public opinion, and the failure to accomplish 
secession in Maryland, subsequently caused him 
to modify his course; but, while he pretended 
to be loyal, he was secretly as strong a seces- 
sionist as before, and there was good reason to 
believe that his efforts were directed to the 
overthrow, rather than the support, of the fed- 
eral government. General Banks accordingly 
caused him to be arrested and taken to Fort 
McHenry, and issued the following proclama- 
tion to explain to the people the reason for 
that act: — 


‘¢ HEADQUARTERS, 
‘¢s DEPARTMENT OF ANNAPOLIS, June 27, 1861. 


“By virtue of the authority vested in me, 
and in obedience of orders as commanding 
general of the military department of Annapo- 
lis, | have arrested, and do now detain in cus- 
tody, Mr. George P. Kane, chief of the police 
of Baltimore. . 

“TY deem it proper at this moment of arrest to 
make formal public declaration of the motive 
by which I have been governed in this pro- 
ceeding. It is not my purpose, neither is it in 
consonance with my instructions, to interfere 
in any manner whatever with the legitimate 
government of the people of Baltimore or 
Maryland. I desire to support the public 
authorities in all appropriate duties, in pre- 
serving the peace, in protecting property, in 
obeying and enforcing every municipal regula- 
tion and public statute consistent with the 
constitution and laws of the United States 
and Maryland. But unlawful combinations 
organized for resistance to such laws, that 
provide hidden deposits of arms and ammuni- 
tion, and encourage contraband traffic with men 
at war with the government, and while enjoy- 
ing its protection and privileges, stealthily wait 


the opportunity to combine their means and 


' ’ , : ’ 
; t 
un Ds eel 
ro ee Bry een 
, ia aM ° vd 


Ben srs 
Be Paty cre Soy 
LGD NGL coca 
ise 


aa 
mee 


LELETAPS 
AIAN ABA 
TPE 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


forces with those in@ebellion against its author- 
ity. These are not among the recognized legal 
rights of any class of men, and cannot be permit- 
ted under any form of government whatever. 
“Such combinations are well known to exist 
in this department. The mass of the citizens 
of Baltimore and Maryland are loyal to the 
constitution and the Union, and are neither 
parties to, nor responsible for, them; but the 
chief of police is not only cognizant of these 
facts, but in contravention of his duty, and in 
violation of the law, he is, by direction or in- 
direction, both a witness and protector to the 
transactions and parties engaged therein. Un- 
- der such circumstances, the government cannot 


regard him otherwise than as the head of an 


armed force, hostile to its authority, and acting 
in concert with its avowed enemies. For this 
reason, superseding his official authority, as 
well as that of commissioner of police, I have 
arrested and do now detain him in the custody 
of the United States; and in further pursuance 
of my instructions, I have appointed, for the 
time being, Colonel Kenley, of the first. Mary- 
land regiment of volunteers, provost marshal in 
and for. the city of Baltimore, to superintend, 
and cause to be executed, the police laws pro- 
vided by the legislature of Maryland, with the 
aid and assistance of subordinate officers of the 
polite’ department; and he will be respected 
accordingly. rh 
“ Whenever a loyal citizen shall be otherwise 
named for the performance of this duty, who will 
execute the laws impartially and in good faith 
to the government of the United States, the 
military force of this department will render to 
him that instant and willing obedience due 
from every good citizen to his government. 
“NavuHanreL P. Bangs, 
“ Major-General commanding the 
“ Department of Annapolis.” 


This act was exceedingly unpalatable to the | 


disloyal people of Baltimore, and, among others, 
32 


249 


to the police commissioners, whose loyalty was 
not much more certain than that of the mar- 
shal. ‘The commissioners protested against the 
act, and told the officers of the police depart- 
ment to take off their badges and disband, 
though still held subject to the orders of the 
commission for some purpose. An examination 
of the premises occupied by the marshal re- 
vealed a quantity of arms and ammunition con- 
cealed there, evidently, under the circumstances, 
intended for no lawful purpose ; and, about the 
same time, several cannon were discovered in 
another quarter, which were said to have been 
made some time previously by order of Marshal 
Kane, and to have been intended for the bom- 
bardment of Fort McHenry. The action of the 
police commissioners, and the consequent ex- 
citement among a dangerous class of the popu- 
lation, made it necessary for General Banks to 
take another step, which was promptly done. 
Troops were sent to various parts of the city, pre- 
pared to suppress any outbreak, and the police 
commissioners themselves were then quietly 
arrested, and the fact announced by General 
Banks, as follows: — 
“Fort McHenry, July 1. 

“Tn pursuance of orders issued from the 
headquarters of the army at Washington, for 
the preservation of the public peace in the 
department, I have arrested, and now detain in 
the custody of the United States, the late mem- 
bers of the board of police, Messrs. Charles 
Howard, William Getchell, Charles Hinks, and 
John W. Davis. The incidents of the past 
week afforded a full justification for this order. 
The headquarters under the charge of the 
board, when abandoned by the officers, resem- 
bled, in some respects, a concealed arsenal. 
After a public recognition and protest against 
the suspension of their functions, they continued 
their sessions daily. Upon a forced and un- 


| warrantable construction of my proclamation 


of the 28th ult. they declared that the police 


'law was suspended, and the police officers and 


250 


men put off duty for the present, intending to 
leave the city without any protection whatever. 
They refused to recognize the officers and men 
necessarily selected by the provost marshal for 
its protection, and hold subject to their orders, 
now and hereafter, the old police force, a large 
body of armed men, for some purpose not known 
to the government, and inconsistent with its) 
peace and security. To anticipate any intentions 
or orders on their part, I have placed temporarily 
the force under my command within the city. 
I disclaim, on the part of the government I; 
represent, all desire, intention, and purpose to) 
interfere in any manner whatever with the 
ordinary municipal affairs of the city of Balti- 
more. Whenever a loyal citizen can be named 
who will execute its police laws with impartial- 
ity and in good faith to the United States, the | 
military will be withdrawn from the central, 
parts of the municipality at once. No soldiers, 
will be permitted in the city, except under 
regulations satisfactory to the marshal; and if 
any so admitted violate the municipal law, | 
they shall be punished by the civil law through 
the civil tribunals. 
“ NaTHANIEL P. Bangs, 
“ Major-General commanding.” 


Other arrests of private individuals followed, 
and the secessionists found that the federal 
authority was to be asserted firmly, though 
mildly and with reason. A better administra- 
tion of the police department soon followed, 
and the disloyal spirit was held in subjection, 
_ if not wholly suppressed. | 


CHAPTER XXXVI. 


First Session of the Thirty-seventh Congress. — Organization of 
the House. — Senators from Virginia. — President’s Message. 
—Reports of the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the 
Navy.— Sanitary Commission. — Opposition in Congress to 
Executive Measures. — Hon. Andrew Johnson. — Measures 
adopted by Congress. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


Tue thirty-seventh Congyess assembled, pur- 
suant to the call of the President, on the 4th 
of July. The house of representatives was 
organized by the choice of Hon. Galusha A. 
Grow, of Pennsylvania, for speaker, and Hon. 
Emerson Etheridge, one of the patriotic loyal- 
ists of Tennessee, for clerk. In the senate, 
Hon. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, one of the 
boldest and ablest champions of the Union, 
was the only representative of a seceded state. 
Not admitting the right of secession, he still 
held his seat, to represent the loyal people of 
his state. Two senators elected by the legis- 
lature in Western Virginia subsequently took 
seats in that body as the representatives of 
that state. 

The President’s message was transmitted to 
the two houses the next day. This important 
document, which reviews the progress of se- 
cession and the action of the government, 
was as follows :— 


MESSAGE. 


‘‘FeLLow-CirizENs OF THE SENATE AND 
‘House or REPRESENTATIVES : 

“Having been convened on an extraordinary 
occasion, as authorized by the constitution, 
your attention is not called to any ordinary 
subject of legislation. . 

“At the beginning of the present presiden- 
tial term, four months ago, the functions of the 
federal government were found to be generally 
suspended within the several states of South 
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louis- 
iana, and Florida, excepting only those of the 
post office department. 

“Within these states all the forts, arsenals, 
dock yards, custom houses, and the like, in- 
cluding the movable and stationary property 
in and about them, had been seized, and were 
held in open hostility to this government, ex- 
cepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jeffer- 
son, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort 
Sumter, in Charleston harbor, South Carolina. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 201 


The forts thus seized had been put in improved 
condition; new ones had been built, and armed 
forces had been organized, and were organizing, 
all avowedly with the same hostile purpose. 

“The forts remaining in the possession of 
the federal government in and near these states 
were either besieged or menaced by warlike 
preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was 
nearly surrounded by well-protected hostile 
batteries, with guns equal in quality to the 
best of its own, and outnumbering the latter 
as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate 
share of the federal muskets and rifles had 
somehow found their way into these states, and 
had been seized to be used against the govern- 
ment. Accumulations of the public revenue, 
lying within them, had been seized for the same 
object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, 
leaving but a very small part of it within the 
immediate reach of the government. Officers 
of the federal army and navy had resigned in 
great numbers; and of those resigning, a large 
proportion had taken up arms against the gov- 
ernment. Simultaneously, and in connection 
with all this, the purpose to sever the federal 
Union was openly avowed. In accordance with 
this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted 
in each of these states, declaring the states, 
respectively, to be separated from the national 
Union. A formula for insfituting a combined 
government of these states had been promul- 
gated; and this illegal organization, in the 
character of confederate states, was already 
invoking recognition, aid, and intervention, 
from foreign powers. 

“Finding this condition of things, and be- 
lieving it to be an imperative duty upon the 
incoming Executive to prevent, if possible, 
the consummation of such attempt to destroy 
the federal Union, a choice of means to that 
end became indispensable. This choice was 
made, and was declared in the inaugural ad- 
dress. The policy chosen looked to the exhaus- 
tion of all peaceful measures before a resort 


'thousand good and well-disciplined men. 


to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold 
the public places and property not already 
wrested from the government, and to collect 
the revenue; relying, for the rest, on time, 
discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a 
continuance of the mails, at government ex- 
pense, to the very people who were resisting 
the government ; and it gave repeated pledges 
against any disturbance to any of the people, 
or any of their rights. Of all that which a 
President might constitutionally and justifiably 
do, in such a case, every thing was forborne, 
without which it was believed possible to keep 
the government on foot. 3 

“On the 5th of March, (the present incum- 
bent’s first full day in office,) a letter of Major 
Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written 
on the 28th of February, and received at the 
war department on the 4th of March, was, by 
that department, placed in his hands. This 
letter expressed the professional opinion of the 
writer that reénforcements could not be thrown 
into that fort within the time for his relief, 
rendered necessary by the limited supply of 
provisions, and with a view of holding posses- 
sion of the same, with a force of less than twenty 
This 
opinion was concurred in by all the officers of 
his command, and their memoranda on the sub- 
ject were made enclosures of Major Anderson’s 
letter. The whole was immediately laid before 
Lieutenant-General Scott, who at once con- 
curred with Major Anderson in opinion. On 
reflection, however, he took full time, consulting 
with other officers, both of the army and the 
navy, and, at the end of four days, came re- 
luctantly, but decidedly, to the same conclusion 
as before. He also stated at the same time 
that no such sufficient force was then at the 
control of the government, or could be raised 
and brought to the ground within the time 
when the provisions in the fort would be ex- 
hausted. In a purely military point of view, 
this reduced the duty of the administration in 


252 HISTORY OF 


the case to the mere matter of getting the 
garrison safely out of the fort. 

“It was believed, however, that to so aban- 
don that position, under the circumstances, 
would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity 
under which it was to be done would not be 
fully understood; that by many it would be 
construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that 
at home it would discourage the friends of the 
Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to 
insure to the latter a recognition abroad ; that, 
in fact, it would be our national destruction 
consummated. This could not be allowed. 
Starvation was not yet upon the garrison; and 
ere it would be reached, Mort Pickens might be 
reénforced. This last would be a clear indica- 
tion of policy, and would better enable the coun- 
try to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter 
as a military necessity. An order was at once 
directed to be sent for the landing of the troops 
from the steamship Brooklyn, into Fort Pickens. 
This order could not go by land, but must take 
the longer and slower route by sea. The first 
return news from the order was received just 
one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The 
news itself was, that the officer commanding 
the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been 


transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon 
| 
some guasi armistice of the late administration, 


(and of the existence of which the present 
administration, up to the time the order was 
despatched, had only too vague and uncertain 
rumors to fix attention,) had refused to land 
the troops. To now reénforce Fort Pickens, 
before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sum- 
ter, was impossible — rendered so by the near 
‘exhaustion of provisions in the latternamed 
fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture, 
the government had, a few days before, com- 
menced preparing an expedition, as well adapt- 
ed as might be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which 
expedition was intended to be ultimately used, 
or not, according to circumstances. The strong- 
est anticipated case for using it was now pre- 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


sented; and it was resolved to send it forward. 
As had been intended, in this contingency, it 
was also resolved to notify the governor of 
South Carolina, that he might expect an attempt 
would be made to provision the fort; and that, 
if the attempt should not be resisted, there 
would be no effort to throw in men, arms, or 
ammunition, without further notice, or in case 
of an attack upon the fort. This notice was 
accordingly given; whereupon the fort was 
attacked, and bombarded to its fall, without 
even awaiting the arrival of the provisioning 
expedition. 4 

“Tt is thus seen that the assault upon and 
reduction of Fort Sumter was in no sense a 


imatter of selfdefence on the part of the assail- 


ants. They well knew that the garrison in the 
fort could by no possibility commit aggression 
upon them. They knew—they were expressly 
notified — that the giving of bread to the few 
brave and hungry men of the garrison was all 
which would on that occasion be attempted, 
unless themselves, by resisting so much, should 
provoke more. They knew that this govern- 
ment desired to keep the garrison in the fort, 
not to assail them, but merely to maintain visi- 
ble possession, and thus to preserve the Union 
from actual and immediate dissolution — trust- 
ing, as herein before stated, to time, discussion, 
and the ballot-bom for final adjustment; and 
they assailed, and reduced the fort, for precisely 
the reverse object—to drive out the visible 
authority of the federal Union, and thus force 
it to immediate dissolution. That this was 
their object the Executive well understood ; 
and having said to them, in the inaugural ad- 
dress, ‘ You can have no conflict without being 
yourselves the aggressors, he took pains, not 
only to keep this declaration good, but also 
to keep the case so free from the power of in- 
genious sophistry, as that the world should not 
be able to misunderstand it. By the affair 
at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circum- 
stances, that point was reached. Then and 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


thereby the assailants of the government began 
the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or 
in expectancy to return their fire, save only the 
few in the fort, sent to that harbor, years before, 
for their own protection, and still ready to give 
that protection in whatever was lawful. In this 
act, discarding all else, they have forced upon 
the country the distinct issue: ‘Immediate 
dissolution or blood.’ 

“ And this issue embraces more than the fate 
of these United States. It presents to the whole 
family of man the question, whether a constitu- 
tional republic or democracy —a government 
of the people, by the same people — can, or 
cannot, maintain its territorial integrity against 
its own domestic foes. It presents the question, 
whether discontented individuals, too few in 
numbers to control administration, according to 
organic law, in any case, can always, upon the 
pretences made in this case, or on any other 
pretences, or arbitrarily, without any pretence, 
break up their government, and thus practically 
put an end to free government upon the earth. 
It forces us to ask, ‘Is there in all republics 
this inherent and fatal weakness? Must a gov- 
ernment of necessity be too strong for the 
liberties of its own people, or too weak to main- 
tain its own existence ?’ 

“So viewing the issue, no choice was left but 
to call out the war power of the government, 
and so to resist force employed for its destruc- 
tion by force for its preservation. 

“The call was made, and the response of 
the country was most gratifying, surpassing in 


unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expec-| 


tation. Yet none of the states commonly 
called slave states, except Delaware, gave a 
regiment through regular state organization. 
A few regiments have been organized within 
some others of those states by individual enter- 
prise, and received into the government service. 
Of course, the seceded states, so called, (and to 
which Texas had been joined about the time 
of the inauguration,) gave no troops to the cause 


253 


of the Union. .The border states, so called, 
were not uniform in their action; some of them 
being almost for the Union, while in others — as 
Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkan- 
sas — the Union sentiment was nearly repressed 
and silenced. ‘The course taken in Virginia 
was the most remarkable — perhaps the most 
important. A convention, elected by the peo- 
ple of that state to consider this very question 
of disrupting the federal Union, was in session 
at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter 
fell. To this body the people had chosen a 
large majority of professed Union men. Almost 
immediately after the fall of Sumter, many mem- 
bers of that majority went over to the original 
disunion minority, and, with them, adopted an 
ordinance for withdrawing the state from the 
Union. Whether this change was wrought by 
their great approval of the assault upon Sum- 
ter, or their great resentment at the govern- 
ment’s resistance to that assault, is not definitely 
known. Although they submitted the ordi- 
nance, for ratification, to a vote of the people, 
to be taken on a day then somewhat more than 
a month distant, the convention, and the legis- 
lature, (which was also in session at the same 
time and place,) with leading men of the state 
not members of either, immediately commenced 
acting as if the state were already out of the 
Union. They pushed military preparations vig- 
orously forward all over the state. They seized 
the United States armory at Harper’s Ferry, 
and the navy yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. 
They received — perhaps invited — into their 
state large bodies of troops, with their warlike 
appointments, from the so-called seceded states. 
They formally entered into a treaty of tempo- 
rary alliance and codperation with the so-called 
‘Confederate States, and sent members to their 
congress at Montgomery. And, finally, they 
permitted the insurrectionary government to 
be transferred to their capital at Richmond. 
“The people of Virginia have thus allowed 


‘this giant insurrection to make its nest within 


204 


her borders; and this government has no choice 
left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it 
has the less regret, as the loyal citizens have, in 
due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal 
citizens this government is bound to recognize 
and protect, as being Virginia. 

“Jn the border states, so called, —in fact, the 
middle states, — there are those who favor a 
policy which they call ‘armed neutrality ;’ that 
is, an arming of those states to prevent the 
Union forces passing one way, or the disunion 
the other, over their soil. This would be dis- 
union completed. Figuratively speaking, it 
would be the building of an impassable wall 
along the line of separation— and yet not quite 
an impassable one; for, under the guise of neu- 
trality, it would tie the hands of the Union men, 
afid freely pass supplies from among them to 
the insurrectionists, which it could not do as an 
open enemy. At a stroke, it would take all 
the trouble off the hands of secession, except 
only what proceeds from the external block- 
ade. It would do for the disunionists that 
which, of all things, they most desire — feed 
them well, and give them disunion without a 
struggle of theirown. It recognizes no fidelity 
to the constitution, no obligation to maintain 
the Union; and while very many who have 
favored it are, doubtless, loyal citizens, it is, 
nevertheless, very injurious in effect. 

“Recurring to the action of the government, 
it may be stated that, at first, a call was made 
for seventy-five thousand militia; and rapidly 
following this, a proclamation was issued for 
closing the ports of the imsurrectionary districts 
by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So 
far all was believed to be strictly legal. At this 
point the insurrectionists announced their pur- 
pose to enter upon the practice of privateering. 

“Other calls were made for volunteers to 
serve three years, unless sooner discharged, and 
also for large additions to the regular army 
and navy. ‘These measures, whether strictly 
legal or not, were ventured upon, under what 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


appeared to be a popular demand and a public 
necessity; trusting then, as now, that Congress 
would readily ratify them. It is believed that 
nothing has been done beyond the constitu- 
tional competency of Congress. 

“Soon after the first call for militia, it was 
considered a duty to authorize the commanding 
general, in proper cases, according to his dis- 
cretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of 
habeas corpus, or, in other words, to arrest and 
detain, without resort to the ordinary processes 
and forms of law, such individuals as he might 
deem dangerous to the public safety. This au- 
thority has purposely been exercised but very 
sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and pro- 
priety of what has been done under it are 
questioned, and the attention of the country 


has been called to the proposition that one who 


| 


is sworn to ‘ take care that the laws be faithfully 


executed’ should not himself violate them. Of 
‘course some consideration was given to the 


‘nearly one third of the states. 


questions of power and propriety before this 
‘matter was acted upon. 


The whole of the laws 
which were required to be faithfully executed 
were being resisted, and failing of execution in 
Must they be 
allowed to finally fail of execution, even had it 
been perfectly clear, that by the use of the 


/means necessary to their execution, some single 


law, made in such extreme tenderness of the 


_citizen’s liberty, that, practically, it relieves more 


of the guilty than of the innocent, should, to a 
very limited extent, be violated? To state the 
question more directly: are all the laws but one 
to go unexecuted, and the goverment itself go 
to pieces, lest that one be violated? Even in 
such a case, would not the official oath be bro- 
ken, if the government should be overthrown, 
when it was believed that disregarding the 
single law would tend to preserve it? But it 
was not believed that this question was pre- 
sented. It was not believed that any law was 
violated. The provision of the constitution, 
that ‘the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


shall not be suspended unless when, in cases 
of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may 
“require it, is equivalent to a provision—is a 
provision —that such privilege may be sus- 
pended when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, 
the public safety does require it. It was decided 
that we have a case of rebellion, and that the 
public safety does require the qualified sus- 
pension of the privilege of the writ which was 
authorized to be made. Now, it is insisted that 
Congress, and not the Executive, is vested with 
this power. But the constitution itself is silent 
as to which, or who, is to exercise the power; 
and as the provision was plamly made for a 
dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the 
framers of the instrument intended that in 
every case the danger should run its course 
until Congress could be called together, the 
very assembling of which might be prevented, 
as was intended in this case by the rebellion. 

“No more extended argument is now offered, 
as an opinion, at some length, will probably be 
presented by the attorney-general. Whether 
there shall be any legislation upon the subject, 
and, if any, what, is submitted entirely to the 
better judgment of Congress. 

“The forbearance of this government had 
been so extraordinary, and so long continued, 
as to lead some foreign nations to shape their 
action as if they supposed the early destruction 
of our national Union was probable. While 
this, on discovery, gave the Executive some 
concern, he is now happy to say that the sov- 
ereignty and rights of the United States are 
now every where practically respected by 
foreign powers; and a general sympathy with 
the country is manifested throughout the world. 

“The reports of the secretaries of the treas- 
ury, war, and the navy, will give the informa- 
tion in detail deemed necessary and convenient 
for your deliberation and action; while the 
Executive, and all the departments, will stand 
ready to supply omissions, or to communicate 
new facts, considered important for you to know. 


250 


“It is now recommended that you give the 
legal means for making this contest a short and 
a decisive one; that you place at the control 
of the government, for the work, at least four 
hundred thousand men, and four hundred mil- 
lions of dollars. That number of men is about 
one tenth of those of proper ages within the 
regions where, apparently, a// are willing to 
engage; and the sum is less than a twenty- 
third part of the money value owned by the 
men who seem ready to devote the whole. A 
debt of six hundred millions of dollars now 
is a less sum per head than was the debt of 
our revolution when we came out of that 
struggle; and the money value in the country 
now bears even a greater proportion to what 
it was then, than does the population. Surely 
each man has as strong a motive now to preserve 
our liberties, as each had then to establish them. 

“A right result, at this time, will be worth 
more to the world than ten times the men and 
ten times the money. The evidence reaching 
us from the country leaves no doubt that the 
material for the work is abundant, and that it 
needs only the hand of legislation to give it 
legal sanction, and the hand of the Executive 
to give it practical shape and efficiency. One 
of the greatest perplexities of the government 
is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can 
provide for them. In a word, the people will 
save their government, if the government itself 
will do its part only indifferently well. 

“Tt might seem, at first thought, to be of 
little difference whether the present movement 
at the south be called ‘secession’ or ‘rebellion’ 
The movers, however, well understand the dif: 
ference. At the beginning, they knew they 
could never raise their treason to any respec- 
table magnitude by any name which implies 
violation of law. They knew their people pos- 
sessed as much of moral sense, as much of de- 
votion to law and order, and as much pride in, 
and reverence for, the history and government 
of their common country, as any other civil- 


206 HISTORY OF 


ized and patriotic people. They knew they 
could make no advancement directly in the 
teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. 
Accordingly they commenced by an insidious 
debauching of the public mind. They invented 
an ingenious sophism, which, if conceded, was 
followed by perfectly logical steps, through all 
the incidents, to the complete destruction of 
the Union. The sophism itself is, that any 
state of the Union may, consistently with the 
national constitution, and therefore lawfully 
and peacefully, withdraw from the Union, with- 
out the consent of the Union, or of any other 
state. The little disguise that the supposed 
right is to be exercised only for just cause, 
themselves to be the sole judge of its justice, 
is too thin to merit any notice. 

“ With rebellion thus sugar-coated, they have 
been drugging the public mind of their section 
for more than thirty years, and until at length 
they have brought many good men to a will- 
ingness to take up arms against the govern- 
ment the day after some assemblage of men 
have enacted the farcical pretence of taking 
their state out of the Union, who could have 
been brought to no such thing the day defore. 

“This sophism derives much, perhaps the 
whole, of its currency from the assumption that 
there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy 
pertaining to a state —to each state of our federal 
Union. Our states have neither more nor less 
power than that reserved.to them, in the Union, 
by the constitution — no one of them ever hav- 
ing been a state out of the Union. The original 
ones passed into the Union even before they 
cast off their British colonial dependence ; 
and the new ones each came into the Union 
directly from a condition of dependence, ex- 
cepting Texas. And even Texas, in its tempo- 
rary independence, was never designated a 
state. The new ones only took the designa- 
tion of states on coming into the Union, while 
that name was first adopted for the old ones 
in and by the Declaration of Independence. 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


Therein the ‘United Colonies’ were declared 
to be ‘free and independent states ;’ but, even 
then, the object plainly was not to declare their 
independence of one another, or of the Union, but 
directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge, 
and their mutual action, before, at the time, 
and afterwards, abundantly show. The express 
plighting of faith, by each and all of the origi- 
nal thirteen, in the Articles of Confederation, 
two years later, that the Union shall be per- 
petual, is most conclusive. Having never been 
states, either in substance or in name, outside of 
the Union, whence this magical omnipotence 
of ‘state rights, asserting a claim of power. to 
lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is 
said about the ‘sovereignty’ of the states; but 
the word, even, is not in the national constitu- 
tion; nor, as is believed, in any of the state 
constitutions. What is a ‘sovereignty, in the 
political sense of the term? Would it be far 
wrong to define it, ‘A political community 
without a political superior?’ Tested by this, 
no one of our states, except Texas, ever was a 
sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the 
character on coming into the Union; by which 
act she acknowledged the constitution of the 
United States, and the laws and treaties of the 
United States made in pursuance of the con- 
stitution, to be, for her, the supreme law of the 
land. 'The states have their status In the Union, 
and they have no other legal status. If they 
break from this, they can only do so against 
law, and by revolution. The Union, and not 
themselves separately, procured their independ- 
ence and their liberty. By conquest or. pur- 
chase, the Union gave each of them whatever 
of independence and liberty it has. The Union 
is older than any of the states, and, in fact, it 
created them as states. Originally some de- 
pendent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, 
the Union threw off their old dependence for 
them, and made them states, such as they are. 
Not one of them ever had a state constitution 
independent of the Union. Of course, it is not 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


forgotten that all the new states framed their 
constitutions before they entered the Union ; 
nevertheless, dependent upon, and preparatory 
to, coming into the Union. 

“Unquestionably the states have the powers 
and rights reserved to them in and by the 
national constitution ; but among these, surely, 
are not included all conceivable powers, how- 
ever mischievous or destructive ; but, at most, 
such only as were known in the world, at the 
time, as governmental powers; and certainly a 
power to destroy the government itself had 
never been known as a governmental—as a 
merely administrative power. This relative 
matter of national power and state rights, as a 
principle, is no other than the principle of gen- 
erally and locality. Whatever concerns the whole 
should be confided to the whole — to the gen- 
eral government; while whatever concerns only 
the state should be left exclusively to the state. 
This is all there is of original principle about 
it. Whether the national constitution, in de- 
fining boundaries between the two, has applied 
the principle with exact accuracy, is not to be 
questioned. We are all bound by that defining, 
without question. 

“What is now combated is the position that 
secession is consistent with the constitution — is 
lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that 
there is any express law for it; and nothing 
should ever be implied as law, which leads to 
unjust or absurd consequences. The nation 
purchased with money the countries out of 
which several of these states were formed. Is 
it just that they shall go off without leave, 
and without refunding? The nation paid very 
large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly 
a hundred millions) to relieve Florida of the 
aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now 
go off without consent, or without making any 
return? The nation is now in debt for money 
applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding 
states, im common with the rest. Is it just, 
either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the 

33 


207 


remaining states pay the whole? <A part of 
the present national debt was contracted to 
pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that she 
shall leave, and pay no part of this herself? 

“Again, if one state may secede, so may 
another ; and when all shall have seceded, none 
is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to 
creditors? Did we notify them of this sage 
view of ours when we borrowed their money ? 
If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing 
the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see 
what we can do if others choose to go, or to 
extort terms upon which they will promise to 
remain. 

“The seceders insist that our constitution 
admits of secession. They have assumed to 
make a national constitution of their own, in 
which, of necessity, they have either discarded 
or retamed the right of secession, as, they insist, 
it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, 
they thereby admit that, on principle, it ought 
not to bein ours. If they have retained it, by 
their own construction of ours they show that, 
to be consistent, they must secede from one 


;another, whenever they shall find it the easiest 


way of settling their debts, or effecting any 
other selfish or unjust object. The principle 
itself is one of disintegration, and upon which 
no government can possibly endure. 

“If all the states, save one, should assert the 
power to drive that one out of the Union, it is 
presumed the whole class of seceder politicians 
would at once deny the power, and denounce 
the act as the greatest outrage upon state 
rights. But suppose that precisely the same 
act, instead of being called ‘driving the one 
out, should be called ‘the seceding of the 
others from that one, it would be exactly what 
the seceders claim to do; unless, indeed, they 
make the point, that the one, because it is a 
minority, may rightfully do what the others, 
because they are a majority, may not rightfully 
do. ‘These politicians are subtle and» profound 
on the rights of minorities. They are not 


258 


partial to that power which made the constitu- 
tion, and speaks from the preamble, calling 
itself ‘We, the People’ 

“Tt may well be questioned whether there is, 
to-day, a majority of the legally qualified 
voters of any state, except perhaps South 
Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much 
reason to believe that the Union men are the 
majority in many, if not in every other one, of 
the so-called seceded states. The contrary has 
not been demonstrated in any one of them. It 
is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and 
Tennessee; for the result of an election, held 
in military camps, where the bayonets are all 
on one side of the question voted upon, can 
scarcely be considered as demonstrating popu- 
lar sentiment. At such an election all that 
large class who are, at once, for the Union, 
and against coercion, would be coerced to vote 
against the Union. 

“It may be affirmed, without extravagance, 
that the free institutions we enjoy have devel- 
oped the powers, and improved the condition, 
of our whole people, beyond any example in 
the world. Of this we now have a striking and 
an impressive illustration. So large an army as 
the government has now on foot was never 
before known, without a soldier in it but who 
had taken his place there of his own free choice. 
But more than this: there are many single 
regiments whose members, one and another, 
possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, 
sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether 
useful or elegant, is known in the world; and 
there is scarcely one from which there could not 
be selected a president, a cabinet, a congress, 
and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to 
administer the government itself. Nor doI say 
this is not true also in the army of our late 
friends, now adversaries, in this contest; but 
if it is, so much the better reason why the gov- 
ernment, which has conferred such benefits on 
both them and us, should not be broken up. 
Whoever, in any section, proposes to abandon 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


such a government, would do well to consider 
in deference to what principle it is that he does 
it— whether better he is likely to get in its 
stead — whether the substitute will give, or be 
intended to give, so much of good to the people. 
There are some foreshadowings on this subject. 
Our adversaries have adopted some declarations 
of independence, in which, unlike the good old 
one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words 
‘all men are created equal. Why? They have 
adopted a temporary national constitution, in 
the preamble of which, unlike our good old 
one signed by Washington, they omit ‘ We, the 
people, and substitute ‘We, the deputies of 
the sovereign and independent states’ Why? 
Why this deliberate pressing out of view the 
rights of men and the authority of the people? 

“This is essentially a People’s contest. On 
the side of the Union, it is a struggle for main- 
taining in the world that form and substance 
of government whose leading object is to ele- 
vate the condition of men; to lift artificial 
weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths 
of laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an un- 
fettered start, and a fair chance in the race of 
life. Yielding to partial and temporary depart- 
ures, from necessity, this is the leading object 
of the government for whose existence we 
contend. 

“T am most happy to believe that the plain 
people understand and appreciate this. It is 
worthy of note, that while in this, the govern- 
ment’s hour of trial, large numbers of those in 
the army and navy who have been favored with 
the offices have resigned, and proved false to 
the hand which had pampered them, not one 
common soldier, or common sailor, is known to 
have deserted his flag. 

“Great honor is due to those officers who 
remained true despite the example of their 
treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, 
and most important fact of all, is the unani- 


-mous firmness of the common soldiers and com- 


mon sailors. To the last man, so far as known, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


they have successfully resisted the traitorous 
efforts of those whose commands, but an hour 
before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is 
the patriotic instinct of plain people. They 
understand, without an argument, that the 
destroying the government which was made 
by Washington means no good to them. 

“Our popular government has often been 
called an experiment. ‘Two points in it our 
people have already settled—the successful 
establishing and the successful admunistering of it. 
One still remains —its successful maintenance 
against a formidable internal attempt to over- 
throw it. It is now for them to demonstrate 
to the world, that those who can fairly carry an 
election can also suppress a rebellion; that 
ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors 
of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly 
and constitutionally decided, there can be no 
successful appeal back to bullets; that there can 
be no successful appeal except to ballots them- 
selves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a 
great lesson of peace # teaching men that what 
they cannot take by an election, neither can 
they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of 
being the beginners of a war. 

“Lest there be some uneasiness, in the minds 
of candid men, as to what is to be the course 
of the government towards the southern states 
after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, 
the Executive deems it proper to say, it will be 
his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the 
constitution and the laws; and that he proba- 
bly will have no different understanding of the 
powers and duties of the federal government 
relatively to the rights of the states and the 
people, under the constitution, than that ex- 
pressed in the inaugural address. He desires 
to preserve the government, that it may be 
administered for all, as it was administered by 
the men who made it. Loyal citizens every 


where have the right to claim this of their gov-| 


ernment, and the government.has no right to 
withhold or neglect it. It isnot perceived that 


— 


209 


in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, 
or any subjugation, in any just sense of those 
terms. 

“'The constitution provides, and all the states 
have accepted the provision, that ‘The United 
States shall guarantee to every state in this 
Union a republican form of government. But, 
if a state may lawfully go out of the Union, 
having done so, it may also discard the repub- 
lican form of government; so that to prevent 
its going out is an indispensable means to the 
end, of maintaining’ the guarantee mentioned ; 
and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the 
indispensable means to it are also lawful and 
obligatory. 

“It was with the deepest regret that the 
Executive found the duty of employing the 
war-power in defence of the government forced 
upon him. He could not but perform this duty, 
or surrender the existence of the government. 
No compromise by public servants could, in this 
case, be a cure; not that compromises are not 
often proper, but that no popular government 
can long survive a marked precedent, that those 
who carry an election can only save the govy- 
ernment from immediate destruction by giving 
up the main point upon which the people gave 
the election. The people themselves, and not 
their servants, can safely reverse their own 
deliberate decisions. : 

“As a private citizen, the Executive could 
not have consented that these institutions shall 
perish ; much less could he, in betrayal of so 
vast and so sacred a trust as these free people 
had confided to him. He felt that he had no 
moral right to shrink, nor even to count the 
chances of his own life, in what might follow. 
In full view of his great responsibility, he has, 
so far, done what he deemed his duty. You 
will now, according to your own judgment, 
perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your 
views and your action may so accord with his, 
as to assure all faithful citizens, who have been 
disturbed in their rights, of a certain and speedy 


260 


restoration of them, under the constitution and 
the laws. 

“ And having thus chosen our course, without 
‘guile, and with pure purpose, let us renew our 
trust in God, and go forward without fear, and 


with manly hearts. 


“ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
«¢ July 4, 1861.” 


By the report of the secretary of war, ac- 
companying the President’s message, it appeared 
that the federal forces then in the field num- 
bered about two hundred and thirty-five thou- 
sand men, exclusive of regiments of volunteers 
for the war accepted but not yet in service, 
and of the new regiments of the regular army. 
Of these about eighty thousand were three 
months’ volunteers, the term of whose service 
would generally expire in the latter part of 
July or early in August. But the new regi- 
ments of volunteers for the war, which were 
being organized, and the new regular army 


regiments, would nearly make up for the with- 
drawal of the three months’ volunteers, who | 


had so patriotically responded to the first call 
of the President. 

Of the volunteer system and the character 
of the large army thus suddenly raised, the 
secretary wrote as follows :— 

“T cannot forbear to speak favorably of the 
volunteer system, as a substitute for a cum- 
brous and dangerous standing army. 
heretofore, by many been deemed unreliable 
and inefficient in a sudden emergency; but 
actual facts have proved the contrary. If it be 


urged that the enemies of order have gained, 
some slight advantages at remote points, by | 
reason of the absence of a sufficient regular | 


force, the unexampled rapidity of concentration 


of volunteers -already witnessed is an ample 


refutation of the argument. 


is so strong as that whose foundations rest im- 
movably in the hearts of the people. 


A government. 
whose every citizen stands ready to march to. 
its defence can never be overthrown; for none 

| 


It has, | 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


“The spectacle of more than a quarter of a 
million of citizens rushing to the field in defence 
of the constitution must ever take rank among 
|the most extraordinary facts of history. Its 
interest is vastly heightened by the lavish out- 
pouring, from states and individuals, of voluntary 
contributions of money, reaching an aggregate 
thus far of more than ten millions of dollars. 
But a few weeks since the men composing this 
great army were pursuing the avocations of 
|peace. They gathered from the farm, from the 
workshop, from the factory, from the mine. 
The minister came from his pulpit, the merchant 
from his counting room, the professor and stu- 
dent from the college, the teacher and pupil 
from the common schools. Young men of 
fortunes left luxurious homes for the tent and 
the camp. Native and foreign born alike came 
forward with a kindred enthusiasm. That a well- 
disciplined, homogeneous, and efficient force 
should be formed out of such a seemingly 
heterogeneous mass, appears almost incredible. 
But what is the actual faet ? Experienced men, 
who have had ample opportunity to familiarize 


| themselves with the condition of European 


armies, concede that, in point of personnel, this 
patriot army is fully equal to the finest reg- 
ular troops of the Old World. A more intelli- 
gent body of men, or one actuated by purer 
motives, was never before marshalled in the 
field.” 

The equipment and subsistence of so large a 
force, with the limited means at the command 
of the government, was a difficult matter; and 
it was no wonder that, through the inexperience 
or negligence of officers, and the delays conse- 
quent upon an incomplete system, many of 
the troops suffered some temporary hardships. 
Nor was it surprising that, in the immense and 
necessarily hurried contracts which were re- 
quired for the support of the army, and to carry 
on war on so vast a scale, there should be found 
“numerous instances of poor supplies uninten- 
tionally furnished and of wilful fraud. That 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the country so engrossed in the pursuits of 
peace, and so unaccustomed to war, could so 
readily and successfully raise*equip, and supply 
such an army with all the munitions required, 
was the real marvel. 

Among the measures taken for the promotion 
of the health and comfort of the troops was the 
appointment of a sanitary commission, to ex- 
amine into the condition and wants of the army, 
and to codperate with the medical department 
in providing for the care and comfort of the 
sick and wounded. ‘This commission consisted 
of Henry W. Bellows, D.D.; Prof. A. D. Bache, 
LL. D.; Prof Jeffries Wyman; Prof. Walcott 
Gibbs, M. D.; W. H. Van Buren, M. D.; Sam- 
uel G. Howe, M.D.; R. C. Wood, surgeon 
United States army; George W. Cullum, United 
States army, and Alexander E. Shiras, United 
States army ; all of them gentlemen who were 
distinguished for philanthropy, experience, or 
professional attaimments. Serving without com- 
pensation, this commission devoted time and 
labor to the cause, and secured many reforms 
in the system of supplies for rations, as well as 
in equipments and camp equipage. But more 
than all, they directed the generous efforts of 
the patriotic people in furnishing for the troops 
additional clothing beyond that supplied by 
government, and for the sick and disabled the 
various necessaries and comforts which the gov- 
ernment alone would have been entirely unable 
tosupply. In connection with this department, 
Miss D. L. Dix,a lady who had achieved a wide 
reputation by her philanthropic labors in pris- 
ons and hospitals, was intrusted with the duty, 
which she volunteered to perform, of organizing 
the military hospitals and directing the employ- 
ment of female nurses. 

The report of the secretary of the navy, 
while it could not exhibit such a great increase 
of force as had been created for land service, 
showed that the navy department had not been 
idle. From twenty-four vessels of all kinds, 
carrying five hundred and fifty-five guns, which 


261 


were in commission on the 4th of March, the 
navy had been increased to eighty-two vessels 
in commission, carrying upwards of eleven 
hundred guns, and about thirteen thousand 
seamen. In addition to these, the several dock 
yards were busy with the construction of flew 
steam-sloops, authorized by the preceding Con- 
gress, and with the fitting out of vessels pur- 
chased for the naval service, while contracts 
had been made with private parties for the 
construction of a fleet of steam gun-boats, and 
the department was still chartering and pur- 
chasing vessels to be used for gun-boats or 
armed transports. 

Early in the session, Congress adopted a 
resolution to legislate only on subjects con- 
nected with the suppression of the rebellion; 
and the various measures brought before it were 
of that nature. Bills in relation to a volunteer 
force, for an increase of the navy, authorizing 
a loan of two hundred and fifty millions of 
dollars, increasing the duties on imports, levy- 
ing an internal. tax, to suppress insurrection, 
large appropriation bills, and other measures 
of detail in carrying out the purpose of organ- 
izing a large force for the suppression of the 
rebellion, were considered and passed by large 
votes, though not without some opposition. 
The ratification of the acts of the President met 
with strenuous opposition from certain men 
whose sympathies with the rebel states were 
scarcely disguised. This opposition manifested 
itself against all the measures intended to sup- 
press the rebellion and to maintain the govern- 
ment by force against the attempts of traitors 
to overthrow it. Among those who were most 
forward in their opposition to these measures, 
and who showed a strong sympathy with re- 
bellion, were Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, 
and Mr. Polk, of Missouri, in the senate, and 
Mr. Burnett, of Kentucky, Mr. May, of Mary- 
land, and some others of less note, in the house 
—men who would have had their states secede, 
if they could have effected it, and who now sat 


262 


in Congress, as the members from Virginia and 
other seceded states had set there, the pre- 
tended supporters of the government, while, 
faithless to their duty and their oaths, they 
were laboring for its overthrow. Some of the 
mefnbers from Maryland strongly condemned 
the suspension of the habeas corpus, and on 
account of this opposed the approval of the 
acts of the President. There were also in both 
houses of Congress a few representatives from 
free states, who joined to a certain extent in 
this opposition, and either from party feeling, 
or worse motives, threw all possible obstacles 
in the way of the administration. <A large 
majority, however, supported the President, 
ratified his acts for the maintenance of the 
government, strengthened his hands for the 
more vigorous prosecution of war against the 
rebels, and voted — what the loyal people were 
ready to give — money and forces without stint 
for this purpose. Among the most earnest and 
ablest supporters of the President’s action was 
Andrew Johnson, the loyal senator from Ten- 
nessee, who, though politically opposed to the 
administration, and representing a state that 
had joined in the rebellion, gave the adminis- 
tration his cordial aid and approval, and labored 
in the senate most earnestly in behalf of the 
most vigorous measures for the suppression of 
the rebellion. 

The bill authorizing the employment of vol- 
unteers provided for the acceptance of volun- 
teers not exceeding half a million in number, 
and appropriated a very large sum for the 
equipment and maintenance of this force. The 
bill for the increase of the navy provided for 
the construction of a large additional number 
of steamers, including several iron-clad vessels, 
and for the purchase or charter of others, as 
the wants of the naval service might require. 
The various financial measures which were 
adopted, under the efficient and wise manage- 
ment of the able secretary of the treasury and 
the patriotism of the northern bankers, enabled 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the government to obtain the large sums re- 
quired to carry on the vast operations in which 
it was engaged. “The act to suppress insurrec- 
tion provided for the confiscation of the property 
of certain parties engaged in the rebellion, and 
for the freedom of their slaves. Most of the 
other measures adopted were for specific objects 
connected with the great general subject which 
engrossed the attention of Congress. These 
various measures of such vast importance, and 
involving such immense expenditures of money, 
were considered with unprecedented diligence, 
and, notwithstanding the interruption and ex- 
citement of a disastrous battle, were disposed 
of in a month, and Congress adjourned on the 
6th of August. 


CHAPTER XXXVII. 


Campaign in Western Virginia. — General McClellan takes com- 
mand of the Federal Forces. — Advance of the Federal Army, 
and Retreat of the Rebels. — Action of the Rebel Government. 
— Proclamation of Governor Letcher. — Movement towards 
Beverly. — Battle of Rich Mountain. — Retreat of the Rebels. 
— General McClellan’s Official Announcement of the Re- 
sult. — Retreat of General Garnett.—Surrender of Colonel 
Pegram.— Pursuit of General Garnett’s Force. —Battle of 
Carrick’s Ford. — Rout of the Rebels. Death of General 
Garnett. — Results of the Victory. — General McClellan’s 
Despatch. — Success of the Campaign. — Movement of Gen- 
eral Cox in the Kanawha Valley. — Skirmish at Barboursville. 
— Repulse at Scaryville. — Occupation of Charlestown. — 
General McClellan called to Washington. 


Rusumine the narrative of military operations, 
we recur first to the campaign in Western Vir- 
ginia. Major-General McClellan assumed com- 
mand of the federal forces, in person, on the 
20th of June, having previous to that time 
remained at Cincinnati, organizing his forces 
and directing the general movements. The 
entire force under his command numbered now 


about fifteen thousand; but they were neces- 


sarily divided, the advance into Virginia being 
from several different points. After the affair at 
Philippi there were occasional skirmishes, of no 
‘great importance, as the federal forces advanced, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


and the rebels, who as yet appeared-in no great 
force, retired from town to town, with but little 
opposition. Guerrilla bands, however, carried 
on a petty warfare against the loyal people 
of the country, seizing property, destroying 
bridges, and in some cases wantonly taking 
life. The rebel governments of Virginia and 
the Confederate States, however, were making 
some preparation to resist the advance of the 
federal forces. Governor Letcher, in a procla- 
mation to the people of North-western Virginia, 
appealed to them to submit to the will of the 
majority, who had declared for secession by 
an overwhelming vote, to join their brethren 
in Eastern Virginia, and “to drive the invader 
from their soil.” He stated that he had sent a 
large force to their aid, but he relied “ with the 
utmost confidence upon their own strong arms 
to rescue their firesides and altars from the 
pollution of a reckless and ruthless enemy.” 
Governor Wise was appointed a brigadier-gen- 
eral, and sent into Western Virginia to organize 
the rebel forces; and considerable bodies of 
troops were gathered from the central counties, 
which were reénforced by several regiments of 
Confederate troops from other states. 

Early in July, General McClellan moved his 
forces southward to Buckhannon and towards 
Beverly, in the vicinity of which a rebel force 
was collecting. Some skirmishes with small 
bands, of little consequence in their results, 
occurred along the march; but nothing of 
importance took place till the federal troops 
arrived near Beverly. At this place, two roads, 
one from Buckhannon,by which General McClel- 
lan advanced, and the other from Philippi, unite 
at an acute angle. Both these roads cross a 
mountain ridge, some miles north of Beverly, 
and at these points the rebel forces, under 
the command of General Garnett and Colonel 
Pegram, were posted in intrenched camps, sur- 
rounded by woods in all directions. Colonel 
Pegram was in immediate command at Rich 


263 


Mountain, on the Buckhannon road, and Gen- 
eral Garnett at Laurel Hill, on the Philippi 
road. The position at Rich Mountain was 
very strong, and could not be carried by direct 
assault. without great loss of life. General 
McClellan accordingly, on the 11th of July, 
despatched General Rosecrans with three regi- 
ments, to move along the mountain and get on 
the east side of the rebel position, so as to 
nearly surround them. After a long march, 
General Rosecrans came out upon a part of 
the rebel intrenchments at the top of the hill. 
The rebels had received information of the 
approach of the federal forces from this direc- 
tion, and had a strong force ready to meet them. 
They fired upon the approaching column with 
several pieces of artillery; but the federal forces 
were soon formed in line of battle as well as 
the nature of the ground would admit, and, 


after firing a few volleys, they charged upon 


the battery and cgrried it. The contest was 
short but severe, and the rebels, unable to stand 
before the impetuous charge of the western 
troops, were soon utterly rotited, and precipi- 
tately fled, leaving about one hundred and 
fifty dead and wounded on the field. The fed- 
eral loss was about eleven killed and thirty-five 
wounded. A reénforcement, which was coming 
to the aid of the rebels, finding that they were 
routed, also retreated, and General Rosecrans 
remained in possession of the ground, capturing 
the cannon, many small arms, and the camp 
equipage. 

In the mean time, General McClellan ap- 
proached the lower and main position of the 
rebels, by cutting a road for his artillery through 
the woods. Night, however, came on before he 
was able to commence an attack. In the morn- 
ing a white flag was discovered flying over the 
enemy’s position, and it proved that he had 
hastily abandoned his camp, leaving all his 
equipage, several cannon, and many horses and 
wagons. Taking possession of these, General 


264 


McClellan pushed on rapidly to Beverly. The 
following are General McClellan’s despatches, 
announcing the result of this contest : — 

‘¢ HEADQUARTERS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO, } 

“ Ricw Mountain, Va., 9, A. M., July 12, 1861. 

“CotoneL E. D. Townsenp: We are in pos- 
session of all the enemy’s works up to a point 
on the right of Beverly. I have taken all his 
guns, a very large amount of wagons, tents, Xc., 
every thing he had, a large number of prisoners, 
many of whom were wounded, and several of 
them officers. They lost many killed. We have 
lost, in all, perhaps twenty killed and wounded, 
of whom all but two or three were in the column 
under Rosecrans, which turned the position. 
The mass of the enemy escaped through the 
woods, entirely disorganized. Among the pris- 
oners is Dr. Taylor, formerly of the army. 
Colonel Pegram was in command. 

“Colonel Rosecrans’ column left camp yester- 
day morning, and marched some eight miles 
through the mountains, reaching the turnpike 
some two or three miles in the rear of the ene- 
my, defeating an advanced post and taking two 
guns. I had a position ready for twelve guns 
near the main camp, and as the guns were mov- 
ing up, I ascertained that the enemy had retreat- 
ed. Jam now pushing on to Beverly, a part of 
Colonel Rosecrans’ troops being now within 
three miles of it. Our success is complete, 
and almost bloodless. I doubt whether Wise 
or Johnson will unite and overpower me. The 
behavior of the troops in the action and to- 
wards the prisoners was admirable. 

“G. B. McCretian, 
“ Major-General commanding.” 
‘‘ Brverzy, July 13. 

“Cotone, E. D. Townsenp: The success of 
to-day is all that I could desire. We captured 
six brass cannon, of which one is rifled, and all 
the enemy’s camp equipage and transportation, 
even to his cups. The number of tents will 
probably reach two hundred, and more than 
sixty wagons. Their killed and wounded will 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


amount to one hundred and fifty, with at least 
one hundred prisoners; and more are coming 
in constantly. I know already of ten officers 
killed and prisoners. Their retreat was com- 
plete. 

“T occupied Beverly by arapid march. Gar- 
net abandoned his camp early this morning, 
leaving much of his equipage. He came 
within a few miles of Beverly; but our rapid 
march turned him back in great confusion, and 
he is now retreating on the road to St. George. 
General Morris is to follow him up closely. I 
have telegraphed for the two Pennsylvania 
regiments at Cumberland to join General Hill 
at Bowlesburg. The general is concentrating 
all his troops at Bowlesburg, and will cut off 
Garnett’s retreat near West Union, or, if pos- 
sible, at St. George. I may say we have driven 
out some ten thousand troops, strongly in- 
trenched, with the loss of eleven killed and 
thirty-five wounded. 

“Previous returns here show Garnett’s force 
to have been ten thousand men. They were 
Eastern Virginians, Georgians, Tennesseans, and 
I think, Carolinians. To-morrow I can give full 
details as to prisoners, &c. I trust that General 
Cox has, by this time, driven Wise out of the 
Kanawha Valley. In that case, I shall have 
accomplished the object of liberating Western 
Virginia. I hope the general in-chief will 
approve of my operations. 

“G. B. McCtetuay, 
“ Major-General Department of Ohio.” 


General Garnett, who commanded in person 
at the rebel camp on Laurel Hill, also aban- 
doned his camp and retreated towards Beverly; 
but the rapid march of General McClellan to- 
wards the same point induced him to change 
his course and march north-east towards St. 
George. General Morris, with his brigade, was 
immediately sent in pursuit, while the main body’ 
of the Union forces proceeded to Beverly. 

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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S. ADMINISTRATION. 


on Rich Mountain, finding himself unable to 
join General Garnett, and his retreat through 
Beverly cut off, after remaining in the woods 
for some time without food, sent to General 


McClellan a proposition to surrender as prison-| 


ers of war, expressing a hope that they would 
receive “such treatment as has been invariably 
shown to the northern prisoners by the south.” 
In his reply, General McClellan said, “I will 


receive you and them with the kindness due to. 


prisoners of war, but it is not in my power to 
relieve you or them from the liabilities incurred 
by taking arms against the United: States.” 
Accordingly, on the 13th, Colonel Pegram sur- 
rendered with his forces, numbering six hundred 
men. With those previously taken, the rebel 
prisoners now numbered nearly one thousand. - 

General Garnett, with his retreating forces, 
took a rugged road across the mountains; but 
he was followed rapidly by General Morris, 
whose advance came up with the enemy at 
Cheat River. The rebel general determined 
here to make a stand, and, by repulsing the 
pursuing forces, to make good his retreat. He 
selected an advantageous position on the river 
at Carricksford, where he crossed, on a high 
bluff which completely commanded the low 
and open ground on the side where the Union 
troops must approach. He concealed his force 
by the woods and shrubbery which bordered 
the bluff, and left his wagon train in the ford of 
the river, either for the purpose, as was after- 
wards supposed, of deceiving the pursuers and 
decoying them into a position where they would 
be directly under his fire, or because, with his 
disheartened men, he was unable to get safely 
across before the federal advance came up. 

As the first regiment of the Union troops — 
the 14th Ohio — approached the river over the 
low ground mentioned, the rebels opened a 
fire of musketry upon them, followed quickly 
by a heavy artillery fire; but the aim was so 
poor that the regiment so greatly exposed 
suffered comparatively little, though taken by 

34 


265 


surprise as they marched in column. Had the 
rebels been good marksmen, and had their leader 
been able to inspire them with his own courage 
and energy, they might have almost destroyed 
the advance federal force before the main 
body could come to reénforce them. But they 
were demoralized, and showed no determination 
or courage. The Ohio regiment immediately 
formed in line of battle, and returned the fire 
with much effect, although” the enemy were 
protected by the bluff, or hidden from sight by 
the bushes upon its summit. Other regiments 
soon came up and joined in the battle. 

Up the river a place was discovered where 
the bluff could be scaled, and an Indiana reg 
ment, under Colonel Dumont, was sent to ford 
the river, scale the bluff, and attack the enemy 
on his flank. He had already overcome the 
obstacles, and reached the top of the bluff with 
a part of his command, and would soon have 
turned the flank of the enemy,—who had not 
yet discovered his movement, in consequence 
of the thick growth of laurel which hid his men 
from view,—when he was ordered to attempt 
to turn the left flank of the enemy, his superior 
officer not knowing that the obstacles had been 
overcome. Without questioning the order of 
his superior, the brave colonel led his men down 
the bluff again, and marched down the bed of 
the shallow river underneath the fire of the 
contending forces. Passing the wagon train, 
he led his regiment through a dense growth of 
laurel, and appeared most unexpectedly on the 
enemy’s right flank. The rebels, who were 
hardly disposed, notwithstanding their advan- 
tage of position, to hold out against the federal 
force in their front, were panic-stricken at the 
appearance of this force on their flank, and fled 
in disorder. The Indiana regiment pursued 
the flying forces to the next ford, where Gen- 
eral Garnett endeavored to rally his men. He 
was waving them back to resist their pursuers, 
when he was shot, and fell dead, a young Geor- 
gian soldier, the only one who remained with 


266 


him, falling by his side.* A portion of the rebel 
force rallied a little, and for a few minutes re- 
turned the fire of the federal troops; but they 
soon gave way again, and ran in confusion, 
pursued by the federal troops, until the latter 
halted from exhaustion. 

The casualties of this battle were compara- 
tively few, for the rebels were protected from 
the federal fire, while their own fire was far 
from being effective. The federal loss was four 
killed and eight wounded. The rebel loss 
was eleven killed and ten wounded, who were 
taken prisoners, while probably others, slightly 
wounded, escaped. The victory —and it was 
a substantial one— consisted in the utter rout 
of the rebel forces, so that they could not again 
be rallied. Numbers of prisoners, including 
many officers, were taken, and continued to be 
brought in for several days. Two stands of 
colors, a rifled cannon, and a large quantity of 
small arms, besides a train of forty wagons, 
were also captured. General McClellan an- 
nounced the result to the government in the 
following despatch : — 


‘‘ HuTTONVILLE, VA., July 15, 1862. 

«*CotongeL E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General : 

“General Garnett and his forces have been 
routed, and his baggage and one gun taken. 
His army is completely demoralized. General 
Garnett was killed while attempting to rally 
his forces at Carricksford, near St.George. We 
have completely annihilated the enemy in West- 
ern Virginia. Our loss is but thirteen killed, 
and not more than forty wounded, while the 
enemy’s loss is not far from two hundred killed ; 
and the number of prisoners we have taken 
will amount to at least one thousand. We 
have captured seven of the enemy’s guns in all. 
A portion of General Garnett’s forces retreated ; 
but I look for their capture by General Hill, 


* General Garnett was a Virginian, who had been an officer in 
the United States army, and served with distinction in Mexico. 
He was more soldier than politician, but, when Virginia seceded, 
joined the rebels. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


who is in hot pursuit. The troops that General 
Garnett had under his command are said to 
be the crack regiments of Eastern Virginia, 
aided by Georgians, Tennesseeans, and Caro- 
linians. Our success is complete, and I firmly 
believe that secession is killed in this section 
of the country. 
“QGrorce B. McCietian, 
“ Major-General United States Army.” 


To his soldiers the general issued the follow- 
ing address : — 

‘‘Sonpizrs 6F THE ARMY OF THE WEST: 

“JT am more than satisfied with you. You 
have annihilated two armies, commanded by 
educated and experienced soldiers, intrenched 
in mountain fastnesses, and fortified. You have 
taken five guns, twelve colors, and fifteen hun- 
dred stand of arms, and one thousand prison- 
ers, including more than forty officers. One of 
the second commanders of the rebels is a pris- 
oner, and the other lost his life on the field of 
battle. You have killed more than two hun- 
dred and fifty of the enemy, who have lost all 
their baggage and camp equipage. All this 
has been accomplished with a loss of twenty 
brave men killed and sixty wounded. 

«You have proved that the Union men, fight- 
ing for the preservation of the government, are 
more than a match for misguided and erring 
brothers. More than this, you have shown 
mercy to the vanquished. You have made long 
and arduous marches, had insufficient food, and 
been expesed to the inclemency of the weather. 
I have not hesitated to demand this of you, 
feeling that I could rely on your endurance, 
patriotism, and courage. In the future I may 
have still greater demands to make upon you, 
still greater sacrifices for you to offer. It shall 
be my care to provide for you to the extent of 
my ability ; but I know now that by your valor 
and endurance you will accomplish all that 
is asked. 

* Soldiers, | have confidence in you; and [ 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


trust you have learned to confide in me. Re- 
member that discipline and subordination are 
qualities of equal value with courage. I am 
proud to say that you have gained the highest 
reward that American troops can receive — the 
thanks of Congress and the applause of your 
fellow-citizens. 
“Groree B. McC ettay, 
“ Major-General.” 


Huttonville, the place to which General 
McClellan moved from Beverly, was the ren- 
dezvous named in Governor Letcher’s procla- 
mation, summoning the people of Western 
Virginia to arms to repel the federal forces. 
It was now occupied by a victorious Union 
army; ten thousand rebel soldiers had been 


defeated and scattered, and the rebellion was) 


virtually suppressed in North-western Virginia, 
there being no considerable force of rebels now 
within that section, except one in the valley of 
the Kanawha, against which another division 
of General McClellan’s command, under Gen- 
eral Cox, was operating. . 
General Cox had a sharp skirmish at Bar- 
boursville, where he drove out the rebel forces, 
and took possession of the place. At Scary- 
ville, however, on the Kanawha, a part of his 
forces were repulsed in an attack made upon 
a body of rebels strongly posted. The Union 
force numbered about fifteen hundred men, 
and were sent out to capture a rebel camp at 
that place. The rebels, who were reported to 
number four thousand, with two pieces of artil- 
lery, occupied a hill, where they had intrench- 
ments and some log houses pierced for musket 
firing. The federal troops were exposed to a 
severe fire as they approached the rebel posi- 
tion; but with their artillery they succeeded, 
after a time, in silencing that of the enemy, and 
driving the men from the log houses. It was 
probable that the rebels would have been de- 
feated but for the failure of ammunition on the 
part of the federal troops, which compelled 


267 


them to retire, leaving their dead and wounded 
on the field. Several federal officers, belonging 
to regiments not engaged in the skirmish, who 
accidentally got within the rebel lines, were 
also captured. The rebels, however, gained no 
material advantage, and were compelled soon 
to retire before General Cox, who, on the 24th 
of July, occupied Charlestown, a town at the 
junction of the Kanawha and Elk Rivers. The 
enemy evacuated this place without a strug- 
gle, destroying the bridges and other property 
which might be useful to the pursuers, and 
retirmg still farther eastward. 

At this time General McClellan was appointed 
general-in-chief of the armies of the United 
States, and went to Washington, leaving Gen- 
eral Rosecrans in command of the forces in 
Western Virginia. The campaign had rid the 
greater part of North-western Virginia of the 
rebel forces, afforded protection to the loyalists 
there, and given strength to the loyal govern- 
ment of the state. Here we leave, for the 
present, the narrative of the campaign in this 
section, to recur to the military operations in 
other fields. 


CHAPTER XXXVIIL 


Passage of General Patterson’s Army over the Potomac. — Ad- 
vance to Martinsburg and Bunker Hill. — Delay at Bunker 
Hill. — Reports of Rebel Strength at Winchester. — Move- 
ment to Charlestown. —Advance of the Army of North-Eastern 
Virginia. — Order for the Organization of the Army. — The 
Advance to Fairfax Court House. — Obstructions. — Entrance 
to Village of Fairfax Court House. — Progress to Centreville. 
— Reconnoisance at Bull Run. — Battle of Blackburn’s Ford. 


Arter remaining near the line of the Upper 
Potomac for some time, General Patterson, with 
his forces, crossed the river at Williamsport on 
the 2d of July, and marched into Virginia. 
The rebel pickets soon gave signs of their pres- 
ence in that vicinity, and near Haynesville 
there was a skirmish with the rebel forces that 
had been posted at Martinsburg. These forces, 
which were under the command of General 


268 HISTORY OF THE 


Jackson, were brought up, with four pieces 
of artillery, to resist the federal advance, and 
apparently with the expectation of driving the 
Union troops across the Potomac again ; for they 
had made preparations on the road by which 
they could harass a retreating force. The rebel 


troops, however, did not maintain their ground ; 


but after some skirmishing, in which the federal 
loss was three killed and several wounded, and 
the rebel loss somewhat larger, they retreated, 
and General Patterson’s forces occupied their 
camp. The number of the rebels was stated, 
in General Patterson’s despatch announcing the 
skirmish, to be ten thousand ; but it was proba- 
bly not so large. They fell back to join the 
main body of their troops at Winchester, near 
which place their combined forces, under Gen- 
eral Joseph E. Johnston, would apparently make 
a stand. They were said to number nearly 
twenty thousand men, including reénforce- 
ments just arrived, and to have upwards of 
twenty pieces of artillery. General Patterson’s 
army advanced to Martinsburg, where they 
remained fora short time, waiting for his forces 
to be concentrated, neither army making any 
movement. On the 15th of July, General Pat- 
terson moved with his army, now numbering | 
nearly twenty thousand men, towards Winches- 
ter, till he arrived at Bunker Hill, ten miles 
from Martinsburg, where the enemy at first 
had shown signs of taking position to resist 
the advance of the Union force. They had- 
left that place, however, and only a skirmish 
with a part of their cavalry, which was put to 
flight without any loss on the part of the fed- 
eral force, indicated that they were near. 

At Bunker Hill General Patterson remained 
two days, his men expecting to move upon the 
rebels, who were supposed to be intrenched 
at Winchester. But scouts reported that the 
rebels had been largely reénforced, and, num- 
bering from thirty-five to forty-two thousand 
men, were preparing for battle. 
tion induced the commanding general to call a 


This informa- | 


UNITED STATES. 


council of war; and it was determined not to 
advance towards Winchester, nor yet to wait at 
Bunker Hill, but to withdraw to Charlestown, a 
town east of the position then held by the fede- 


ral force, and nearer to Harper’s Ferry. Accord- « 


ingly, on the second day after reaching Bunker 
Hill, General Patterson’s whole column marched 
to Charlestown, and part of it thence proceeded 
to Harper’s Ferry, leaving the rebel forces 
either to pursue or to reénforce the army of 
Beauregard at Manassas. 

In the mean time the army in front of Wash- 
ington was organized, and preparations were 
made for an advance against the rebel forces 
collected at Manassas. This army had now 
reached sixty thousand or upwards in number, 
and there was a strong desire on the part of 
the people of the north that thefe should be a 
forward movement, and, before they had assem- 
bled a larger force, a blow should be struck at 
the rebels which should make them feel the pow- 
er of the federal government. Such a move- 
ment was urged very strenuously by a portion of 
the press and by some of the members of Con- 
gress. Such advice was to be taken only when 
the military authorities were ready for a move- 
ment; and probably the desire of those who 
urged the forward movement was not to hasten 
an advance without due preparation, but to 
hurry the work of preparation, that the advance 
might be speedily made, before the term of the 
three months volunteers should expire, and the 
service of a large number of disciplined soldiers 
should be lost. Whether the movement was 
ordered before the military authorities consid- 
ered the preparations complete, or against their 
advice, is a mooted point, which it is not easy 
to decide. But the order for an advance was 
finally given, and by authority of the President, 
who in military affairs, from the first, had almost 
entirely deferred to the opinions of General 
Scott. 

On the 8th of July, an order was issued, by 
which the army was first organized into brig- 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ades and divisions. The regiments, as they 
arrived at Washington, had been sent into Vir- 
ginia, to points where they were needed; in 
some cases they were attached to brigades, and 
in others they were independent. In very few 
cases were they organized and manoeuvred as 
permanent brigades, or made acquainted with 
the movements of large bodies of troops. 

‘The order alluded to organized the army 
into five divisions. The first division was under 
Brigadier-General Daniel Tyler, of the Connec- 
ticut volunteers, and consisted of four brigades, 
commanded by Colonel E. D. Keyes, of the 
regular army, Colonel William T. Sherman, 
also of the regular army, Brigadier-General 
Schenck, of the Ohio volunteers, and Colonel J. 
B. Richardson, of the Michigan volunteers. The 
second division was under command of Col- 
onel David Hunter, of the regular army, and 
consisted of two brigades, commanded by Col- 
onel Andrew Porter, of the regular army, and 
Colonel A. E. Burnside, of the Rhode Island 
volunteers. The third division, under command 
of Colonel S. P. Heintzelman, of the regular 
army, consisted of three brigades, commanded 
by Colonel W. B. Franklin, of the regular army, 
Colonel O. B. Wilcox, of the Michigan volun- 
teers, and Colonel O. O. Howard, of the Maine 
volunteers. The fourth and fifth divisions con- 
stituted the reserve. The fourth was composed 
» entirely of New Jersey troops, four regiments 
of three months’ volunteers, and three regiments 
of three years’ volunteers, all under the com- 
mand of Brigadier-General Runyon, of New 
Jersey. The fifth, under command of Colonel 
D. 8. Miles, of the regular army, consisted of 

two brigades, commanded by Colonel Blenker 
and Colonel Davies, of the New York volun- 
teers.* The army, thus organized, numbered 
fifty thousand men or upwards, and with this 
force General McDowell, on the 16th of July, 


* Most of the colonels above named were afterwards appointed 
brigadier-generals and major-generals, and nearly all of them 
assigned to important commands. 


269 


commenced the march for Fairfax and Manas- 
sas, his advance moving out on the evening of 
that day, and the main body following on the 
succeeding day. The troops marched in high 
spirits, excited with the prospect of meeting 
and defeating the rebel forces. 

The army moved in four columns, which 
were to be concentrated at Fairfax Court House. 
Along the roads trees were cut down to oppose 
obstructions to the advance of the troops, and 
at different points some earthworks of little 
strength had been constructed, but were found 
abandoned. Within half a mile of Fairfax 
Court House a more extensive work was met 
with, consisting of an embankment extending 
half a mile, with embrasures for cannon. This 
also had been abandoned, and the guns, if there 
had been any, were removed. A rebel force 
of two or three thousand had been stationed 
at this village; but they retreated about two 
hours before the federal advance reached the 
place, leaving a quantity of fresh beef, flour, 
intrenching tools, and camp equipage behind 
them, with various other evidences of a hasty 
evacuation of the post. On the march the van 
of one of the columns had a very slight skirmish 
with rebel pickets, and a number of prisoners 
were captured ; but there was no real show of 
resistance to the march of the federal forces, 
except such as was offered by the obstructions 
in the woods. 

The entrance of the army into the village is 
described by those present as inspiriting in the 
highest degree. The long column came in 
marching to the national airs by the bands, and 
cheering loudly at the apparently easy victory 
before them, and heartily welcomed by the few 
Union people who remained. The troops biv- 
ouacked in and about the village, while a cay- 
alry force dashed on in pursuit of the retreating 
foe. The day was excessively warm, and the 
pursuit was not long continued, the rebels 
being too far in advance to afford much pros- 
pect of overtaking them. 


270 HISTORY OF THE 


From Fairfax Court House the army moved 
on to Centreville, where the enemy had con- 
structed intrenchments, and where it was sup- 
posed that he would dispute the progress of 
the federal forces. The troops were formed in 
line of battle; but instead of finding a rebel 
force to attack, they saw a Union flag raised 
above the intrenchments, and a solitary man 
advanced and announced that the rebels had 
retreated, taking with them their cannon and 
baggage. This continued retreat of the rebels, 
without a show of battle, made the march of 
the Union army appear like a pleasant excur- 
sion, and perhaps led the men to feel that its 
object was to be easily and speedily accom- 
plished. Inexperienced in the stern realities 
of war, they did not meet with sufficient oppo- 
sition to train them for an earnest conflict, and 
the facility of their progress rather unfitted 
than nerved them for a fierce battle such as 
was to ensue. 

On the 18th of July, General Tyler advanced 
_from Centreville with a part of his division, for 
the purpose of making reconnoissance in the 
direction which the retreating enemy had taken. 
As this column reached the crest of a hill slop- 
ing down to the stream called “Bull Run,” at 
Blackburn’s Ford, it- was saluted with a shot 
from the enemy’s artillery in position beyond 
the stream, and at a distance too great for the 
range of their guns. The firing was replied to 
by part of a battery of rifled cannon which ac- 
companied the expedition, and skirmishers were 
sent forward into the woods which bordered 
the stream. Artillery was advanced to another 
position nearer the enemy, and infantry was 
also advanced to the woods. The skirmishers 
had failed to draw the fire of the enemy; but 
when the main body of the infantry reached 


UNITED STATES. 


the woods, full volleys of musketry were dis- 
charged at them by a large force of the rebels, 
who were concealed from the view of the fed- 
eral soldiers. This fire was returned by them, 
however, aided by the artillery, which had been 
sent forward ; but the enemy had the advantage 
in position as well as in numbers, and their fire 
was so severe that the twelfth New York regi- 
ment fell back in disorder, and the artillery 
which they had been ordered to support, as also 
a company of cavalry, all being on the left of 
the line, were withdrawn. The other troops 
engaged held their ground bravely, and Colonel 
Richardson, whose brigade formed the recon- 
noitring force, requested permission to charge 
through the woods with his other regiments, the 
first Massachusetts, and the second and third 
Michigan, feeling confident that he could drive 
the enemy from his position ; but General Tyler, 
having accomplished his object in ascertaining 
the position of the enemy, ordered the troops 
to be withdrawn, and they subsequently re- 
turned to their camp near Centreville, though 
an effective fire of artillery was continued for 
some time at long range. This was a sharp 
skirmish, and assumed, indeed, the proportions 
of a battle, giving the first proof that the 
rebels were at last ready to oppose the federal 
forces. The loss of the latter was nineteen 
killed, thirty-eight wounded, and twenty-six 
missing; and the rebel loss, according to their 
official report, was fifteen killed and fifty-three 
wounded. 

It was supposed that this reconnoissance 
would be followed immediately by an attack 
in force upon the rebel position; but the army 
rested for two days at Centreville before the: 
advance was again made. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER XXXIX. 


Bull Run. — Position of the Rebel Army at Manassas. — Its 
Strength and Number of Rebel Troops. — Order for Advance 
of Federal Forces. — Plan of Attack.— Movement of the 
Divisions. — The Battle. — Successful Advance of Federal 
Troops. — Rebel Reénforcements. — Attack on the Right 
Flank of the Federal Forces. — Retreat, Disorder, and Rout. 
— Cavalry Charge on the Left Flank. — Panic and Flight of 
the Federal Troops. — Cause of the Panic. — Account of the 
Battle and Rout, by an Eye-witness. 


THE reconnoissance and battle at Blackburn’s 
Ford made it evident that the rebels had at 
length fallen back to their line of defence, and 
that here, on the banks of Bull Run, they would 


resist the farther advance of the federal army.| 


The position of the rebel army was a strong 
one, and General Beauregard had strengthened 
its natural advantages and concentrated all the 
available forces of the rebels for its defence. 
The strength of this place and of the rebel 
force is thus described by one of their own 
writers a short time previous to the advance 
of the Union forces: “By nature, the position 
is one of the strongest that could have been 
found in the whole state. About half way be- 
tween the eastern spur of the Blue Ridge and 
the Potomac, below Alexandria, it commands 
-the whole country between, so perfectly that 
there is scarcely a possibility of its being turned. 
The right wing stretches off towards the head 
waters of the Occoquan, through a wooded 
country, which is easily made impassable by 
the felling of trees. The left is a rolling table- 
land, easily commanded from the successive 
elevations, till you reach a country so rough 
and so rugged that it is a defence to itself The 
key to the whole position, in fact, is precisely 
that point which General Beauregard chose for 
his centre, and which he has fortified so strongly 
that, in the opinion of military men, five thou- 
sand men could there hold twenty thousand 
at bay. The position, in fact, is fortified, in 
part, by Nature herself. It is a succession of 


271 


| hills, nearly equidistant from each other, in 
| front of which is a ravine so deep and so thickly 


wooded that it is passable only at two points, 
and those through gorges which fifty men can 
defend against a whole army. 

“Of the fortifications superadded here by 
General Beauregard to those of nature, it is, of 
course, not proper for me to speak. The gen- 
eral reader, in fact, will have a sufficiently pre- 
cise idea of them by conceiving a line of forts, 
some two miles in extent, zigzag in form, with 
angles, salients, bastions, casemates, and every 
thing that properly belongs to works of this 
kind. The strength and advantages of this 
position at Manassas are very much increased 
by the fact that fourteen miles farther on is a 
position of similar formation, while the country 
between is admirably adapted to the subsistence 
and intrenchment of troops in numbers as large 
as they can easily be manceuvred on the real 
battle field. : 

“As might be expected from the skill with 
which he has chosen his position and the system 
with which he encamps and moves his men, 
General Beauregard is very popular here. I 
doubt if Napoleon himself had more the un- 
divided confidence of his army. By nature, as 
also from a wise policy, he is very reticent. 
Not an individual here knows his plans, or a 
single move of a regiment before it is made; 
and then only the colonel and his men know 
where it goes to. There is not a man here 
who can give any thing like a satisfactory an- 
swer how many men he has or where his exact 
lines are. For the distance of fourteen miles 
around you see tents every where, and from 
them you can make a rough estimate of his 
men ; but how many more are encamped on the 
by-roads and in the forests none can tell. The 
new-comer, from what he sees at first glance, 
puts down the number at about thirty thousand 
men; those who have been here longest esti- 
mate his force at forty or fifty thousand, and 


272 


some even at sixty thousand strong. And there 
is the same discrepancy as to the quantity of 
his artillery.” 

The allusions to the strength of the rebel 
forces at this point, though not explicit state- 
ments, are supported by much other similar 
evidence from rebel sources, and are, probably, 
a fair representation of the number of the army 
under Beauregard, though in his report of the 
battle of Bull Run that officer places the num- 
ber of his forces much lower. The advantages 
of the position are not overstated, according to 
most military authorities; and the delay between 
the time of the battle of Blackburn’s Ford and 
the advance of the federal forces from Centre- 
ville enabled the rebel general to concentrate 
his forces and to receive that reénforcement 
which finally turned the fortunes of the day so 
much in his favor. 

The orders for the advance of the federal 
forces to attack the enemy’s position were issued 
on the 20th of July: General McDowell had 
intended to move the troops forward several 
miles on the evening of that day, so that the 
march should be shorter on the morning of the 
attack; but he deferred to the opinions of offi- 
cers who had the greatest distance to go, and the 
several columns did not move till early in the 
morning of Sunday, the 21st. Reconnoissances 
showed that the rebels had planted batteries at 
points along the stream from Blackburn’s Ford 
to the ford at Sudley’s Spring, and were in 
strong force near the stone bridge by which 
the Warrenton turnpike crossed it. General 
McDowell's purpose was to turn the enemy’s 
position, drive him from the turnpike, and, re- 
opening that road, advance to and destroy the 
railroad leading into the valley of Virginia. 
The army was ordered to advance in four col- 
umns ; the first division, under General Tyler 
towards the stone bridge; the seeond division, 
under Colonel Hunter, was to move to the 
right after passing Cub Run, and to cross Bull 
Run above the ford at Sudley’s Spring; the 


? 


Bye ed 
Fe) 1) 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


third division, under Colonel Heintzelman, was 
to follow on the same road, but to cross at a 
ford below Sudley’s Spring; but no such ford was 
found, and the division accordingly marched to 
the ford crossed by Hunter’s division ; and the 
fifth division, under Colonel Miles, with Rich- 
ardson’s brigade, was to advance towards Black- 
burn’s Ford, and opening fire with artillery only, 
to hold the position against any attack of the 
enemy, and to form a reserve. The fourth 
division, under General Runyon, was holding 
the roads in the rear. 

The several divisions moved towards their 
appointed positions at an early hour in the 
morning, and before dawn were well on their 
way. But there were repeated obstructions and 
delays; one division was waiting for another to 
pass, and the advance was not made as if with 
a unity of purpose, which lack was attributable, 
in a great measure, to the recent organization 
of the army and its want of familiarity with the 
movements of brigades, as well as to the gen- 
eral inexperience of both officers and men. 
General Tyler’s division reached its position 
at half past five o’clock, and was formed in line 
of battle on each side of the turnpike. The 
pickets of the enemy were driven in, and a few 
shot were fired by the artillery at the rebel 
forces on the other side of the stream. But 
the ground was low, descending gradually to- 
wards the stream, and being much covered with 
woods the view of the artillerists was obstructed. 
This division remained in its position for a long 
time, quietly waiting for the divisions of Hun- 
ter and Heintzelman to reach their position and 
commence the attack on the enemy’s left, after 


|;crossing the run at Sudley’s Spring. In the 


mean time the batteries of Richardson’s brigade, 
which was attached to Miles’s division, and was 
advanced towards Blackburn’s Ford, opened 
a vigorous cannonade upon the enemy in that 
direction. As soon as Hunter’s column had 
commenced the attack, the right of General 
Tyler’s division was advanced, and, crossing the 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


run, moved rapidly up the slope of a hill to- 
wards one of the enemy’s positions, which they 
carried. The left brigade of the division also 
advanced, but was compelled to fall back before 
the fire of a battery which had been concealed 
by bushes, and it did not again advance so as 
to sustain the right. It was late in the forenoon 
when Hunter’s and Heintzelman’s divisions, hav- 
ing crossed the run, attacked the left wing of 
the enemy with great vigor. To this position 
the rebel general brought up his troops in 
great force, aware of the danger which threat- 
ened him if the federal army was successful 
here. But the Union forces advanced steadily, 
though slowly, compelling the rebels to retire 
from one strong position to another. They were 
not defeated or routed, however, except at one 
or two points, but generally withdrew in order 
to intrenchments and natural strongholds as 
- advantageous as those they left, while the fed- 
eral troops, exhausted by the severe labors of 
the march and the battle, gained little advan- 
tage by thus compelling the enemy to retire. 
The divisions of Tyler, Hunter, and Heintzel- 
man continued to press forward, and it seemed 
that a junction of the two columns would soon 
be effected. But the advance of Tyler’s right 
wing, and the neglect of the left wing to press 
the enemy and carry the position in front of it, 
had exposed the left of the federal lines; and 
the rebel general, seeing the weakness, advanced 
a body of fresh troops to attack at this point. 
These troops crossed the run and appeared 
upon the flank of the federal forces, threaten- 
ing to cut off the line of retreat; but their ad- 
vance was checked by the firmness of a part of 
the brigade remaining on that side of the run, 
and they were forced to retreat without fol- 
lowing up the advantage which their position 
offered them. 

It was now some hours after noon, and the 
-troops on the right had been engaged in march- 
ing and fighting since an early hour in the 
morning. They had gained much, and had 


35 


273 


driven the rebels southward across the War- 
renton turnpike, but the strong positions of the 
enemy and the reénforcements which he was 
receiving rendered the result doubtful; and at 
last a new body of reénforcements, from John- 
ston’s army, which should have been kept em- 
ployed by General Patterson’s forces, attacked 
the right flank with such vigor that the ex- 
hausted troops who were exposed to the attack 
gave way, fell back, and then began to fly. The 
movement was rapidly communicated from bat- 
talion to battalion, and the men who had hither- 
to fought bravely, in some cases against as great 
odds as now threatened them, could not be 
made to rally, and seemed to think only of 
safety in flight. Soon after this disorder on 
the right, a panic was created in the rear, or, 
more properly, on the left of the federal line of 
battle, by a charge of rebel cavalry that had 
crossed Bull Run south of the stone bridge, and 
having turned the left flank, dashed in among 
the ambulances and wagon trains which had 
been advanced towards the stream. This charge 
created a panic among the teamsters and civil- 
ians, and caused the troops of this wing to imi- 
tate those on the other side of the run, so that 
the whole of the three divisions that were in the 
battle were at once entirely disorganized and 
routed. Meanwhile, the flying forces from the 
advanced positions of the battle field made their 
way towards Bull Run, some in the direction 
of the ford at Sudley’s Spring, and others to- 
wards the stone bridge, leaving their dead and 
many wounded on the battle field. All was 
confusion, except among a part of the regular 
army who were ordered to protect the retreat. 
The roads were blocked, artillery carriages 
were broken down, and the pieces abandoned. 
The panic-stricken soldiers threw away their 
arms and all that would encumber their flight. 
At the crossing of the stream the confusion was 
increased, and more cannon were necessarily 
abandoned, for the enemy were following up 
their advantage, and were using their artillery 


274 


against the panic-stricken crowd. The tide was 
perfectly resistless, and when across the stream, 
and in a position where the rebels could have 
been stopped in a pursuit which they did not 
seem inclined to follow up, the flight continued. 
A part of the reserve of Miles’s division was 
brought into position near Centreville, to pro- 
tect the retreat; but the flying columns could 
not be rallied, and not even these solid lines, or 
those of Runyon’s regiments, far back on the 
road to Fairfax, could stay the flight, and the 
rear guard itself finally made a rapid, though 
an orderly retreat. The flight and the retreat 
did not end till the troops reached their old 
camps in the vicinity of Washington. 

A large number of civilians had come out 
from Washington, in carriages and on horseback, 
to witness the battle, which all had anticipated 
would result in a victory for the federal arms. 
These added to the confusion of the roads lead- 
ing back to the capital, mingled as they were 
with artillery, wagons, and flying soldiers. The 
destruction of property was immense.  Evi- 
dences of the panic were distributed all along 
the road; broken wagons, artillery carriages, 
caissons, provisions, clothing, arms and ammu- 
nition strewed the way. Wounded and weary 
soldiers sunk by the road-side, unable to pro- 
ceed, and exposed to a drenching rain, which 
came on during the night. Fortunately the 
rebels did not know how terrible was the de- 
feat and disorganization of the Union army, or 
they might have pursued with a force suffi- 
cient to d6vercome the rear guard, and to cap- 
ture large numbers of prisoners and an im- 
mense amount of stores. They did not pursue 
that night even to Centreville, and by the next 
morning the fugitive soldiers were near the 
defences of Washington, leaving only the sick 
and wounded to be captured. 

This disgraceful panic was attributed to vari- 
ous causes by parties present in different parts 
of the field; but the one here given is the one 
assigned in General McDowell’s official report, 
and from all the evidence that can be gathered 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


appears to be the true one. On the right the 
attack of Johnston’s heavy reénforcements 
caused the federal lines to break and fly in 
disorder, while very shortly after the cavalry 
charge on the left caused a panic which ren- 
dered it impossible to rally the flying troops. 
But a brief outline of the battle and its 
results has been given in order to afford a gen- 
eral idea of the plan and the movement of the 
large divisions. The details and incidents of 
the conflict are hardly adapted to the purpose 
of this work, except so far as they are shown 
in the official reports which will be found in 
subsequent pages. But of the many descrip- 
tions of the battle which were written by those 
who witnessed it and the succeeding flight, we 
take extracts from one most general in its 
descriptions, and yet affording a vivid picture 
of the day’s proceedings. The writer * accom- 
companied General Tyler’s division, from the 
advanced positions of which the general prog- 
ress and effects of the entire engagement were 
apparent, though the particular movements of 
the other divisions could not be observed. After 
describing the advance of General Tyler’s divis- 
ion to its first position, the account proceeds : — 
“ Our position was less commanding and less 
clear than that we had occupied on Thursday. 
We were still before the valley of Bull Run; 
but the descent from our side was more grad- 
ual, and we were surrounded by thick woods 
down almost to the ravine through which the 
stream flows. The enemy, on the contrary, 
had cleared away all obstructing foliage, and 
bared the earth in every direction over which 
they could bring their artillery upon us. Clump# 
of trees and bushes remained wherever their 
earthworks and other concealed defences could 
be advantageously planted among them. The 
ground on their side was vastly superior to 
ours. It rose in regular slopes to great heights, 
but was broken into knolls and terraces in 


numberless places, upon which strong earth- 


Correspondent of the New York Tribune. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


works were successively planted, some openly, 
but the greater part concealed. The long in- 
terval between our first discharge of artillery 
and the positive attack afforded abundant op- 
portunity to overlook the ground. In no spot 
did the enemy seem weak. Nature had sup- 
plied positions of defence which needed but 
little labor to render them desperately formida- 
ble. How thoroughly these advantages had 
been improved we know by the enormous ef- 
forts which were required to dislodge the troops, 
and by the obstinate opposition which they 
displayed before retiring from point to point. 
“ While our division waited, quiet and alert, 
General McDowell led the columns of Hunter 
and Heintzelman far around by the right, to the 
enemy’s flank and rear. The march was long, 
and doubtless slow, for it was not until about 
eleven o’clock that we were able to discover 
indications of their having met the rebels. From 
Richardson’s position, to the left, however, we 
heard, at eight o’clock, the commencement of 
vigorous cannonading. The deep, sullen sound 
from hig distant batteries was all that broke the 
silence for nearly an hour. Then the hurrying 
of our officers up and down the hill, and through 
_ the woods, told us that our assault was about 
to open. The skirmishers had detected a thick 
and tangled abatis at the banks of the run, into 
which, before advancing, a few shells were 
thrown. As these burst, the rebels swarmed 
out from their hiding places, and took up their 
next fortified post beyond. General Schenck’s 
brigade was moved forward at the left, but, be- 
fore reaching the run, received the full fire 
of a battery masked with bushes, before which 
they retired to their first line. Again all oper- 
ations were suspended by our division, and until 
eleven o’clock the contest was carried on by 
_ the artillery, which, indeed, at that hour re- 
sounded from every point of the field. The 
action by artillery must have extended over 
five or six miles, from Richardson’s position at 
the extreme left around to Hunter’s at the 


279 


right. The roar and rattle were incessant, and 
the air above the vast field soon became thick 
with smoke. 

“Suddenly a line of troops was seen moving 
over the open hillslope precisely in advance 
of us and within a mile — the least distance at 
which the rebel infantry had been seen. The 
third brigade, under Colonel Sherman, was now 
drawn from its shelter among the woods and led 
rapidly around by the right across the run, and 
towards one of the enemy’s best positions. Brisk 


volleys of musketry were soon after heard; but 
'the smoke hung like a veil before us, and it 


was impossible to discover by whom, or against 
whom, they were directed. <A puff of wind 
afterwards cleared the view, and we saw the 
brigade still in firm line, and advancing with 
great speed. A few shots, and a round or two 
of artillery, next came from the right upon the 
second brigade, which had not yet moved 
forward, and which, as a whole, held its post 
squarely, although some squads broke and ran 
into the open road. 

“ At half past eleven o’clock, the cannonading 
was lighter from our side, and the attention of 
the enemy seemed to be distracted from us. We 
were then able to.descry great volumes of smoke 
arising in front, in the precise spot at which 
Hunter’s column should have arrived. This 
gloomy signal of the battle waved slowly to 
the left, assuring us that Hunter and Heintzel- 
man were pushing forward, and driving the 
enemy before them. At the same time our 
right brigade disappeared over the eminence 
for which they had been contending, and the 
distant cheers, which evidently came from them, 
proved that the present triumph was their own. 
To sustain and reénfotce them, the reserve 
brigade of Colonel Keyes was then brought 
down, and marched forward, in spite of a ter- 
mendous cannonade which opened upon them 
from the left, in the same line as that which 
Colonel Sherman had followed. The left bri- 
gade, under General Schenck, did not advance, 


276 


but still remained on the ground where it had 
formed at the very outset. The result of this 
inaction was, that our left was, at the close of 
the battle, assailed and successfully turned ; and 
although the enemy did not pursue this final 
triumph, it was not the fault of the commander 
of that brigade that great mischief was not 
done. Colonel Keyes soon vanished with his 
four regiments, and the second brigade was left 
isolated at the edge of the battle ground. Its 
best protection then was furnished by the thirty- 
two pound Parrot rifled cannon, which, some rods 
to the right, among the brushwood, was raking 
the road far ahead, and plunging shell among 
the strongholds which the enemy still main- 
tained. 

“At half past twelve o’clock the battle ap- 
peared to have reached its climax. Hunter’s 
and Heintzelman’s divisions were deep in the 
enemy’s position, and our own force, excepting 
always the second brigade, was well at work. 


The discharges of artillery and musketry caused 


a continuous and unbroken roar, which some- 
times swelled tumultuously to terrific crashes, 
but never lulled. On the heights before us, 
bodies of infantry were plainly seen driving 
with fury one against the other, and slowly 
pressing towards the left—another proof that 
our advance was resisted in vain. At one point, 
the rebels seemed determined to risk all rather 
than retreat. Many a regiment was brought to 
meet our onset, and all were swept back with 
the same impetuous charges. Prisoners who 
were subsequently brought in, admitted that 
some of our troops, especially the seventy-first 
New York regiment, literally mowed down and 
annihilated double their number. Two Alabama 
regiments, in succession, were cut right and 
left by the seventy-first. The flanking column 
was now fully discernible, and the junction of 
our forces was evidently not far distant. The 
gradual abandonment of their positions by the 
rebels could not be doubted. At some points 
they fled precipitately, but in most cases moved 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


regularly to the rear. It is probable that they 
only deserted one strong post for another even 
stronger, and that, however far we might have 
crushed them back, we should still have found 
them intrenched and fortified to the last—even 
to Manassas itself. But they had_ positively 
relinquished the entire line in which they had 
first arrayed themselves against Tyler’s division, 
excepting one fortified elevation at the left, 
which could and should have been carried by 
the second brigade an hour before. How far the 
enemy had retreated before Hunter and Heint- 
zelman I cannot say; but I am given to under- 
stand that they had forsaken all, excepting one 
powerful earthwork with lofty embankments, 


“upon the highest ground of their field. It was 


this work, which, later in the day, was stormed 
by the Zouaves and other regiments, and which, 
in spite of a daring and intrepidity which 


our rebel prisoners speak of with amazement, 


‘resisted their charge. 


But other important 
works had been carried by the third and fourth 
brigades on our side, so that little appeared to 
remain for our victory but to perfect the union 


of the two columns, and to hold the ground we 


irepulsed by Heintzelman. 


had won. 

“The fire now slackened on both sides for. 
several minutes. Although the movements of 
our own troops were mainly hidden, we could 
see a peculiar activity among the enemy at the 
spot where they had been most vehemently 
A long line of ap- 
parently fresh regiments was brought forward, 
and formed at the edge of a grove through 
which our men had penetrated. Four times 
we saw this line broken, and re-formed by its 


officers, who rode behind, and drove back with 


their swords those who fled. A fifth time it 
was shattered and re-formed, but could not be 
made to stand fast, and was led back to the. 
fortified ground. This afforded us, who looked 
on from the lower battle field, a new ground 
for the conviction that the triumph would be 
with us. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“For nearly half an hour after this we were 
left in great uncertainty. The enemy lan- 
guished, and our own movements were clogged 
by some mysterious obstacle. All that was 
done within our view was the leading forward 
of Schenck’s brigade a few hundred rods on the 
open road. But as many of us, lookers-on, had 
long before passed ahead to Bull Run, and as- 
sured ourselves that the field was open for near- 
ly a mile in advance, this was not regarded. as 
of much importance. From Bull Run the as- 
pect of the field was truly appalling. The éenhe- 
my’s dead lay strewn so thickly that they rested 
upon one another, the ground refusing space 
to many that had fallen. Few of our men had 
suffered here, although it seemed that farther 
on they. lay in greater numbers. But the at- 
tention of those who gazed was quickly turned 
from these awful results of the battle to the 
imminent hazard of its renewal. Down to- 
wards our left, which had so long been exposed, 
a new line of troops moved with an alacrity 
that indicated entire freshness. As they swept 
around to the very woods upon which the second 
brigade rested, the artillery from the last in- 
trenchments they held upon this field — that 
which should have been overrun betimes by our 
idle troops — opened with new vigor. Grape 
and round shot, most accurately aimed, struck 
the ground before, behind, and each side of Gen- 
eral Schenck and the group of officers about him. 
The Ohio regiments were’ somewhat sheltered 
by a cleft in the road, but the New York sec- 
ond was more exposed. General Schenck was 
in great danger, to which, I am glad to say, 
he seemed perfectly insensible, riding always 
through the hottest of the fire, as if nothing 
more serious than a shower of paper pellets 
threatened him. 

“A few minutes later and the great, peril of our 
division — that which should have been fore- 
seen and provided against —was upon us. ‘The 
enemy appeared upon the left flank, between 
us and our way of retreat. Why they failed, 


277 


| having once secured it, to pursue this enormous 
advantage, it is impossible to conjecture. I am 
inclined to believe that the coolness and pre- 
cision of Colonel McCook, of the first Ohio regi- 
ment, saved us from this disaster. It is certain 
Colonel McCook displayed a firm resistance to 
the charge which menaced him, and that the 
enemy wavered, and then withdrew. But at 
this time the first proofs of the panic which had 
stricken the army were disclosed. From the 
distant hills our troops, disorganized, scattered, 
pallid with a terror which had no just cause, 
came pouring in among us, trampling down 
some, and spreading the contagion of their fear 
among all. It was even then a whirlwind which 
nothing could resist. The most reluctant of 
the officers were forced from the valley up the 
hill, in spite of themselves. Whoever had stood 
would have been trodden under foot by his own 
men. Near the top of the hill a like commo- 
tion was visible, but from a different cause. The 
rebel cavalry, having completely circumvented 
our left, had charged in among a crowd of 
wounded and stragglers, who surrounded a small 
building which had been used for our hospital. 
Nothing but the unexpected courage of a con- 
siderable number of unorganized men, many of 
them civilians, who seized the readiest weapons 
and repelled the enemy, saved that point from 
being occupied. 

“The secret of that panic will perhaps never 
be known. All essay to explain it, and all fail. 
Whether General McDowell did or did not give 
an order to retreat, I cannot say of my own 
knowledge. Jam assured by one who was with 
him that he did, and by others that he also failed 
to preserve his self-control. If this be so, we 
shall know of it in time; but all we can now be 
sure of is the afflicting fact of our utter and 
absolute rout. How nearly one great object of 
the day had been accomplished may be under- 
stood when it is known that General Tyler and 
General McDowell had actually met. Many who 
came into the battle with Colonel Heintzelman 


278 


and Colonel Hunter fled by the road over which 
General Tyler had advanced. In the race from 
a fancied danger, all divisions and all regiments 
were mingled. ‘There was not even an attempt 
to cover the retreat of Tyler’s division. With 
Heintzelman’s it was better, Lieutenant Drum- 
mond’s cavalry troop keeping firm line, and 
protecting the artillery until its abandonment 
was imperatively ordered. The extent of the 
disorder was unlimited. Regulars and volun- 
teers shared it alike. A mere fraction of our 
artillery was saved. Whole batteries were left 
upon the field, and the cutting off of others 
was ordered when the guns had already been 
brought two miles or more from the battle 
ground, and were as safe as they would be in 
New York at this moment. A perfect frenzy 
was upon almost every man. Some cried pite- 
ously to be lifted behind those who rode on 
horses, and others sought to clamber into wag- 
ons, the occupants resisting them with bayo- 
nets. All sense of manhood seemed to be for- 
gotten. I hope, and I am sure, there were 
exceptions, but I am speaking of the rule with 
the mass. Drivers of heavy wagons dashed 
down the steep road, reckless of the lives they 
endangered on the way. Even the sentiment of 
shame had gone. Some of the better men tried 
to withstand the rush, and cried out against 
the flying groups, calling them “cowards, pol- 
troons, brutes,” and revilig them for so degrad- 
ing themselves, especially when no enemy was 
near. Insensible to the epithets, the runaways 
only looked relieved, and sought renewed as- 
surance that their imagined pursuers were not 
upon them. Every impediment to flight was 
cast aside. Rifles, bayonets, pistols, haversacks, 
cartridge-boxes, canteens, blankets, belts, and 
overcoats lined the road. The provisions from 
the wagons were thrown out, and the tops 
broken away. All was lost to that American 
army, even its honor. 


“The agony of this overwhelming disgrace 


can never be expressed in words, or understood 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


by those who only hear the tale repeated. Ibe- 
lieve there were men upon that field who turned 
their faces to the enemy, and marched to certain 
death, lest they should share the infamy which 
their fellows had invited and embraced. The 
suffering of a hundred deaths would have been 
as nothing compared with the torture under 
which the few brave soldiers writhed, who were 
swept along by that maniac hurricane of terror. 
But suddenly their spirits were revived by a 
sight which, so long as God lets them live, they 
will never cease to remember with pride and 
joy. Stretching far across the road, long be- 
fore the hoped-for refuge of Centreville was 
reached, was a firm, unswerving line of men, to 
whom the sight of the thousands who dashed by 
them was only a wonder or a scorn. This was 
the German rifle regiment; and to see the manly 
bearing of their general, and feel the imspira- 
tion which his presence gave at that moment, 
was like relief to those who perish in a desert. 
At least, then, all was not lost, and we knew 
that, let our destiny turn that night as it should, 
there was one man who would hold and keep 
the fame of the nation unsullied to the end. 

“T need not speak much in praise of the ac- 
tion of Blenker and the.officers who served him 
so well. The events speak for them. Steady and 
watchful, he held his line throughout the even- 
ing, advancing his skirmishers at every token 
of attack, and spreading a sure protection over 
the multitudes who fled disordered through his 
columns. With three regiments he stood to 
fight against an outnumbering enemy already 
flushed with victory, and eager to complete its 
triumph. As the darkness increased, his post 
became more perilous and more honorable. At 
eleven o’clock the attack came upon the ad- 
vance company of Colonel Stahl’s Rifles, not in 
force, but from a body of cavalry whose suc- 
cessful passage would have been followed by a 
full force, and the consequent destruction of 
our broken host. The rebel cavalry was driven 
back, and never returned; and at two in the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


morning, the great body of our troops, having 
passed and found their road to safety, the com- 
mand was given to retreat in order, and the 
brigade fell slowly and regularly back, with the 
same precision as if on parade, and as thoroughly 
at the will of their leader as if no danger had 
ever come near them. y 

“Notwithstanding all that I had seen, it 
seemed incredible that our whole army should 
melt away in a night; and so I remained at 
Centreville, trusting that by the morning a sort 
of reorganization should have taken place, and 
that our front should still oppose the enemy. 
At seven o’clock I started towards the battle- 
field, but, on reaching a considerable acclivity, 
was amazed to find that no vestige of our troops 
remained, excepting a score or two of strag- 
gling fugitives who followed the tracks of those 
who had gone before. While returning to Cen- 
treville, a group of rebel cavalry passed, who 
looked inquiringly, but did not question. Their 
conversation turned upon the chances of cut- 
ting off the retreat at Fairfax Court House. 

The road leading from Centreville to 
Germantown was filled with marks of the ruin- 
ousretreat. At the outskirts of the village thou- 
sands of dollars’ worth of property lay wrecked 
and abandoned. In one field a quantity of 
powder had been thrown. The destruc- 
tion of property seemed to have increased at 
every mile. Baggage wagons were overturned, 
ambulances broken in pieces, weapons of every 
kind cast off Horses lay dead and dying. 
Food was heaped about the wayside. Bags of 
corn and oats were trodden into the ground. 
Piles of clothing were scattered on all sides. 
In many places the discarded goods and equip- 
ments were ranged breast-high, and stood like 
monuments erected by our own hands to our 
own shame. 

“At Fairfax I had hoped to find a rallying 
place, and could hardly believe that the flight 
had gone even beyond this. But the village 
was deserted, excepting by native prowlers, 


279 


who were ransacking the emptied contents of 
our baggage wagons, and who scowled savagely 
enough at the fugitives who sought among 
them a temporary shelter from the storm. Be- 
yond Fairfax the marks of destruction were 
less frequent, though the stream of the retreat 
grew even stronger. Along the main road the 
flying kept their way in something like a con- 
tinuous line, dividing only at the turnpike 
which leads to Arlington, into which some di- 
verged, while others moved on to Alexandria. 
Three miles from the Long Bridge I came upon 
the rear of Blenker’s brigade, Stahl’s German 
Rifles still holding the hindmost position, and 
the other two regiments, Steinwehr’s and the 
Garibaldi Guard, moving in order before them. 
Still in advance of these was the De Kalb regi- 
ment, also intact. But beyond all was tumult 
again, and even to the city itself the wretched 
disorder and confusion had reached.” 


CHAPTER XL. 


Official Report of General McDowell. — Reports of General 
Tyler, Colonel Porter, Colonel Heintzelman, and Colonel 
Miles. — Results of the Battle. —Demoralization of the Army. 
— Causes of the Defeat. — General Patterson and his Forces. 
— Beauregard’s Report. 


To complete the narrative of the battle of 
Bull Run, we give the following official report 
of General McDowell, and extracts from the re- 
ports of the several commanders of divisions : — 


To Lieutenant-Colonel E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adju- 
tant-General, Headquarters of the Army, Washington, 
De 


‘‘ HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT NORTH-EASTERN 
‘“Virainta, ARLINGTON, VA., August 4, 1861. 


“Coronet: I have the honor to submit the 
following report of the battle of the 21st of 
July, near Manassas, Virginia. It has been 
delayed till this time for the inability of the 
subordinate commanders to get earlier a true 
account of the state of their commands. 

“In my communication to you of the 26th. 


280 


ultimo, I stated it as my intention to move that 
afternoon, and drive the enemy from the east 
side of Bull Run, so as to enable the engineers 
to make a sufficiently accurate reconnoissance 
to justify our future movements. Later in the 
day, they had obtained enough information of 
the passage across the stream to dispense with 
this reconnoissance, and it was decided to move 
without delay. It had been my intention to 
move the several columns out on the road a 
few miles on the evening of the 20th, so that 
they would have a shorter march in the morn- 
ing; but I deferred to those who had the 
greatest distance to go, and who preferred start- 
ing early in the morning, and making but 
one move. 

“On the evening of the 20th ult. my com- 
mand was at or near Centreville. The enemy 
was at or near Manassas, distant from Centre- 
ville about seven miles to the south-west. Cen- 
treville is a village of a few houses, mostly on 
the west side of a ridge running nearly north 
and south. The road from Centreville to Ma- 
nassas Junction was along this ridge, and crosses 
Bull Run about three miles from the former 
place. The Warrenton turnpike, which runs 
nearly east and west, goes over this ridge, 
through the village, and crosses Bull Run about 
four miles from it, Bull Run having a course 
between the crossing from north-west to south- 
east. The first division (Tyler’s) was stationed 
on the north side of the Warrenton turnpike, 
and on the eastern slope of the Centreville 
ridge, two brigades on the same road, and a 
mile and a half in advance, to the west of the 
ridge, and one brigade on the road from Centre- 
ville to Manassas where it crosses Bull Rua, at 
Blackburn’s Ford, where General Tyler had the 
engagement of the 18th ult. The second divis- 
ion (Hunter’s) was on the Warrenton turn- 
pike, one mile east of Centreville. The third 
division (Heintzelman’s) was on a road known 
as the Old Braddock road, which comes into 
Centreville from the south-east, about a mile 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


and a half from the village. The fifth division 
(Miles’s) was on the same road with the third 
division, and between it and Centreville. A 
map, which is herewith marked A, will show 
these positions better than I can describe them. 

“On Friday night a train of subsistence -ar- 
rived, and on Saturday its contents were ordered 
to be issued to the command, and the men re- 
quired to have three days’ rations in their hay- 
ersacks. On Saturday orders were issued for 
the available force to march. As reported to 
you in my letter of the 19th ult. my personal 
reconnoissance of the roads to the south had 
shown that it was not practicable to carry out 
the original plan of turning the enemy’s posi- 
tion on their right. The affair of the 18th, at 
Blackburn’s Ford, showed he was too strong at 
that point for us to force a passage there with- 
out great loss, and if we did, that it would bring 
us in front of his strong position at Manassas, 
which was not desired. Our information was 
that the stone bridge over which the Warren- 
ton road crossed Bull Run, to the west of Cen- 
treville, was defended by a battery in position, 
and the road on his side of the stream impeded 
by a heavy abatis. The alternative was, there- 
fore, to turn the extreme left of his position. 
Reliable information was obtained of an unde- 
fended ford about three miles above the bridge, 
there being another ford between it and the 
bridge, which was defended. It was therefore 
determined to take the road to the upper ford, 
and after crossing, to get behind the forces 
guarding the lower ford and the bridge, and 
after occupying the Warrenton road east of the 
bridge, to send out a force to destroy the rail- 
road at or near Gainesville, and thus break up 
the communication between the enemy’s forces 
at Manassas and those in the valley of Vir- 
ginia, before Winchester, which had been held 
in check by Major-General Patterson. 

“ Brigadier-General Tyler was directed to 
move, with three of his brigades,on the War- 
renton road, and commence cannonading the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


enemy’s batteries, while Hunter’s division, mov- 
ing after him, should, after passing a little stream 
called Cub Run, turn to the right and north, 
and move around to the upper ford, and there 
turn south and get behind the enemy. Colonel 
Heintzelman’s division was to follow Hunter’s 
as far as the turning-off place to the lower 
ford, where he was to cross after the enemy 
should have been driven out by Hunter’s divis- 
ion, the fifth division (Miles’s) to be in reserve 
on the Centreville ridge. 

“J had felt anxious about the road from 
Manassas by Blackburn’s Ford to Centreville, 
along this ridge, fearing that whilst we should 
be in force to the front, and endeavoring to 
turn the enemy’s position, we ourselves should 
be turned by him by this road; for if he should 
once obtain possession of this ridge, which over- 
looks all the country to the west to the foot of 
the spurs of the Blue Ridge, we should have 
been irretrievably cut off and destroyed. I 
had, therefore, directed this point to be held in 
force, and sent an engineer to extemporize 
some field works to strengthen the position. 

“The fourth division (Runyon’s) had not 
been brought to the front farther than to guard 
our communications by way of Vienna and the 
Orange and Alexandria Railroad. His advanced 
regiment was about seven miles in the rear of 
Centreville. 

“The divisions were ordered to march at 
half past two o’clock, A. M., so as to arrive on 
the ground early in the day, and thus avoid 
the heat which is to be expected at this season. 
There was delay in the first division getting out 
of its camp on the road, and the other divisions 
were, in consequence, between two and three 
hours behind the time appointed — a great mis- 
fortune, as events turned out. The wood road 
leading from Warrenton turnpike to the upper 
ford was much longer than we counted upon, 
the general direction of the stream being ob- 


lique to the road, and we having the obtuse 


angle on our side. 
36 


281 


“ General Tyler commenced with his artillery 
at half past six, A. M.; but the enemy did not 
reply, and after some time it became a question 
whether he was in any force in our front, and 
if he did not intend himself to make an attack, 
and make it by Blackburn’s Ford. After firing 
several times, and obtaining no response, I held 


one of Heintzelman’s brigades in reserve, in case 


we should have to send any troops back to re- 
enforce Miles’s division. The other brigades 
moved forward as directed in the general orders. 
On reaching the ford at Sudley’s Spring, I 
found part of the leading brigade of Hunter’s 
division (Burnside’s) had crossed; but the men 
were slow in getting over, stopping to drink. 
As at this time the clouds of dust from the 
direction of Manassas indicated the immediate 
approach of a large force, and fearing it might 


|come down on the head of the column before 


the division could get over and sustain it, orders 
were sent back to the heads of regiments to 
break from the column and come forward sep- 
arately as fast as possible. Orders were sent 
by an officer to the reserve brigade of Heintzel- 
man’s division to come by a nearer road across 
the fields, and an aid-de-camp was sent to 
Brigadier-General Tyler to direct him to press 
forward his attack, as large bodies of the enemy 
were passing in front of him to attack the 
division which had crossed over. The ground 
between the stream and the road leading from 
Sudley’s Spring south, and over which Burn- 
side’s brigade marched, was, for about a mile 
from the ford, thickly wooded, whilst on the 
right hand of the road, for about the same dis- 
tance, the country was divided between fields 
and woods. About a mile from the road the 
country on both sides of the road is open, and 
for nearly a mile farther large rolling fields ex- 
tend down to the Warrenton turnpike, which 
crosses what became the field of battle through 
the valley of a small watercourse, a tributary 
of Bull Run. 

“Shortly after the leading regiment of the 


282 


first brigade reached this open space, and whilst 
others and the second brigade were crossing to 
the front and right, the enemy opened his fire, 
beginning with artillery, and following it up 
with infantry. The leading brigade (Burnside’s) 
had to sustain this shock for a short time with- 
out support, and did it well. The battalion 
of regular infantry was sent to sustain it, and 
shortly afterwards the other corps of Porter’s 
brigade, and a regiment detached from Heint- 
zelman’s division to the left, forced the enemy 
back far enough to allow Sherman’s and Keyes’s 
brigades, of Tyler’s division, to cross from their 
position on the Warrenton road. These drove 
the right of the enemy, understood to have been 
commanded by Beauregard, from the front of 
the field, and out of the detached woods, and 
down to the road, and across it up the slopes 
on the other side. While this was going on, 
Heintzelman’s division was moving down the 
field to the stream and up the road beyond. 
Beyond the Warrenton road, and to the left of 
the road, down which our troops had marched 
from Sudley’s Spring, is a hill with a farm 
house on it. Behind this hill the enemy had, 
early in the day, some of his most annoying 
batteries planted. Across the road from this 
hill was another hill, or rather elevated ridge, 
or table of land. The hottest part of the con- 
test was for the possession of this hill with a 
house on it. The force engaged here was 
Heintzelman’s division, Wilcox’s and Howard’s 
brigades on the right, supported by part of 


Porter’s brigade and the cavalry under Palmer, | 


and Franklin’s brigade of Heintzelman’s divis- 
ion, Sherman’s brigade of Tyler’s division in the 
centre and up the road, whilst Keyes’s brigade 
of Tyler’s division was on the left, attacking the 
batteries near the stone bridge. The Rhode 
Island battery of Burnside’s brigade also par- 
ticipated in this attack by its fire from the north 
of the turnpike. The enemy was understood 
to have been commanded by J. E. Johnston, 
Rickett’s battery, which did such effective ser- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


vice, and played so brilliant a part in this con- 
test, was, together with Griffin’s battery, on the 
side of the hill, and became the object of the 
special attention of the enemy, who succeeded 
—our officers mistaking one of his regiments 
for one of our own, and allowing it to approach 
without firing upon it —in disabling the bat- 
tery, and then attempted to take it. Three 
times was he repulsed by different corps in suc- 
cession, and driven back, and the guns taken 
by hand, the horses being killed, and pulled 
away. The third time it was supposed by us 
all that the repulse was final, for he was driven 
entirely from the hill, and so far beyond it as 
not to be in sight; and all were certain the day 
was ‘ours. He had before this been driven 
nearly a mile and a half, and was beyond the 
Warrenton road, which was entirely in our pos- 
session from the stone bridge westward, and our 
engineers were just completing the removal of 
the abatis across the road, to allow our reén- 
forcement (Schenck’s brigade and Ayers’s bat- 
tery) to join us. 

“The enemy was evidently disheartened and 
broken. But we had been fighting since half 


|| past ten o’clock in the morning, and it was after 


three o’clock in the afternoon. The men had 
been up since two o’clock in the morning, and 
had made what to those unused to such things 
seemed a long march, before coming into ac- 
tion, though the longest distance gone over 
was not more than nine.and a half miles; and 
though they had three days’ provisions Served 
out to them the day before, many, no doubt, did 
not eat them, or either threw them away on the 
march or during the battle, and were, therefore, 


| without food. They had done much severe fight- 


ing. Some of the regiments which had been 
driven from the hill in the first two attempts 
of the enemy to keep possession of it, had be- 


‘come shaken, were unsteady, and had many 


men out of the ranks. 
“Tt was at this time that the enemy’s reén- 


| foreements came to his aid from the railroad 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


train, understood to have just arrived from the 
valley with the residue of Johnston’s army. 
They threw themselves in the woods on our 
right, and towards the rear of our right, and 
opened a fire of musketry on our men, which 
caused them to break and retire down the hill- 
side. This soon degenerated into disorder, for 
which there was no remedy. Every effort was 
made to rally them, even beyond the reach of 
the enemy’s fire, but in vain. The battalion 
of regular infantry alone moved up the hill 
opposite to the one with the house on it, and 
there maintained itself until our men could get 
down to and across the Warrenton turnpike, on 
the way back to the position we occupied in 
the morning. The plain was covered with the 
‘retreating troops, and they seemed to infect 
those with whom they came in contact. The 
retreat soon became a rout, and this soon 
degenerated still further into a panic. 
“Winding this state of affairs was beyond 
the efforts of all those who had assisted so faith- 
fully during the long and hard day’s work in 
gaining almost the object of our wishes, and 
that nothing remained on the field but to 
recognize what we could no longer prevent, I 
gave the necessary orders to protect their with- 
drawal, begging the men to form in line, and 
offer the appearance, at least, of organization. 
They returned by the fords to the Warrenton 
road, protected, by my order, by Colonel Por- 
ter’s force of regulars. Once on the road, and 
the different corps coming together in small 
parties, many without officers, they became in- 
termingled, and all organization was lost. 
“Orders had been sent back to Miles’s divis- 
jon for a brigade to move forward and protect 
this retreat, and Colonel Blenker’s brigade was 
detached for this purpose; and was ordered to 
go as far forward as the point where the road 
to the right left the main road. 
“By referring to the general order, it will be 
seen that, while the operations were to go on 


283 


in front, an attack was to be made at Black- 
burn’s Ford by the brigade (Richardson’s) sta- 
tioned there. A reference to his report, and to 
that of Major Hunt, commanding the artillery, 
will show that this part of the plan was well 
and effectively carried out. It succeeded in 
deceiving the enemy for a considerable time, 
and in keeping in check a part of his force. 
The fire of the artillery at this point is repre- 
sented as particularly destructive. 

“At the time of our retreat, seeing great 
activity in this direction, much firing, and col- 
umns of dust, | became anxious for this place, 
fearing, if it were turned or forced, the whole 
stream of our retreating mass would be cap- 
tured or destroyed. After providing for the 
protection of the retreat by Porter’s and Blenk- 
er’s brigades, I repaired to Richardson’s, and 
found the whole force ordered to be stationed 
for the holding of the road from Manassas by 
Blackburn’s Ford to Centreville, on the march, 
under the orders from the division commander, 
for Centreville. I immediately halted it, and 
ordered it to take up the best line of defence 
across the ridge that their position admitted 
of, and subsequently taking.in person the com- 
mand of this part of the army, I caused such 
disposition. of the forces which had ‘been added 
to by the first and second New Jersey and the 
De Kalb regiments, ordered up from Runyon’s 
reserve, before going forward, as would best 
serve to check the enemy. The ridge being 
held in this way, the retreating current: passed 
slowly through Centreville to the rear. The 
enemy followed us from the ford as far as Cub 
Run, and owing to the road becoming blocked 
up at the crossing, caused us much damage 
there, for the artillery could not pass, and sev- 
eral pieces and caissons had to be abandoned. 
In the panic, the horses hauling the caissons 
and ammunition were cut from their places by 
persons to escape with, and in this way much 
confusion was caused, the panic aggravated, and 


284 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the road encumbered. Not only were pieces of || and forty-seven non-commissioned ‘officers and 


artillery lost, but also many of the ambulances 
carrying the wounded. 

“By sundown most of our men had gotten be- 
hind Centreville ridge, and it became a question 
whether we should or not endeavor to make a 
stand there. The condition of our artillery and 
its ammunition, and the want of food for the 
men who had generally abandoned or thrown 
away all that had been issued the day before, 
and the utter disorganization, and consequent 
demoralization, of the mass of the army, seemed 
to all who were near enough to be consulted — 
division and brigade commanders and staff—to 
admit of no alternative but to fall back; the 
more so as the position at Blackburn’s Ford was 
then in the possession of the enemy, and he was 
already turning our left. On sending the offi- 
cers of the staff to the different camps, they 
found, as they reported to me, that our decision 
had been anticipated by the troops, most of 
those who had come in from the front being 
already on the road to the rear, the panic with 
which they came in still continuing and hurry- 
ing them along. 

“ At —o’clock, the rear guard (Blenker’s 
brigade) moved, covering the retreat, which was 
effected during the night and next morning. 
The troops at Fairfax station, leaving by the 
cars, took with them the bulk of the supplies 
which had been sent there. My aid-de-camp, 
Major Wadsworth, staid at Fairfax Court House 
till late in the morning, to see that the stragglers 
and weary and worn-gut soldiers were not left 
behind. 

“T transmit herewith the reports of the sev- 
eral division and brigade commanders, to which 
I refer for the conduct of particular regiments 
and corps, and a consolidated return of the 
killed, wounded, and missing. From the latter 
it will be seen that our killed amounted to nine- 
teen officers and four hundred and ‘sixty-two 
non-commissioned officers and privates, and our 
wounded to sixty-four officers and nine hundred 


privates. Many of the wounded will soon be 
able to join the ranks, and will leave our total 
of killed and disabled from further service under 
one thousand. The return of the missing is 
very inaccurate, the men supposed to be missing 
having fallen into other regiments and gone to 
Washington — many of the Zouaves to New 
York. In one brigade the number orginally 
reported at six hundred and sixteen, was yester- 
dy reduced to one hundred and seventy-four. 
These reductions are being made daily. Ina 
few days a more correct return can be made. 

“Of course nothing accurate is known of the 
loss of the enemy. An. officer of their forces, 
coming from them with a flag of truce, admitted 
eighteen hundred killed and wounded; and 
other information shows this to be much under 
the true number. 

“The officer commanding the eleventh New 
York Zouaves, and Colonel Heintzelman, say 
that the returns of that regiment cannot be re- 
lied on, as many of those reported among the 
casualties have absented themselves since their 
return, and have gone to NewYork. Among the 
missing are reported many of our surgeons, who 
remained in attendance on our wounded, and 
were, against the rules of modern warfare, 
made prisoners. 

“The issue of this hard-fought battle — in 
which certainly our troops lost no credit in their 
conflict on the field with an enemy ably com- 
manded, superior in numbers, who had but a 
short distance to march, and who acted on his 
own ground, on the defensive, and always under 
cover, whilst our men were of necessity out in 
the open fields—should not prevent full credit 
being given to those officers and corps whose 
services merited success, if they did not attain 
it. se Mis 

“As my position may warrant, even if it does 
not call for, some explanation of the causes, as 


‘far as they can be seen, which led to the results 


herein stated, I trust it may not be out of place 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


if I refer,in a few words, to the immediate ante- 
cedents of the battle. When I submitted to the 
-general-in-chief, in compliance with his verbal 
instructions, the plan of operations and estimate 
of force required, the time I was to proceed to 
carry it into effect was fixed for the 8th July, 
Monday. Every facility possible was given me 
by the general-in-chief and heads of the ad- 
ministrative departments in making the neces- 
sary preparations. But the regiments, owing, 


I was told, to want of transportation, came over 


slowly. Many of them did not come across till 
eight or nine days after the time fixed upon, and 
went forward without my even seeing them, 
and without having been together before in a 
brigade. The sending reénforcements to Gen- 
eral Patterson, by drawing off the wagons, was 
a further and unavoidable cause of delay. Not- 
withstanding the herculean efforts of the quar- 
termaster-general, and his favoring me in every 
way, the wagons for ammunition, subsistence, 
&c., and the horses for the trains and the artil- 
lery, did not all arrive for more than a week 
after the time appointed to move. I was not 
even prepared as late as the 15th ultimo, and 
the desire I should move became great, and it 
was wished I should not, if possible, delay 
longer than Tuesday, the 16th ultimo. When 
I did set out, on the 16th, I was still deficient 
in wagons for subsistence. But I went forward, 
trusting to their being procured in time to fol- 
low me. The trains thus hurriedly gathered 
together, with horses, wagons, drivers, and wag- 
on managers, all new and unused to each other, 
moved with difficulty and disorder, and was the 
cause of a day’s delay in getting the provis- 
ions forward, making it necessary to make on 
Sunday the attack we should have made on 
Saturday. 

“T could not, with every exertion, get forward 
with the troops earlier than we did. I wished to 
go to Centreville the sécond day, which would 
have taken us there on the 17th, and enabled 
us, so far as they were concerned, to go into 


285 


action on the 19th, instead of the 21st; but 
when I went forward from Fairfax Court House, 
beyond Germantown, to urge them forward, I 
was told it was impossible for the men to march 
farther. They had only come from Vienna, 
about six miles, and it was not more than six 
and a half miles farther to Centreville — in all 
amarch of twelve and a half miles; but the men 
were foot-weary, not so much, I was told, by the 
distance marched, as by the time they had been 
on foot, caused by the obstructions in the road 
and the slow pace we had to move to avoid 
ambuscades. ‘The men were, moreover, unac- 
customed to marching, their bodies not in con- 
dition for that kind of work, and not used to 
carrying even the load of light marching order. 

“We crossed Bull Run with about eighteen 
thousand men of all arms, the fifth division 
(Miles’s and Richardson’s brigade) on the left, at 
Blackburn’s Ford to Centreville, and Schenck’s 
brigade, of Tyler’s division, on the left of the 
road, near the stone bridge, not participating 
in the main action. The numbers opposed to 
us have been variously estimated. I may safely 
say, and avoid even the appearance of exag- 
geration, that the enemy brought up all he 
could which were not kept engaged elsewhere. 
He had notice of our coming on the 17th, and 
had from that time until the 21st to bring up 
whatever he had. It is known that in estimat- 
ing the force to go against Manassas, I engaged 
not to have to do with the enemy’s forces under 
Johnston, then kept in check in the valley by 
Major-General Patterson, or those kept engaged 
by Major-General Butler; and 1 know every 
effort was made by the. general-in-chief that 
this should be done, and that even if Johnston 
joined Beauregard, it would not be because he 
could be followed by General Patterson, but 
from causes not necessary for me to refer to, if 
I knew them all. This was not done, and the 
enemy was free to assemble from every direc- 
tion in numbers only limited by the amount of 
his railroad rolling stock and his supply of pro- 


286 
To the forces, therefore, we drove in 
from Fairfax Court House, Fairfax Station, 
Germantown, and Centreville, and those under 
Beauregard at Manassas, must be added those 
under Johnston from Winchester, and those 
brought up by Davis from Richmond to other 
places at the south, to which is to be added the 
levy en masse ordered by the Richmond author- 
ities, which was ordered to assemble at Manas- 
sas. What all this amounted to, I cannot say ; 
certainly much more than we attacked them 
with. 

“T could not, as I have said, more early push 
on faster, nor could I delay. A large and the 
best part of my forces were three months’ vol- 
unteers, whose term of service was about to 
expire, but who were sent forward as having 
long enough to serve for the purpose of the 
expedition. On the eve of the battle the fourth 
Pennsylvania regiment of volunteers and the 
battery of volunteer artillery of the New York 
eighth militia, whose term of service expired, 
insisted on their discharge. I wrote to the regi- 
ment, expressing a request for them to remain 
a short time, and the Hon. Secretary of War, 
who was at the time on the ground, tried to 
induce the battery to remain at least five days. 
But in vain. They insisted on their discharge 
that night. It was granted; and the next 
morning, when the army moved forward into 
battle, these troops moved to the rear to the 
sound of the enemy’s cannon. ; 

“Tn the next few days, day by day, I should 
have lost ten thousand of the best armed, drilled, 
officered, and disciplined troops in the army. 
In other words, every day which added to the 
strength of the enemy made us weaker. 

“In conclusion, I desire to say, in reference 
to the events of the 21st ult., that the general 
order for the battle to which I referred was, 
with slight modifications, literally conformed 
to; that the corps were brought over Bull Run 


visions. 


in the manner proposed, and put into action as | 


before arranged ; and that up to late in the after- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


noon every movement ordered was carrying us 
successfully to the object we had proposed be- 
fore starting — that of getting to the railroad 
leading from Manassas to the valley of Virginia, 
and going on it far enough to break up and 
destroy the communications and interviews be- 
tween the forces under Beauregard and those 
under Johnston. And could we have fought a 
day or a few hours sooner, there is every thing 
to show how we could have continued suc- 
cessful, even against the odds with which we 
contended. 
“T have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
“Your most obedient servant, 
“Trwin McDowst1, 
“ Brigacer-General commanding.” 


GENERAL TYLER’S REPORT. 


‘‘ Heapquarrers First Diyision Department N. E. Va., 
‘¢ WASHINGTON, July 27, 1861. 


“ (GENERAL: In obedience to order No. 22, 
dated Centreville, July 20, Sherman’s, Schenck’s, 
and Keyes’s brigades, of this division — Richard- 
son’s brigade having been left in front of Black- 
burn’s Ford — moved at half past two, A. M., 
on the 21st inst., to threaten the passage of the 
Warrenton turnpike bridge, on Bull Run. I 
arrived in front of the bridge with Schenck’s 
and Sherman’s brigades, and Ayres’s and Car- 
lisle’s batteries, about six, A. M., Keyes’s brigade 
having been halted by your order to watch the 
road coming up from Manassas, and about two 
miles from the run. After examining the posi- 
tion, and posting Sherman’s and Schenck’s bri- 
gades and artillery, I fired the first gun at half 
past six, A. M.,as agreed upon, to show that we 
were in position, As my orders were to threat- 
en the passage of the bridge, I caused Schenck’s 
brigade to be formed into line, its left resting 
in the direction of the bridge, and the battery 
which the enemy had established to sweep the 
bridge and its approach, so as to threaten both. 
Sherman’s brigade was posted to the right of 
the Warrenton turnpike, so as to be in position 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to sustain Schenck, or to move across Bull Run 
in the direction of Hunter’s column. 

“The thirty-pounder gun attached to the 
Carlisle battery was posted on the Warrenton 
turnpike, with Ayres’s battery considerably in 
its rear. Carlisle’s battery was posted on the 
left of Sherman’s brigade. In this position we 
awaited the appearance of Hunter’s and Heint- 
zelman’s columns as ordered, until such time 
as the approach to the bridge should be carried, 
and the bridge rebuilt by Captain Alexander, 
of the engineers, who had on the spot the neces- 
sary structure for that purpose. 

“Soon after getting into position we dis- 
covered that the enemy had a heavy battery, 
with infantry in support, commanding both the 
road and bridge approaches, on which both 
Ayers and Carlisle at different times tried the 
effect of their guns without success ; and, a care- 
ful examination of the banks of Bull Run satisfy- 
ing me that they were impracticable for the pur- 
pose of artillery, these batteries had to remain 
comparatively useless until such time as Hunter's 
eolumn might clear the approach by a move- 
ment on the opposite bank. During this period 
of waiting, the thirty-pounder was occasionally 
used with considerable effect against bodies of 
infantry and cavalry, which could be seen from 
- time to time moving in the direction of Hunter’s 
column, and out of the range of ordinary guns. 
Using a high tree as an observatory, we could 
constantly see the operations of Hunter’s and 
Heintzelman’s column from the time they crossed 
Bull Run; and through one of my staff, Lieuten- 
ant O’Rourke, of the engineers, | was promptly 
notified as to any change in the progress of 
their columns up to the time when it appeared 
that the heads of both were arrested, and the 
enemy seemed to be moving heavy reénforce- 
ments to support their troops. At this time 
I ordered Colonel Sherman, with his brigade, 
to cross Bull Run, and to support the two col- 
umns already in action. Colonel Sherman, as 
appears by his reports, crossed the run without 


287 


opposition, and after encountering a party of 
the enemy flying before Hunter’s forces, found 
General McDowell, and received his orders to 
join in the pursuit. The subsequent operations 
of this brigade and its able commander having 
been under your own eye and directions, I shall 
not follow its movements any farther, but refer 
you to Colonel Sherman’s report, which you 
will find herewith. 

“So soon as it was discovered that Hunter’s 
division had been arrested, I ordered up Keyes’s 
brigade, which arrived just as the left of Sher- 
man’s was crossing the run, and having satisfied 
myself that the enemy had not the force nor 
the purpose to cross Bull Run, I ordered Keyes’s 
brigade to follow Sherman, accompanying the 
move in person, as I saw it must necessarily 
place me on the left of our line, and in the best 
possible position, when we should have driven 
the enemy off, to join Schenck’s brigade and 
the two batteries left on the opposite side. I 
ordered Colonel Keyes to incline the head of 
his column a little to the right of the line of 
march taken by Sherman’s brigade, to avoid 
the fire of a battery which the enemy had 
opened. This movement sheltered the men to 
a considerable degree, and resulted in closing 
on the rear of Sherman’s brigade; and, on 
reaching the high ground, I ordered Colonel 
Keyes to form into line on the left of Sherman’s 
brigade, which was done with great steadiness 
and regularity. After waiting a few moments, 
the line was ordered to advance, and came into 
conflict on its right with the enemy’s cavalry 
and infantry ; which, after some severe strug- 
gles, it drove back, until the farther march of 
the brigade was arrested by a severe fire of ar- 
tillery and infantry, sheltered by some buildings 
standing on the heights above the road leading 
to Bull Run. The charge was here ordered, 
and the second Maine and third Connecticut 
regiments, which were opposed to this part of 
the enemy’s line, pressed forward to the top of 
the hill until they reached the buildings which 


288 HISTORY OF THE 


were held by the enemy, drove them out, and 
for a moment had them in possession. At this 
point, finding the brigade under the fire of a 
strong force behind breastworks, the order was 
given to march by the left flank across an open 
field until the whole line was sheltered by the 
right bank of Bull Run, along which the march 
was conducted, with a view to turn the battery 
which the enemy.had placed on the hill below 
the point at which the Warrenton turnpike 
crosses Bull Run. The march was conducted 
for a considerable distance below the stone 
bridge, causing the enemy to retire, and giving 
Captain Alexander an opportunity to pass the 
bridge, cut out the abatis which had been 
placed there,and prepared the way for Schenck’s 
brigade and the two batteries to pass over. Be- 
fore the contemplated movement could -be 
made on the enemy’s battery, it was removed 
and placed in’a position to threaten our line ; 
but before the correct range could be obtained, 
Colonel Keyes carried his brigade, by a flank 
movement, around the base of the hill, and was 
on the point of ascending it in time to get at 
the battery, when I discovered that our troops 
were on the retreat, and that, unless a rapid 
movement to the rear was made, we should be 
cut off; and through my aid, Lieutenant Upton, 
Colonel Keyes was ordered to file to the right 
and join the retreating column. ‘The order was 
executed without the least confusion, and the 
brigade joined the retreating column in good 
order. When this junction was made, I left 
Keyes’s brigade, and rode forward to ascertain 
the condition of Schenck’s brigade and the ar- 
tillery left this side of Bull Run, and on arriving 
there, found Ayers’s battery and Lieutenant 
Haines’s thirty-pounder waiting orders. I im- 
mediately ordered Lieutenant Haines to limber 
up and move forward as soon as possible. This 
was promptly done, and the piece moved on to- 
wards Centreville. I then went into the wood 
where the ammunition wagon of this piece 
had. been placed, out of the reach of the fire, 


UNITED STATES. 


|and found that the driver had deserted, and 


taken away part of the horses, which made it 
impossible to move it. I then returned to 
Ayers’s battery, which I found limbered up, and 
ordered it to move forward and cover the re- 
treat, which was promptly done by its gallant 
officers; and when the cavalry charge was made, 
shortly afterwards, they repulsed it promptly 
and effectually. I then collected a guard, main- 
ly from the second Maine regiment, and put it 
under the command of Colonel Jameson, with 
orders to sustain Captain Ayers during the 
retreat, which was done gallantly and success- 
fully, until the battery reached Centreville. 
Before ordering Colonel Jameson to cover 
Ayers’s battery, I passed to the rear to find 
General Schenck’s brigade, intending, as it was 
fresh, to have it cover the retreat. I did not 
find it in the position in which I had left it, and 
supposed it had moved forward and joined 
the retreating column. I did not see General 
Schenck again until near Cub Run, where he 
appeared active in rallying his own or some 
other regiments. General Schenck reports that 
the two Ohio regiments left Bull Run after the 
cavalry charge, and arrived at Centreville in 
good order. 

“In closing this report, it gives me great 
pleasure to express my admiration of the man- 
ner in which Colonel Keyes handled his brigade, 
completely covering it by every possible acci- 
dent of the ground, while changing his positions, 
and leading it bravely and skilfully to the at- 
tack at the right moment, to which the brigade 
responded in every instance ina manner highly 
creditable to itself and satisfactory to its com- 
manding officers. At no time during the con- 
flict was this brigade disorganized, and it was 
the last off the field, and in good order. 

“Colonel Keyes says, ‘The gallantry with 
which the second Maine and third Connecticut 
regiments charged up the hill upon the enemy’s 
artillery and infantry, was never, in my opinion, 
surpassed ; and the conduct of Colonels Jame- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


289 


son and Chatfield, in this instance and through- || treville until thirty minutes past four o’clock, 


out the day, merits the highest commendation. 
Colonel Terry rendered great assistance by 
his gallantry and excellent conduct. Lieuten- 
ant Hascall, acting assistant adjutant-general, 
Lieutenants Walter and Ely, rendered gallant 
and effective assistance.” It gives me pleasure 
to be able to confirm the above from personal 
observation, and to express my personal satis- 
faction with the conduct of this brigade. For 
further particulars as to gallant conduct of in- 
dividuals, I beg leave to refer you to the re- 
ports of commanders of brigades, hereunto 
‘attached. Colonel Sherman speaks highly of 
Colonel McCoon, of Wisconsin, and Lieutenants 
Piper and McQuester — all on his personal staff. 

“From my own personal staff I received, in 
every instance, prompt and gallant assistance ; 


and my thanks are due to Captains Baird and | 


Merrill, Lieutenants Houston, Abbott, Upton, 
O'Rourke, and Audenreid, for gallant conduct, | 
. and the prompt and valuable assistance they 
rendered me. Lieutenants Abbott and Upton 
were both wounded, and each had a horse killed 
under him, as also had Lieutenant O’Rourke. 
“TI enclose herewith a table of casualties, 
showing our losses at Bull Run. } 
“J have the honor to be, with great respect, 
“Your most obedient servant, 
“ DanreL TYLER, 
“ Brigadier-General, commanding Division. 


“To BricapieR-Grenprat McDowsz 1, 
Commanpinc Department Nortu-EAsTERN VIRGINIA.” 


Colonel Hunter, commander of the second 
division, was wounded early in the action, and the 
command devolved on Colonel Andrew Porter, 
whose report, with that of Colonel Burnside, 
gives an account of the action of this division. 


COLONEL PORTER’S REPORT. 


«“Heapavarrers First Bricapr, Second Division, \ 
‘ARLINGTON, Va., July 25, 1861. 


“Captain J. B. Fry, A. A. G.: 
Owing to frequent delays in the march of | 
troops in front, the brigade did not reach Cen- 


37 


A. M.,and it was an hour after sunrise when 
the head of it. was turned to the right to com- 
mence the flank movement. 

“The slow and intermittent movements of the 
second brigade (Burnside’s) were then followed 
through the woods for four hours, which 
brought the head of our division to Bull Run 
and Sudley’s Mills, where a halt of half an hour 
took place, to rest and refresh the men and 
horses. From the heights on this side of the 
run a vast column of the enemy could be 
plainly descried, at the distance of a mile or 
more on our left, moving rapidly towards our 
line of march in front. Some dispositions of 
skirmishers were then directed to be made at 
the head of the column by the division com- 
mander, in which Colonel Slocum, of the second 
Rhode Island regiment, was observed to bear 
an active part. The column moved forward, 
however, before they were completed, and in 
about thirty minutes emerged from the timber, 
where the rattle of the musketry and occasional — 
crash of round shot, through the leaves and 
branches of the trees in our vicinity, betokened 
the opening of battle. 

“The head of the brigade was immediately 
turned slightly to the right, in order to gain 
time and room for deployment on the right of 
the second brigade. Griffin’s battery found its 
way through the timber to the fields beyond, 
followed promptly by the marines, while the 
twenty-seventh took direction more to the left, 
and the fourteenth followed upon the trail 
of the battery —all moving up at a double- 
quick step. : 

“The enemy appeared drawn up in a long 
line, extending along the Warrenton turnpike, 
from a house and haystack upon our extreme 
right to a house beyond the left of the division. 
Behind that house there was a heavy masked 
battery, which, with three others along his line 
on the heights beyond, covered the ground upon 
which we were advancing with all sorts of pro- 


290 


jectiles. A grove in front of his right wing 
afforded it shelter and protection, while the 
shrubbery along the road in the fences screened 
somewhat his left wing. 

“ Griffin advanced to within a thousand yards, 
and opened a deadly and unerring fire upon 
his batteries, which were soon silenced or 
driven away. 

“Our right was rapidly developed by the 
marines, twenty-seventh, fourteenth, and eighth, 
with the cavalry in rear of the right; the enemy 
retreating in more precipitation than order as 
our line advanced. The second brigade ( Burn- 
side’s) was at this time attacking the enemy’s 
right with perhaps too hasty vigor. 

“The enemy clung to the protecting wood 
with great tenacity, and the Rhode Island bat- 
tery became so much endangered as to impel 
the commander of the second brigade to call for 
the assistance of the battalion of regulars. At 
this time I received the information, through 
Captain W. D. Whipple, A. A. G., that Colonel 
Hunter was seriously wounded, and had directed 
him to report to me as commander of the 
division, and in reply to the urgent request of 
Colonel Burnside, I detached the battalion of 
regulars to his assistance. 

“For an account of its operations, I would re- 
spectfully beg a reference to the enclosed report 
of its commander, Major Sykes. The rebels 
soon came flying from the woods towards the 
right, and the twenty-seventh completed their 
rout.by charging directly upon their centre in 
the face of a scorching fire, while the fourteenth 
and eighth moved down the turnpike to cut 
off the retiring foe, and to support the twenty- 
seventh, which had lost its gallant colonel, but 
was standing the brunt of the action, with its 
ranks thinning in the dreadful fire. Now the 
resistance of the enemy’s left was so obstinate 
that the beaten.right retired in safety. 

“The head of Heintzelman’s column at this 
moment appeared upon the field, and the 
eleventh and fifth Massachusetts regiments 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


moved forward to the support of our centre 
while staff officers could be seen galloping rap- 
idly in every direction, endeavoring to rally 
the broken eighth; but this laudable purpose 
was only partially attained, owing to the in- 
efficiency of some of its field officers. 

“The fourteenth, though it had broken, was 
soon rallied in rear of Griffin’s battery, which 
soon took up a position farther to the front and 
right, from which his fire was delivered with 
such precision and rapidity as to compel the 
batteries of the enemy to retire in consterna- 
tion far behind the brow of the hill in front. 

“At this time my brigade occupied a line 
considerably in advance of that first occupied 
by the left wing of the enemy. The battery 
was pouring its withering fire into the batteries 
and columns of the enemy wherever they ex- 
posed themselves. The cavalry were engaged 
in feeling the left flank of the enemy’s position, 
in doing which some important captures were 
made, one by Sergeant Socks, of the second | 
dragoons, of a General George Stewart, of Balti- 
more. Our cavalry also emptied the saddles of 
a number of the mounted rebels. 

“General Tyler’s division was engaged with 
the enemy’s right. The twenty-seventh was 
resting on the edge of the woods in the centre, 
covered by a hill, upon which lay the eleventh 
and fifth Massachusetts, occasionally delivering 
a scattering fire. The fourteenth was moving 
to the right flank ; the eighth had lost its organi- 
zation; the marines were moving up in fine 
style in rear of the fourteenth, and Captain 
Arnold was occupying a height in the middle 
ground with his battery. At this juncture there 
was a temporary lull in the firmg from the 
rebels, who appeared only occasionally on the 
heights in irregular formations, but to serve as 
marks for Griffin's guns. The prestige of suc- 
cess had thus far attended the efforts of our 
inexperienced but gallant troops. The lines 
of the enemy had been forcibly shifted nearly 
a mile to their left and rear. The flags of eight 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


regiments, though borne somewhat wearily, 
now pointed towards the hill, from which disor- 
dered masses of rebels had been seen hastily 
retiring. Griffin’s and Rickett’s batteries were 
ordered by the commanding general to the top 
of the hill on the right, supported with the 
“Fire Zouaves” and marines, while the four- 
teenth entered the skirt of wood on their right, 
to protect that flank; and a column, composed 
of the twenty-seventh New York, eleventh and 
fifth Massachusetts, second Minnesota, and sixty- 
ninth New York, moved up towards the left 
flank of the batteries; but so soon as they were 
in position, and before the flanking supports had 
reached theirs, a murderous fire of musketry 
and rifles, opened at pistol range, cut down 
every cannoneer and a large number of horses. 
The fire came from some infantry of the enemy, 
which had been mistaken for our own forces, 


an officer in the field having stated that it was || 


a regiment sent by Colonel Heintzelman to 
support the batteries. 

“The evanescent courage of the “ Zouaves” 
prompted them to fire perhaps a hundred shots, 
when they broke and fled, leaving the batteries 
open to acharge of the enemy’s cavalry, which 
took place immediately. The marines also, in 
spite of the exertions of their gallant officers, 
gave way in disorder. The fourteenth, on the 
right, and the column on the left, hesitatingly 
retired, with the exception of the sixty-ninth 
and thirty-eighth New York, who nobly stood, 
and returned the fire of the enemy for fifteen 
minutes. Soon the slopes behind us were swarm- 
ing with our retfeating and disorganized forces, 
while riderless horses and artillery teams ran 
furiously through the flying crowd. 

“ All further efforts were futile. The words, 
gestures, and threats of our officers were thrown 
away upon men who had lost all presence of 
mind, and only longed for absence of body. 
Some of our noblest and best officers lost their 
lives in trying to rally them. - Upon our jst 


position the twenty-seventh was the first to rally, | 


291 


under the command of Major Bartlett, and 
around it the other regiments engaged soon 
collected their scattered fragments. The bat- 
talion of regulars, in the mean time, moved 
steadily across the field from the left to the 
right, and took up a position, where it held the 
entire forces of the rebels in check until our 
forces were somewhat rallied. 

“The commanding general then ordered a re- 
treat upon Centreville, at the same time direct- 
ing me to cover it with the battalion of regulars, 
the cavalry, and a section of artillery. The 
rear guard, thus organized, followed our panic- 
stricken troops to Centreville, resisting the 
attacks of the rebel cavalry and artillery, and 
saving them from the inevitable destruction 
which awaited them, had not this body been 
interposed. . . . 

“ Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

“ A. Porter, , 
“ Colonel Sixteenth Reg., U. S. A., commanding.” 


COLONEL BURNSIDE’S REPORT, 


“¢ Mayor-GreneraL McDowett’s Cotumn, 
‘¢WasHINGTON, July 24, 1861. 


“Sm: I have the honor to report that the 
brigade under my command, in common with 
the rest of the division, left Washington at 
three, P. M., on Tuesday, July 15; encamped 
that night at Annandale; occupied Fairfax 
Court House, and encamped there on Wednes- 
day; on Thursday, July 17, proceeded to Cen- 
treville, where we remained till Sunday morn- 
ing, July 21, when the whole army took up 
the line of march to Bull Run. 

“ Nothing of moment occurred till the arrival 
of the division at the crossing of Bull Run, at 
half past nine o’clock, when intelligence was 
received that the enemy was in front with con- 
siderable force. The brigade was ordered to 
halt for a supply of water and temporary rest. 
Afterwards an advance movement was made, 
and Colonel Slocum, of the second Rhode Island 


6‘ HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, SECOND cans 


292 


regiment, was ordered to throw out skirmish- 
ers upon either flank and in front. These were 
soon confronted by the enemy’s forces, and the 
head of the brigade found itself in presence of 
the foe. The second regiment Rhode Island 
volunteers was immediately sent forward with 
its battery of artillery, and the balance of the 
brigade was formed in a field to the right of the 
road. At this time, much to my sorrow, I met 
you returning from the field, severely wounded, 
and was requested to take charge of the forma- 
tion of the division in the presence of the ene- 
my. Finding that the second regiment Rhode 
Island volunteers was closely pressed by the 
enemy, I ordered the seventy-first regiment 
New York militia and the second regiment New 
Hampshire volunteers to advance, intending 
to hold the first Rhode Island volunteers in 
reserve; but owing to delay in the formation 
of the two former regiments, the first Rhode 
Island regiment was at once ordered on the 
field of action. Major Balch, in command, gal- 
lantly led the regiment into it, where it per- 
formed most effective service in assisting its 
comrades to repel the attack of the enemy’s 
forces. The second Rhode Island regiment of 
volunteers had steadily borne the enemy’s at- 
tack, and had bravely stood its ground, even 
compelling him to give way. At this time, Col- 
.onel Slocum fell, mortally wounded, and soon 
after Major Ballou was very severely injured by 
a cannon ball, that killed his horse and crushed 
one of his legs. The regiment, under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant-Colonel Wheaton, con- 
tinued gallantly to hold its position. Soon after, 
Colonel Martin, of the seventy-first regiment 
New York state militia, led his regiment into 
action, and planting the two howitzers belong- 
ing to the regiment upon the right of his 
line, worked them most effectively against the 
enemy’s troops. The battery of the second 
Rhode Island regiment, on the knoll upon the 
extreme right, was used in silencing the heavy 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


masked battery of the enemy in front, occa- 
sionally throwing in shot and shell upon the 
enemy’s infantry, six regiments of which were 
attempting to force our position. Captain Rey- 
nolds, who was in command of this battery, 
served it with great coolness, precision, and 
skill. The second regiment of New Hampshire 
volunteers, under Colonel Marston, was now 
brought into the field, and rendered great ser- 
vice in defending the position. Colonel Mars- 
ton was wounded early in the action, and 
Lieutenant-Colonel Fiske ably directed the ad- 
vance of the regiment. Thus my whole bri- 
gade was brought into the engagement at the 
earliest possible moment, and succeeded in 
compelling the enemy to retire. We were 
wholly without support, bearing the brunt of 
the contest until relieved by Major Sykes, of 
the third infantry United States army, who 
formed his battalion most admirably in front 
of the enemy, and pouring in a destructive fire 
upon his lines, assisted in staggering him. At 
that moment, after the fight had continued an 
hour or more, Colonel Heintzelman’s division 
was seen marching over the hill opposite our 
left flank, and, attacking the enemy at that 
point, the opposing force was soon dispersed. 


| This point being gained, and the enemy retir- 


ing in confusion before the successful charge of 
Colonel Heintzelman’s division, I withdrew my 
brigade into the woods in the rear of the line, 
for the purpose of supplying the troops with 
ammunition, which had become well nigh ex- 
hausted. The second regiment New Hampshire 
volunteers were sent. forward to assist one of 
Colonel Heintzelman’s brigades, at that time 
three quarters of a mile distant, and driving the 
enemy before them. The battery of the second 
Rhode Island volunteers changed its position 
into a field upon the right, and was brought to 
bear upon the force which Colonel Porter was 
engaging. The enemy’s infantry having fallen 
back, two sections of Captain Reynolds’s bat- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


tery advanced, and succeeded in breaking the 
charge of the enemy’s cavalry, which had now 
been brought into the engagement. 

“It was nearly four o’clock, P. M., and the 
battle had continued for almost six hours since 
the time when the second brigade had been 
engaged, with every thing in favor of our troops, 
and promising decisive victory, when some of 
the regiments engaging the enemy upon the 
extreme right of our line, broke, and large 


numbers passed disorderly by my brigade, then 


drawn up in the position which they last held. 
The ammunition had been issued in part, when 
I was ordered to protect the retreat. The 
seventy-first regiment New York state militia 
was formed between the retreating columns 
and the enemy by Colonel Martin, and the 
second regiment Rhode Island volunteers by 
Lieutenant Colonel Wheaton. The first regi- 
ment Rhode Island volunteers moved out into 
the field at the bottom of the gorge near the 
ford, and remained for fifteen minutes, until 
a general retreat was ordered. The regiment 
then passed on to the top of the hill, where 
it was joined by the remainder of the brigade, 
and formed into column. Large bodies of 
stragglers were passing along the road, and it 
was found impossible to retain the order which 
otherwise would have been preserved. Yet 
the brigade succeeded in retiring in compara- 
tively good condition, with Arnold’s battery of 
artillery and Captain Armstrong’s company of 
dragoons bringing up the rear. The retreat 
continued thus until the column was about 
emerging from the woods and entering upon 
the Warrenton turnpike, when the artillery and 
cavalry went to the front, and the enemy 
opened fire upon the retreating mass of men. 
Upon the bridge crossing Cub Run a shot took 
effect upon the horses of a team that was cross- 
ing. The wagon was overturned directly in 
the centre of the bridge, and the passage was 
completely obstructed. The enemy continued 
to play his artillery upon the train carriages, 


293 


ambulances, and artillery wagons that filled the 
road, and these were reduced to ruin, The ar- 
tillery could not possibly pass, and five pieces. 
of the Rhode Island battery, which had been 
safely brought off the field, were here lost. Cap- 
tain Reynolds is deserving of praise for the skill 
with which he saved the lives of his men. The 
infantry, as the files reached the bridge, were 
furiously pelted with a shower of grape and 
other shot, and several persons were here killed 
or dangerously wounded. As was to be ex- 
pected, the whole column was thrown into 
confusion, and could not be rallied again for a 
distance of two or three miles. 

“The brigade reached Centreville at nine 
o'clock, P. M., and entered into the several 
camps that had been occupied the night before, 
where the brigade rested until ten o’clock, when, 
in pursuance of orders from the general com- 
manding, the retreat was continued. The col- 
umn reached Washington about nine o’clock, 
A. M., Monday morning, when the several regi- 
ments composing the brigade repaired to their 
respective encampments. 

“TY have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
your obedient servant, 


“A. K. Burnswe, Colonel conunanding. 
“To CotoneL Hunrer, COMMANDING SEconD Division.” 


COLONEL HEINTZELMAN’S REPORT. 


«“ Heapquartrrs Tutrp Diytston, Department N. FE. Va., 
‘s WASHINGTON, July 31, 1861. 


“Sir: In obedience to instructions received 
on the 20th inst., the division under my com- 
mand was under arms, in light marching order, 
with two days’ cooked rations in their haver- 
sacks, and commenced the march at half past 
two, A. M., on the 21st, the brigade of Colonel 
Franklin leading, followed by those of Colonels 
Wilcox and Howard. At Centreville we found 
the road filled with troops, and were detained 
three hours to allow the divisions of General 
Tyler and Colonel Hunter to pass. I followed 
with my division immediately in the rear of 
the latter. Between two and three miles be- 


294 


yond Centreville we left the Warrenton turn- 
pike, turning into a country road on the right. 
Captain Wright accompanied the head of Colo- 
nel Hunter’s column, with directions to stop 
at a road which turned in to the left to a ford 
across Bull Run, about half way between the 
point where we turned off from the turnpike 
and Sudley’s Springs, at which latter point Colo- 
nel Hunter’s division was to cross. No such 
road was found to exist; and about eleven, 
A. M., we found ourselves at Sudley’s Springs, 
about ten miles from Centreville, with one 
brigade of Colonel Hunter’s division still on our 
side of the run. Before reaching this point 
the battle had commenced. We could see the 
smoke rising on our left from two points, a 
mile or more apart. Two clouds of dust were 
seen, showing the advance of troops from the 
direction of Manassas. At Sudley’s Springs, 
whilst waiting the passage of the troops of the 
division in our front, I ordered forward the 
first brigade to fill their canteens. Before this 
was accomplished, the leading regiments of 
Colonel Hunter’s division became engaged. 
General McDowell, who, accompanied by his 
staff, had passed us a short time before, sent 
back Captain Wright, of the engineers, and 
Major McDowell, one of his aids, with orders 
to send forward two regiments to prevent the 
enemy from outflanking them. Captain Wright 
led forward the Minnesota regiment to the left 
of the road, which crossed the run at this 
point. Major McDowell led the eleventh Mas- 
sachusetts up the road. I accompanied this 
regiment, leaving orders for the remainder of 
the division to follow, with the exception of 
Arnold’s battery, which, supported by the first 
Michigan, was posted a little below the cross- 
ing of the run asa reserve. At a little more 
than a mile from the ford we came upon the 
battle field. Rickett’s battery was posted on a 
hill, to the right of Hunter’s division and to 
the right of the road. After firing some twenty 
minutes at a battery of the enemy, placed just 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


|beyond the crest of a hill, on their entrance 


left, the distance being considered too great, it 
was moved forward to within about a thousand 
feet of the enemy’s battery. Here the battery 
was exposed to a heavy fire of musketry, which 
soon disabled it. Franklin’s brigade was posted - 
on the right of a wood, near the centre of our 
line, and on ground rising towards the enemy’s 
position. In the mean time, I sent orders for 
the Zouaves to move forward to support Rick- 
ett’s battery on its right. As soon as they 
came up I led them forward against an Ala- 
bama regiment, partly concealed in a clump of 
small pines in an old field. At the first fire 
they broke, and the greater portion of them 
fled to the rear, keeping up a desultory firing 
over the heads of their comrades in front; at the 
same moment they were charged by a company 
of secession cavalry on their rear, who came 
by a road through two strips of woods on our 
extreme right. ‘The fire of the Zouaves killed 
four and wounded one, dispersing them. The 
discomfiture of this cavalry was completed by 
a fire from Captain Collum’s company of United 
States cavalry, which killed and wounded sev- 
eral men. Colonel Farnham, with some of his 
officers and men, behaved gallantly; but the 
regiment of Zouaves, as a regiment, did not 
appear again on the field. Many of the men 
joined other regiments, and did good service as 
skirmishers. I then led up the Minnesota regi- 
ment, which was also repulsed, but retired in 
tolerably good order. It did good service in 
the woods on our right flank, and was among 
the last to retire, moving off the field with the 
third United States infantry. Next was led 
forward the first Michigan, which was also re- 
pulsed, and retired in considerable confusion. 
They were rallied, and helped to hold the woods 
on our right. The Brooklyn fourteenth then 
appeared on the ground, coming forward in 
gallant style. I led them forward to the left, 
where the Alabama regiment had been posted 
in the early part of the action, but had now 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


disappeared, but soon came in sight of the line 
of the enemy drawn up beyond the clump of 
trees. Soon after the firmg commenced, the 
regiment broke and ran. I considered it use- 
less to attempt to rally them. The want of 
discipline in these regiments was so great, that 
the most of the men would run from fifty to 
several hundred yards to the rear, and continue 
to fire—fortunately for the braver ones — very 
high in the air, and compelling those in front 
to retreat. During this time, Reickell’s battery 
had been taken and retaken three times by us, 


been killed —Captain Reickell being wounded, 
and First Lieutenant D. Ramsay killed. Lieu- 
tenant Kirby behaved very gallantly, and suc- 
ceeded in carrying off one caisson. Before this 
time heavy reénforcements of the enemy were 
distinctly seen approaching by two roads, ex- 
tending and outflanking us on the right. Colo- 
nel Stewart’s brigade came on the field at this 
time, having been detained by the general as a 
reserve at the point where we left the turnpike. 
It took post on a hill on our right and rear, 
and for some time gallantly held the enemy in 
check. I had one company of cavalry attached 
to my division, which was joined during the 
engagement by the cavalry of Colonel Stanton’s 
division. Major Palmer, who cannonaded them, 
was anxious to engage the enemy. The ground 
being unfavorable, I ordered them back out of 
range of fire. Finding it impossible to rally 
any of the regiments, we commenced our re- 
treat about half past four, P. M. There was a 
fine position a short distance in the rear, where 
I hoped to make a stand with a section of Ar- 
nold’s battery and the United States cavalry, if 
I could rally a few regiments of infantry. In 
this I utterly failed, and we continued our re- 
treat on the road we had advanced on in the 
morning. JI sent forward my staff officers to 
rally some troops beyond the run; but nota 
company would form. I stopped back a few 
moments at the hospital to see what arrange- 


295 


ments could be made to save the wounded. 
The few ambulances that were there were 
filled, and started to the rear. The church, 
which was used as a hospital, with the wound- 
ed and some of the surgeons, soon after fell 
into the hands of the secession cavalry, that 
followed us closely. A company of? cavalry 
crossed the rear, and seized an ambulance full 
of wounded. Captain Arnold gave them a 
couple of rounds of canister from his sec- 
tion of artillery, which sent them scampering 


us,)iaway, and kept them at a respectful distance 
but was finally lost, most of the horses having |; 


during the remainder of our retreat. At this 
point most of the stragglers were in advance 
of us. Having every reason to fear a vigorous 
pursuit from the enemy’s fresh troops, I was 
desirous of forming a strong rear guard; but 
neither the efforts of the officers of the regular 
army, nor the coolness of the regular troops 
with me, could induce them to form a single 
company. We relied entirely for our protec- 
tion on one section of artillery and a few com- 
panies of cavalry. Most of the road was favor- 
able for infantry, but unfavorable for cavalry 
and artillery. About dusk, as we approached 
the Warrenton turnpike, we heard a firing of 
rifled cannon on our right, and learned that the 
enemy had established a battery enfilading 
the road. Captain Arnold, with his section of 
artillery, attempted to run the gantlet, and 
reached the bridge over Cub Run, about two 
miles from Centreville, but found it obstructed 
with broken vehicles, and was compelled to 
abandon his pieces, as they were under the fire 
of these rifled cannon. ‘The cavalry turned to 
the left, and after passing through a strip of 
woods and some fields, struck a road which led 
them to some camps occupied by our troops in 
the morning, through which we regained the 
turnpike. At about eight, P. M, we reached 
the camps we had occupied in the morning. 
Had a brigade from the reserve advanced a 
short distance beyond Centreville, near one 
third of the artillery lost might have been saved, 


296 


‘as it was abandoned at or near this crossing. 
Such a rout I never witnessed before. No 
efforts could induce a single regiment to form 
after the retreat had commenced. 

“Our artillery was served admirably, and did 
much execution. Some of the volunteer regi- 
ments behaved very well,and much excuse can 
be made for those who fled, as few of the enemy 
could at any time be seen. Raw troops cannot 
be expected to stand long against an unseen 
enemy. I have been unable to obtain any re- 
port from the Zouaves, as Colonel Farnham 
is still at hospital. Since the retreat, more 
than three fourths of the Zouaves have dis- 
appeared: @yi.. }. 

“ Very respectfully, 
“SS. P. HEINTZzELMAN, 
“ Colonel of the Seventeenth Infantry, 


“commanding the First Division. 
«To Caprain James*B. Fry, Assistant ADJUTANT-GENERAL.” 


COLONEL MILES’S REPORT. 


‘* HEADQUARTERS Firtu Drvision, 
‘«*CamMP NEAR ALEXANDRIA, July 24, 1861, 
’ Y at 


“SIR: Pursuant to instructions, the 
brigades of Blenker or Davies, soon after day- 
light, were in readiness to march and take 
position, but were prevented from so doing by 
other divisions blocking up the road. I dis- 
covered, however, that Davies’s brigade could 
be passed to the left and west, through fields, 
to Blackburn’s Ford. Lieutenant Brinel, en- 
gineer officer, conducted the brigade, and as 
soon as possible it joined Colonel Richardson, 
before the crossing of this ford on DBull Run. 
Fire was then opened by Hunt’s battery, sup- 
ported by Richardson’s brigade on the right. 
Edwards's twenty-pounder rifled guns were 
posted on the left, about six hundred yards 
from Richardson’s position, and sustained by 
a portion of Davies’s brigade. Blenker’s bri- 
gade took position at Centreville, and com- 
menced throwing up intrenchments; one regi- 
ment being located at the former work of the 
enemy, one to the west of the town on the 


( 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


Warrenton road, and two on the height to- 
wards Bull Run. With these last regiments 
were first placed Tidball’s and Green’s bat- 
teries — Green’s afterwards being removed to 
Richardson’s position, in consequence of notifi- 
cation being sent by that officer that about 
two thousand of the enemy were about to at- 
tack him, and that he required more artillery. 
I may here remark, that some difference existed 
in the order given Lieutenant Brinel and myself, 
in regard to the defensive works to be thrown 
up, and also as to the quantity of tools he was to 
receive — my orders being, by the heutenant’s 
advice, to intrench Centreville ; his, from Major 
Barnard, to throw up works at Blackburn’s Ford. 
No tools came forward but the small amount 
Lieutenant Brinel had of his own. These he 
took to Richardson’s position, commenced a 
battery, and made several hundred yards of it. 
Blenker, with his pioneers, improved and ex- 
tended the works at Centreville left by the 
enemy. 

“Tt was soon reported that the fourth Penn- 
sylvania regiment had left at its encampment 
a battery of field guns. For this, Colonel Blen- 
ker offered to organize a company of experi- 
enced European artillerists, which I accepted. 
The captain’s name, I regret, I have forgotten, 
as -I should recommend his having permanent 
command of the guns in question. He is an 
efficient officer. So soon as I completed my 
arrangements with Blenker, I visited Colonel 
Richardson —found him in proper position and 
effectively at work, Hunt’s and Edwards’s bat- 
tery being in good position. There was no 
evidence of the enemy immediately about the 
ford until after the first opening of the fire, 
when he fled from barns and houses in the 
vicinity. Then, after ordering proper supports 
for the batteries, and placing a reserve force 
in position, I returned to Centreville, finding all 


‘quiet, and the troopers at work. Remaining 
“here some time, I returned to Richardson, when 
9 2 


it was surmised that there was no enemy at 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


that place, and found the ammunition of the 
batteries rapidly diminishing. I ordered from 
the brigadier a few skirmishers to go forward 
and examine the ford, determined if I could 
cross to do so, and endeavor to cut the line of 
travel pursued by retreating and advancing 
detachments of the enemy. The line of skir- 
mishers had barely entered the woods, when a 
large force of the enemy was discovered con- 
cealed by breastworks. He opened fire, which 
was handsomely returned. In this affair three 
of the sixteenth New York volunteers were 
wounded. The skirmishers report the force of 
the enemy greatly damaged by Green’s bat- 
tery. 1 made no other attempt on this ford, 
my orders being on no account to get into a 
general engagement. As I was again return- 
ing to Blenker’s position, I received the notice 
to telegraph to Washington, which I found 
had been done by Lieutenant Wendell, topo- 
graphical engineer .in my staff; and was com- 
pelled by illness to remain at my headquarters. 
It was at this time the order was received to 
ut two brigades on the Warrenton turnpike, 
at the bridge. I without delay sent a staff- 
officer to order forward Davies’s brigade ;, but 
whilst this officer was executing my instruc- 
tions, Davies sent word he wanted a reserve 
regiment forward; that the enemy, some three 
thousand, was attempting to turn his flank. The 
staff officer, therefore, properly suspended the 
giving of my order, and immediately reported 
the fact to me, and this caused me to advance 
but the one brigade (Blenker’s) to the position 
onthe Warrenton turnpike. Blenker’s advance 
to that point was soon impeded by fugitives 
from the battle field. When these were pass- 
ing my headquarters I endeavored to rally 
them, but my efforts were vain. 

“The attack on Davies’s position caused pain- 
ful apprehension for the safety of the left flank 
of the army, and deeming it of the first im- 
portance that my division should occupy the 
strongest position, I sent instructions to Davies 

38 


i‘ 


297 


and Richardson to have their brigades fall back 
on Centreville. Then fcllowed Blenker’s bri- 
gade to see if it was in position, when I was 
informed the commanding general had passed. 
I then returned to Centreville, and found Da- 
vies’s and Richardson’s brigades arriving, and 
commenced placing them in position — Rich- 
ardson’s brigade, with Green’s battery, being 
placed about half a mile in advance of Centre- 
ville Heights, his line of battle facing Black- 
burn’s Ford. In rear of Richardson I posted 
two regiments behind fences, as a support for 
the first line, and still farther in rear and on 
the heights I placed Hunt’s and Edwards’s bat- 
teries, two of Davies’s regiments being in reserve 
to support them. I then followed Blenker, 
found Tidball’s battery in admirable position, 
supported by the Garibaldi Guard; Blenker, 
with three regiments and the fourth Pennsyl- 
vania battery, being in advance. Having great 
confidence in his judgment and troops, I re- 
turned to Centreville Heights, to ‘await events, 
when I found all my defensive arrangements 
changed. Not knowing who had done this, 
and seeing Colonel Richardson giving different: 
positions to my troops, I asked by what au- 
thority he was acting, when he told me he 
had instructions from my superior officer. I 
soon thereafter met the commanding general, 
and complained of the change. The general’s 
views were completed, and left me without 
further control of the division. At the time 
the attack was made on Davies’s flank, the regi- 
ments of the brigade engaged performed their 
duty gallantly. The batteries of Hunt’s and 
Hdwards’s opening fire did great damage to the 
advancing troops of the enemy, soon repulsing 
them. Iam grieved that in this engagement 
a brave and accomplished young officer, Lieu- 
tenant Presby O’Craig, of the second regiment 
artillery, and who was attached to Hunt’s bat- 
tery, was almost instantly killed. Several of 
the New York volunteers: were wounded; I 
have not the reports relative thereto. 


298 


“Blenker’s brigade, whilst on the Warrenton 
road, was charged by cavalry ; but by a prompt 
and. skilful fire, emptied several saddles, and 
relieved themselves from further annoyance. 
This summary embraces the operations of my 
division up to the evening of the 21st. 

“Tn closing this report, I would make a per- 
sonal allusion to my condition during the day. 
I had lost my rest the two nights previous ; 
was sick, had eaten nothing during the day, 
and had it not been for the great responsibility 
resting on me, should have been in bed. 

“T am, dear sir, respectfully, 

“ Your obedient servant, 


“D. J. Mitzs, 
“Col Second Infantry, commanding Fifth Dw.” 


“To Caprain Jamzes B. Fry, Assistant ApsuTANT-GENERAL, 
Heapquarters Department.” 


The result of the battle was a shameful de- 
feat, which retarded the progress of the Union 
cause for months. The army which had been 
so promptly, and, as it was hoped, efficiently 
organized and put into the field to strike a heavy 
and an early blow at the rebellion, was broken, 
routed, and, for the time, utterly demoralized. 
The panic-stricken men, in many cases unre- 
strained by brave and efficient officers, fled back 
to their camps near the Potomac, into the in- 
trenchments, across the river into Washington, 
and some of the New York Zouaves even to 
the city of New. York. For days there were 
crowds of men about Washington, separated 
from their regiments, worn out by the severe 
labors of the battle and the more exhausting 
flight, and suffering for want of food and rest. 


Their arms and equipments had been thrown 
away; their courage and self-respect had van-| 
ished, for the want of organization and disci-| 


pline. Even the regiments which had been 
kept together were worn down with fatigue, 
and demoralized by the hasty retreat. 

Had the rebel army been prepared to follow 
up their advantage, and to advance immediately 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


on Washington with a considerable force, the 
chances of a successful attack would have been 
greatly in their favor. But their forces were 
broken, too. They were, in truth, almost de- 
feated before the reénforcements of Johnston 
turned the battle in their favor. They did not 
know how fearful was the panic in the Union 
army, and a few days’ delay, necessary for their 
own reorganization, was sufficient also for such 
a disposition of the federal forces, as to render 
any attack on Washington more difficult. By 


||stringent orders and activity on the part of 


some of the officers, the stragglers were gradu- 
ally collected into their several regiments, and 
discipline was restored. The fortifications had 
been at once strengthened, and placed in charge 
of the strongest regiments, and very soon the 
fears for the capital, which had at first been 
entertained, were quieted, and the confidence 
both of the soldiers and of the people was 
restored. 

The spirit of the loyal people of the north 
was, for a moment, disconcerted by this unfortu- 
nate result of the first attempt of their grand 
army to overthrow the rebellious forces; but it 
soon recovered, and aroused the government 
to renewed activity and energy. Confident in 
their superiority in numbers and resources, the 
people soon rallied from this defeat, demanded 
more vigorous action, and offered more gener- 
ous supplies. At the same time there were, as 
usual among a people accustomed to discuss 
every thing, inquiries for the causes of the 
disaster, and various theories were suggested, 
and numerous charges were made, to account 
for what was so humiliating a result. 

It was charged that members of Congress 
and other civilians had importuned the govern- 
ment to hasten the movement of the army to- 
wards Richmond, and that the government had 


| yielded to their importunities and to the appeals 
of a portion of the press, and had ordered the 
advance contrary to the advice of the military 


authorities, and before adequate preparations 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


were made. It is undoubtedly true, that lead- 
ing men and influential journals urged a forward 
movement as early as possible; but there is no 
evidence that the government acted in response 
to such appeals, except so far as they were 
supported by sound and weighty argument, to 
which both civil and military authority could 
but give heed. A large army of volunteers for 
three months had been collected, and were now 
well disciplined and efficient ; but their time of 
service would soon expire, and they would re- 
turn to their homes, leaving their places to be 
filled by the new regiments, which could not for 
several months arrive at the same condition in 
discipline and efficiency. To wait for these new 
levies to be in a better condition than the forces 
then in the field, would cause a delay by which 
the rebels would equally profit, by increasing 
their numbers and discipline. There were rea- 
sons for believing that the forces they then had 
in the field could be scattered by the well- 
equipped army of the government, and there 
were reasons why a blow should be struck as 
soon as possible, for the sake of effect both at 
home and abroad. Such reasons, urged by 
civilians and military men, were of sufficient 
_ weight to justify and even to demand the ad- 
vance before a large number of efficient and 
disciplined troops should be lost to the service. 
If there was want of preparation and organiza- 
tion of the army as a whole, it was because 
that work was not begun early enough or 
pushed with sufficient vigor, and because the 
inexperience of officers caused unnecessary de- 
‘ lays. The regiments were not brigaded soon 
enough, or made familiar with brigade move- 
ments; nor were the men familiar even with 
the faces of thew brigade commanders. Wheth- 
er there had been sufficient time to perfect this 
organization may be a question; but certainly 
those who urged the advance for the reasons 
above stated should hardly be held responsible 
for any failure in this respect. The reasons 
were such as could not be put aside as un- 


299 


sound, nor is there any evidence that the mili- 
tary authorities did not admit their force. 

The plan of battle adopted by General 
McDowell has been commended by military 
authority as a good one, with the exception, 
perhaps, that the reserve was not sufficiently 
strong or well posted. For a long time the 
tide of battle was in favor of the federal army. 
The men fought bravely, and drove the enemy 
from some of their strong positions; but they 
went into the battle greatly fatigued by a long 
march, to which they were unaccustomed, and 
they fought against an enemy who was fresh, 
and who also had the advantage of fighting on 
his own chosen ground. When, therefore, after a 
long struggle, in the heat of the day, the worn- 
‘out federal forces were attacked by the reén- 
'forcements brought by General Johnston, it is 
not strange that they gave way. Once broken, 
it was difficult, if not impossible, to rally forces 
who were no better disciplined, even had all 
the officers exerted themselves to that end. 
But officers as well as men joined in the re- 
treat, in many instances without attempting 


to rally or organize their scattered commands. 


The panic which commenced among the non- 
combatants at sight of the retreating forces, and 
in consequence of the cavalry charge in the 
rear of Schenck’s brigade, was soon commu- 
nicated to the soldiers, so that all hope of rally- 
ing them and making another stand was out 
of the question. Thus what was only a repulse, 
so far as the enemy effected any thing, resulted 
in a complete rout. 

The immediate cause of the repulse was the 
arrival of General Johnston’s forces from Win- 
chester. And it appeared that in making his 
plans, General McDowell had calculated upon 
such codperation from General Patterson as 
should prevent reénforcements to the enemy 
from that quarter. In a previous chapter the 
movements of General Patterson have been 
| narrated, and it was seen that, instead of attack- 
‘ing General Johnston, or so menacing him as 


300 


to keep his forces at Winchester, General Pat- 
terson made a retrograde movement to Charles- 
town and Harper’s Ferry, leaving Johnston to 
withdraw his army and reénforce Beauregard. 
In this movement General Patterson disre- 
garded his orders and the evident object of his 
advance at this time into Virginia. General 
Scott informed General Patterson that General 
McDowell was about to attack Manassas, and 
instructed him to watch Johnston closely, and 
prevent him from reénforcing Beauregard. 
After the forward movement of General McDow- 
ell’s army had commenced, General Scott ad- 
vised General Patterson that the rebels were 
driven beyond Fairfax Court House, and ordered 
him to see that Johnston did not amuse him 
with a small force in front, while he reénforced 
Beauregard. General Patterson was further 
instructed, if Johnston commenced a retreat, to 
attack him; and if he did not attack and _ fol- 
low the retreating rebels, then to proceed by 
foreed marches to reénforce General McDowell. 
These instructions, as has already been seen, 
were not followed; had they been, the result 
of the battle at Bull Run might have been 
far different, and the whole course of the war 
changed. 

In justice to General Patterson, the reasons 
for his movements, viz., the superior force of the 
enemy, according to his information, and the 
expiration of the term of service of a large 


number of his troops who refused to stay be- 


yond that term, should be stated. In a letter, 
written from Harper’s Ferry, General Patterson 
said, “General Johnston retreated to Winches- 
ter, where he had thrown up extensive intrench- 
ments, and had a large number of heavy guns. 
I could have turned his position and attacked 
him in the rear, but he had received large re- 
enforcements from Mississippi, Alabama, and 
Georgia — a total force of over thirty-five thou- 
sand Confederate troops, and five thousand 
Virginia militia. My force is less than twenty 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


thousand —nineteen regiments, whose term of 
service was up, or will be within a week. All 
refused to stay one hour over their time but 
four, viz, two Indiana regiments, Frank Jar- 
rett’s, (the eleventh Pennsylvania,) and Owen’s, 
(the twenty-fourth Pennsylvania.) Five regi- 
ments have gone home. Two more go to-day, 
and three more to-morrow. ‘To avoid being cut 
off with the remainder, I fell back and occupied 
this place.” 

A writer, who was with General Patterson’s 
forces, gives the followimg more particular ex- 
planations : — 

“ At the time the first advance into Virginia 
was ordered, General Johnston’s force num- 
bered over fourteen thousand men, and had 
attached to it a park of splendid artillery. Gen- 
eral Patterson’s command did not exceed eleven 
thousand men, and he had not over eight pieces 
of artillery, which latter were taken from him, 
compelling the return of our army to Maryland. 
The second advance was made by nine thou- 
sand men, and not over ten guns. General 
Patterson knew from information derived from 
scouts, deserters, &c., that Johnston’s force ex- 
ceeded his own, and the result of a battle with 
him was deemed by the general and army 
officers more than doubtful. Upon our arrival 


'at Bunker Hill we had not one man more than 


eighteen thousand men. This calculation is 
based on the assumption that each regiment 
numbered seven hundred fighting men. This, 
however, is too liberal an estimate; and after 
deducting the sick and the camp guards, it will 
be seen that we could not have brought more 
than fourteen thousand men into the field. Our 
artillery numbered eighteen guns, all of small 
calibre, with the exception of four pieces. We 
had five companies of cavalry. 

“Despatches from the war department showed 
that the advance of McDowell’s column would 
commence Tuesday. On that day, General 
Patterson was at Bunker Hill, having driven 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Johnston’s cavalry into Winchester. That even- 
ing scouts brought information that Johnston’s 
force had been under arms, anticipating an 
attack from us. They numbered from ¢hirty- 
fwe to forty-two thousand men, and were drawn 
up in line one mile north of their intrench- 
ments, wherein there were mounted sixty-four 
guns. This statement of the enemy’s force has 
been since confirmed by all our accounts, by 
every deserter, and by Samuel Webster and 
John Staub, Esqrs, both well-known Union 
citizens of Martinsburg, the lattes being a lead- 
ing lawyer of the place, and a Union candidate 
in the spring for the legislature. Both gentle- 
men had been impressed in the secession force. 
Mr. Staub escaped in the confusion of the march 
from Winchester to Manassas. 

“Immediately after the return of our scouts, 
a council of war was held, at which it was 
decided unanimously that the force should be 
moved to Charlestown. 

“'The reasons for so doing, as given, were, that 
a position at Charlestown would preclude the 
possibility of Johnston’s going on the left of 
Beauregard and marching on Washington ; 
again, that Patterson would be on the line 
of the railroad to Harper’s Ferry, and could, 
therefore, better receive supplies and reénforce- 
ments; and, lastly, that in the case of the three 
months men refusing to remain ten days be- 
yond their time, the army could fall back on 
Harper’s Ferry.” 

In conclusion, we give the following abstract 
of Beauregard’s report of the battle, as given 
in one of the Richmond journals.* This report 
was not made until several months after the 
battle, but why it was so long delayed does 
not appear. 

“Beauregard opens with a statement of his 
position antecedent to the battle, and of the 
plan proposed by him to the government for 

* The Richmond Dispatch. 


301 


the junction of the armies of the Shenandoah 
and Potomac, with a view to the relief of Mary- 
land, and the capture of the city of Washington, 
which plan was rejected by the president. Gen- 
eral Beauregard states that he telegraphed the 
war department, on the 13th of July, of the 
contemplated attack by General McDowell, 
urgently asking for a junction of General John- 
ston’s forces with his own, and continued to make 
urgent requests for the same until the 17th of 
July, when the president consented to order 
General Johnston to his assistance. General 
Beauregard goes on to state that his plan of 
battle assigned to General Johnston an_at- 
tack on the enemy on the left, at or near Cen- 
treville, while he himself would command in 
front; but the condition of the roads prevented 
this. 

“Tt was then decided to receive the attack of 
the enemy behind Bull Run. After the engage- 
ment at Blackburn’s Ford, on the 18th, Gen- 
eral Beauregard was convinced that General 
McDowell’s principal demonstration would be 
made on our left wing, and he then formed the 
idea of throwing forward a sufficient force, by 
converging roads, to attack the enemy’s re- 
serves at Centreville so soon as the main body 
of the latter became inextricably engaged on 
the left. Late in the day, finding that General 
Ewell, who was posted on the extreme right of 
our line, had not moved forward in accordance 
with the programme and the special order 
which had been sent him, General Beauregard 
despatched a courier to General Ewell to inquire 
the reason why the latter had failed to advance, 
and received a reply from General Ewell, stating 
that he had not received any such order. The 
enemy’s attack having then become too strong 
on the left to warrant carrying out the original 
plan, as it would take three hours for General 
Ewell’s brigade to reach Centreville, it became 
necessary to alter the plan, change front on the 


302 


left, and bring up our reserves to that part of 
the field. This movement was superintended 
in person by General Johnston, General Beau- 
regard remaining to direct the movements in 
front. 

“ At the time when General Kirby Smith and 
General Early came up with their divisions, and 
appeared on the right of the enemy, our forces 
on the left occupied the chord of the arc of a 
circle, of which the are itself was occupied by 
the enemy — the extremes of their line flanking 
ours. The appearance of Smith’s and Early’s 
brigades, and their charge on the enemy’s right, 
broke the lines of the latter, and threw them 
into confusion, when shortly afterwards the 
rout became complete.  . 

“General Beauregard acknowledges the great 
generosity of General Johnston in fully accord- 
ing to him (General Beauregard) the right to 
earry out the plans he had formed with relation 
to this campaign, in yielding the command of 
the field after examining and cordially approv- 
ing the plan of battle, and in the effective 
codperation which General Johnston so chival- 
rously extended to him on that eventful day. 

“He remarks that the retreat of our forces 
from Fairfax, immediately previous to the en- 
gagement of the 18th, is the first mstance on 
record of volunteers retiring before an engage- 
ment, and with the object of giving battle in 
another position. The number under his com- 
mand on the 18th July is set down at seven- 
teen thousand effective men, and on the 21st at 
twenty-seven thousand, which includes sixty- 
two hundred of Johnston’s army, and seven- 
teen hundred brought up by General Holmes 
from Fredericksburg. The killed on our side, 
in this ever-memorable battle, are stated in 
the report to have been in number three 
hundred and ninety-three, and the wounded 
twelve hundred. The enemy’s killed, wounded, 
and prisoners are estimated by General Beau- 
regard at forty-five hundred, which does not 
include the missing.” 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


CHAPTER XLI. 


Campaign in South-Western Missouri.— Proclamation by Gen- 
eral Sweeny. — Concentration of Rebel Forces. — Rebel Move- 
ments in Arkansas. — Appeal of Ben McCulloch. — Move- 
ment of Jackson’s Forees.—Intercepted by Colonel Sigel. 
— Battle of Carthage. — Success of Colonel Sigel over the 
superior Force of the Rebels. — Retreat to Sarcoxie. — Ability 
of Colonel Sigel.—Concentration of Federal Forces under 
General Lyon.— Large Force of Rehels to oppose him. — 
Unsuccessful Appeal for Reénforcements. — Necessity of re- 
treating from Springfield. — Determination first to fight the 
Rebels. — Advance from Springfield. — Battle of Wilson’s 
Creek. — Successful Attack by General Lyon. — Attack by 
General Sigel on the Enemy’s Rear.— The Rebels driven 
from their Camps. — Repulse of General Sigel. — Advance of 
General Lyon.— The Enemy finally repulsed. — Death of 
General Lyon. — Retreat to Springfield. — Federal and Rebel 
Losses. — Rebel Claim of Victory. — Notice of General Lyon. 


THE campaign in South-western Missouri, the 
movements for which have been alluded to in | 
a previous chapter, commenced early in July. 
A considerable federal force, under the com- 
mand of General Sweeny, had been sent in 
that direction, and on the 4th of July were at 
Springfield, the most considerable town of that 
section of the state. Here General Sweeny 
issued a proclamation, calling upon the loyal 
citizens to aid in upholding the federal govern- 
ment, requiring the doubtful to take the oath 
of allegiance, and all persons arrayed in arms 
against the United States to disperse; and 
preparations were made to enforce the last re- 
quirement against the secession forces which 
were being collected in this vicinity. Jackson 
and Price had brought their followers from 
Booneville to this remote part of the state, and 
had made great efforts to assemble troops under 
the state law, to resist the authority of the 
United States. These had assembled with such 
arms and equipments as they could bring, 
portion belonging to the state, but the greater 
part being private property — shot guns, rifles, 
and various other weapons. While these efforts 
were made in Missouri to array an army against 
the federal authority, the “military board” of 
Arkansas called for troops to resist invasion 


a 


. | PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


from the north, and Ben McCulloch, former- 
ly famous as a Texas “ranger,” and a com- 
missioner to Utah at the time of the Mormon 
war, now a brigadier-general of the rebel 
forces, appealed to the people of that state to 
join him in opposing the federal forces. “To 
defend your frontier,” he said, “troops of Mis- 
souri are falling back upon you. If they are 
not sustained, your state will be invaded and 
your homes desolated.” He accordingly called 
upon all men to arm themselves, and to ren- 
dezvous at Fayetteville, a town in the north- 
western part of the state, near Missouri. This 
force was collected to unite with the Missouri 
troops of Jackson and Price, for the purpose of 
driving back the federal forces, and securing 
Missouri for the Confederacy. 

Jackson’s troops were in Jasper county, in 
the south-western part of Missouri; and on the 
5th of July they marched south, probably for 
the purpose of forming a junction with McCul- 
loch’s forces before they could be attacked by 
the federal army. At Brier Forks, seven miles 
north of Carthage, the county seat of Jasper 
county, they were met by Colonel Sigel,* with 
less than fifteen hundred Union troops and 
eight pieces of artillery, who immediately pre- 
pared to give battle. The state troops were 
under the command of Generals Price and 
Rains, and were posted in a very advantageous 
position on a ridge ina prairie. They had five 
pieces of artillery, well supported by infantry, 
and a large body of cavalry on each flank, the 
whole numbering upwards of five thousand men. 
Colonel Sigel commenced the attack with ar- 
tillery, at half past ten o’clock in the forenoon ; 
and his fire was so well directed, that in an hour 
the enemy’s most effective gun was dismount- 
ed, and by noon his whole battery was nearly 
silenced. The fire of the artillery upon the 
infantry repeatedly caused them to give way 
in confusion ; while, on the other hand, the fire 


* Franz Sigel, afterwards a major-general and commander of 
an army corps in Virginia. 


o 
303 


of the enemy’s artillery was of little effect, 
their gunnery being wretched. Finding that 
they could not stand before the splendid ar- 
tillery of Colonel Sigel, and the effective fire of 
such of his infantry as was brought into action, 
the enemy sent a large force of cavalry to flank 
him and cut off his baggage train, which was 
about three miles in the rear, guarded by a 
small force. Fortunately, the ground was so 
open that Colonel Sigel could see the move- 
ment; and, anticipating the object, though the 
rebel forces were now giving way in their cen- 
tre, he gave the order to retreat, at the same 
time sending an order for his train to advance. 
The Union troops fell back in good order, and 
with the artillery to protect them, they made a 
rapid movement to reach the train before the 
enemy’s cavalry could accomplish their purpose. 
The movement was successful, and the wagons 
were placed in the centre of the column, pro- 
tected on all sides by the artillery and infantry. 

Failing in this attempt, the enemy, who had 
now, probably, ascertained the small number, 
as well as the bravery and excellence, of the 
Union troops, fell back to a position on some 
high bluffs overlooking a stream. There was 
but one road leading across this stream, and to 
move at all in the direction of Carthage it was 
necessary to cross the stream. To remain in 
the open prairie was to expose the federal 
troops to ultimate defeat and capture by the 
large force of the enemy. Finding his passage 
over the stream obstructed, Colonel Sigel or- 
dered his artillery to oblique right and left, 
following the movement with a part of his force. 
This manceuvre deceived the rebels, who evi- 
dently supposed that it was Sigel’s purpose to 
effect a passage on their extreme sides; and, 
accordingly, a large force of cavalry advanced 
towards the right and left to resist the attempt. 
When this force, which was thus drawn away 
from the road in front, had advanced within 
five hundred yards of the federal troops, Colo- 
‘nel Sigel suddenly wheeled his artillery, and 


304 HISTORY OF THE 


poured into their ranks a terrific fire of canis- 
ter. Atthe same time the infantry were ordered 
to advance rapidly across the bridge in their 
front. This sudden and damaging attack threw 
the rebel forces into confusion, and they were 
soon flying in all directions. They had no ar- 
tillery to use against Colonel Sigel, and when 
once broken they made no attempt to rally. 
Colonel Sigel’s force, with their train, accord- 
ingly passed the stream safely. The Union 
troops captured here about fifty prisoners, 
eighty-five horses, and a considerable number 
of arms, mostly shot guns. 

Colonel Sigel now proceeded towards Car- 
thage, seeing small bodies of the rebel forces 
along the road, at whom the infantry occasion- 
ally discharged a volley; but no attack was made. 
As the federal forces approached Carthage, that 
place was found to be in possession of the rebels; 
and as Colonel Sigel’s ammunition had begun 
to fail, it was deemed necessary to retire to 
Sarcoxie, a place eight miles south-west of Car- 
thage, from which a junction might be formed 
with the remainder of the south-western army, 
now being concentrated under the command 
of General Lyon. The road to Sarcoxie was 
on one side of Carthage, and led through thick 
woods, to reach which was Sigel’s object, as the 
enemy’s cavalry, of which his force was chiefly 
composed, could not follow him there. Aware 
of the advantage the federal commander would 
have if his force reached the woods, the enemy 
had taken a position on the road to dispute 
his advance in that direction. This led to the 
severest struggle of the day, the infantry on 
both sides being, for the first time, fairly en- 
gaged. The Union troops fought bravely, and 
the rebel troops showed more courage than in 
the preceding contests; but their arms were 
poor, and their cavalry was now of little use. 
After a contest of about two hours, Colonel 
Sigel got his force into the wood, and the enemy 
retreated to Carthage, baffled and beaten. The 
federal loss in the several contests was reported 


| of the government. 


UNITED STATES. . ‘ 


as twenty-four killed and about fifty wounded, 
while the loss of the rebels in killed and wound- 
ed was thought to be‘nearly five hundred. It 
was not prudent to remain where so large a force 
of the enemy might cut him off from a junc- 
tion with the other Union forces; and, notwith- 
standing the exhaustion of his men, Colonel 
Sigel continued his march to Sarcoxie, whence, 
after a day’s rest, he proceeded to Mount Ver- 
non, in Lawrence county, and thence to Spring- 
field. A small guard which he left at Neosho, 
from which place he had moved to attack the 
rebels, was afterwards captured by a large force 
of Arkansas troops. 

In this series of conflicts Colonel Sigel dis- 
played great ability as a commander, and it was 
due to the admirable manner. with which he 
handled his troops, as well as to their bravery, 
discipline, and effective arms, that he succeeded 
so well against an enemy of much greater nu- 
merical strength. Colonel Sigel, who is a Ger- 
man, with a thorough military education, had 
had experience in actual warfare in Baden, dur- 
ing the revolutionary period of 1848, and had 
successfully commanded a large army there.* 


* A countryman of Colonel Sigel’s, who served under him in 
Baden, has given the following sketch of his life: “Some years 
before the Baden revolution of 1842, which a year later culminated 
in open war, Sigel was a first lieutenant of artillery in the army 
A man of fine education and a close thinker, 
he had been but a short time in the army before he became aware 
that it required an entire remodelling, and he wrote a series of 
letters upon this subject, which was published in one of the most 
influential papers in Germany. ‘The letters acquired a large cir- 
culation, and were read with great interest by military men through- 
out Germany and Prussia, and some years subsequently his re- 
form was adopted in the army of the last-named kingdom. 

“The notoriety of the letters at last became so great, that a 
search was made for the author; and when it became known that 
a mere lieuténant had had the audacity to originate and advocate - 
these reforms, the jealousy of the officials manifested itself by the 
imprisonment of the lieutenant and the withdrawal of his com- 
mission. 

“A few years later, Herr Sigel, (not then even a lieutenant,) 
the revolution having broken out, was a general in the army of 
the revolution, and proved his right to that title in several minor 


+) conflicts, until, at the battle of Hemsbach, he showed himself far 
|| superior to General Mieroslawsky, who was in command; and 


had he been the commander, instead of a subordinate, the battle 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


He inspired his soldiers-with confidence and 
daring, and secured a discipline which made 
them the more effective. His ability as a com- 
mander, as displayed in this brief campaign, 
subsequently secured for him an appointment 
as a brigadier-general of volunteers, and he 
joined the army under General Lyon. 


The several other bodies of federal troops 


which had been sent to South-western Missouri, 


now concentrated at Springfield, when General 
Lyon assumed command, and prepared, as well 
as the number of his forces and the arrival of 
his supplies would admit, to strike a blow at 
the rebel army. As the troops advanced to 
this point, there were several skirmishes with 
small bodies of the rebels, who were in all cases 
dispersed. Meanwhile numbers of Missourians 
were joining the forces under Price, and, though 
most of them were but poorly equipped, swelled 
his army to formidable dimensions. It was not 
till about the first of August that any move- 
ment of importance was made by General 
Lyon. In the mean time he had urgently re- 
quested reénforcements, in order to meet the 
enemy with something like equal numbers; but 
it had been impossible to send them, and the 
alternative was presented of withdrawing from 
this section of the state without a struggle, 
leaving the Union men there to the mercy of 
the rebel army, or with an inferior force to 
attempt to strike a blow which should cripple, 
if not repulse, the enemy, and secure a safer re- 
treat. ‘The latter course was determined upon, 
and General Lyon advanced beyond Springfield 
towards the position occupied by the rebels, and 
where, at “Dug Springs,” near the town of 
Curran, on the 3d of August, they were dis- 
covered in some force. A scouting party of 


would, without doubt, have resulted in the victory of the revo- 
lutionists. 

“After the close of the revolution, General Sigel, who was 
made a refugee by the treachery of the government, fled to Eng- 
land, and afterwards came to the United States, as before stated. 
At twenty-eight he was a general; now he is about forty years of 
age, and is a colonel.” 


o9 


305 


cavalry, meeting with a regiment of rebel in- 
fantry, charged upon it and put it to flight, 
killing and wounding several. The charge was 
not ordered by General Lyon, and was supposed 
to have prevented the main body of this force 
of the rebels from attacking him—a move- 


; ment which would inevitably have resulted in 


their complete rout. 4 

General Lyon at once formed for battle upon 
discovering the enemy’s position, and advanced 
to attack him. One column was ordered to enter 
a piece of woods for the purpose of flanking the 
rebel force, while a battery of artillery opened , 
fire upon their front. The artillery, however, 
soon caused them to retreat without making 
any stand to encounter the infantry, and they 
fell back hastily to their main army. The 
federal troops encamped at Curran without 
meeting any resistance; but the next day, 
General Lyon, having discovered that the rebels 
were near in great force, and had a large body 
of mounted men, who might flank him and take 
Springfield, where his supplies were, determined 
to retire to that place to await the attack which 
there was reason to believe they would soon 
make, and hoping still for reénforcements. Ina 
few days the rebels took up a position on Wilson’s 
Creek, ten or twelve miles from Springfield, and 
General Lyon again advanced to make an at- 
tack himself, before he should be surrounded 
by overwhelming numbers. 

On the evening of the 9th of August the fed- 
eral forces’moved out from Springfield. They 
numbered about five thousand five hundred, — 
two thousand home guards being left in the 
town, —and marched in two columns, the larger 
one, composed of the main body of the army, 
with ten pieces of artillery, being under the 
immediate command of General Lyon, and the 
other, which consisted of less than two thou- 
sand men, with six pieces of artillery, being 
under the command of General Sigel. The lat- 
ter column moved in a southerly direction, with 
a view to pass around the extreme south-east- 


306 


ern camp of the enemy, and attack him in 
the rear or on the flank, while General Lyon’s 
column advanced more’ directly against his 
front; and the attack was to be made simul- 
taneously by the two columns. 

The rebel forces under Price, McCulloch, 
Mackintosh, and others, were encamped along 
the banks,of Wilson’s Creek, towards which the 
hills sloped gently, affording excellent camping 
grounds, which were overlooked by hills and 
ridges on the north, east, and west.. Upon one 
of these ridges the rebels were first-encountered 
. by General Lyon’s advance ; but, after a brief 
contest, they were driven from their position, 
and the federal troops, gaining the summit of 
the ridge, commenced an artillery fire, while 
the infantry pushed on. From a second sum- 
mit the rebels were driven in like manner, after 
a sharp contest. The action then became gen- 
eral, and continued with varying success ; but 
the federal forces gradually gained ground by 
the valor with which they fought and the pre- 
cision and effect with which their artillery was 
served. The. rebels were driven back to their 
camps, and portions of them retreated in great 
disorder. In the midst of the contest, a body 
of rebel cavalry attempted to charge upon the 
federal flank and upon the rear, where the 
wounded were lying under a small guard ; but 
the artillery was turned upon them, and scat- 
tered them in great disorder. 

While the column under General Lyon thus 
attacked the enemy in front, General Sigel’s 
column, after marching all night, had reached a 
position from which to attack them in the rear. 
The rebel outposts were driven in with scarcely 
any resistance, and General Sigel obtained pos- 
session of ground which commanded their camp. 
From this position he opened upon them so 
suddenly with artillery and musketry, that they 
were taken by surprise, and fled in alarm to a 
hill covered with brushwood, which afforded 
them an opportunity for concealment and rally- 
ing. General Sigel pursued them through their 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


camp, in which they left a quantity of arms 
and equipments and a large number of horses. 
Without pausing to take possession of the booty, 
he followed the retreating rebels to the hill 
whither they had fled, and, forming his line of 
battle, commenced a vigorous attack. He was 
driving the enemy in the direction of General 
Lyon’s forces, which were attacking with like 
vigor on their side. Being so hotly pressed on 
both sides, the rebel generals saw that their 
position was desperate unless they repulsed or 
cut through one or the other of the federal 
columns. Sigel’s was the weaker force, and 
concentrating a strong body of troops, they 
made a desperate attack upon that, and suc- 
ceeded in driving it back. The infantry sup- 
porting General Sigel’s artillery were compelled 
to give way, and many of the horses having 
been shot, he was obliged to abandon five of 
his guns, which, however, were first spiked. 
The commander of the artillery succeeded in 
saving the other gun, by compelling some pris- 
oners, whom he had previously taken, to draw 
it off General Sigel, in falling back, took with 
him a considerable number of prisoners, and 
still continued the fight, and with a portion of 
his force obstinately resisted the overwhelming 
numbers of the enemy. 

In the mean time General Lyon’s force con- 
tinued to advance, and drove the enemy through 
their camps in the opposite direction, when the 
set fire to their tents and baggage, to prevent 
them from falling into the hands of the federal 
troops. When they had succeeded in repulsing 
General Sigel’s troops, the rebels rallied to 
oppose the other column more vigorously, and 
made several attempts to drive the federal 
troops from the position they had gained, but 
they were each time compelled to retire. In 
the midst of this conflict, after the repulse of 
General Sigel, General Lyon, who had pre- 
viously received slight wounds, fell, mortally 
wounded, while leading an Iowa regiment to 
the charge against the enemy. He lived but 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


a few minutes after his fall; but his troops, 
though losing a commander in whose ability 
and bravery they had the greatest confidence, 
did not waver, but, under the command of Major 
Sturges, continued the fight successfully. ° 
After continuing from five o’clock in the 
morning until noon, the battle ceased. The 
rebel forces were too much dispirited to renew 
their attempts to drive back the successful 
Union troops; while the latter, wearied with 
the long and severe conflict, and being deficient 
in artillery ammunition, were not in condition 
to continue their attacks. Accordingly Major 
Sturges, after causing his wounded to be taken 
to Springfield, withdrew his forces in such a 
manner as to be able to repel any attack which 
might be made, should the enemy see fit to 
pursue. But the rebel army had suffered se- 
verely, and was in no condition, or its leaders 
were in no mood, to attempt a pursuit. Major 
Sturges’s troops reached Springfield without 
further sight of the enemy, and General Sigel’s 
force also arrived there without being followed. 
The federal loss in this battle was between 
two and three hundred killed, and about nine 
hundred wounded and missing. The loss of the 
rebels was thought to be much larger. Accord- 
ing to their own statements, their number of 
killed was two hundred and sixty-five, the num- 
ber of wounded and missing not being stated. 
The federal forces engaged numbered scarcely 
five thousand five hundred, while, according 
to rolls and returns reported to have been found 
in the rebel camps, the entire force of the enemy 
was nearly or quite twenty thousand, of which 
number about fourteen thousand were well or- 
ganized and equipped, and the greater part of 
these were probably brought into the battle. 
Notwithstanding the rebels were so much 
crippled by this engagement that they were un- 
able to follow the retreating federal forces, and 
did not advance even to Springfield for two or 
three days after the battle, they, nevertheless, 
claimed a great victory, which was announced 


307 


by their generals in vain-glorious terms. But 
any advantage which they gained was because 
of the want of reénforcements to enable the 
federal army to continue the campaign, rather 
than the result of the battle. 

In the death of General Lyon the country 
met with a serious loss. He was a thorough 
soldier, and was heartily enlisted in the cause 
of the Union. He belonged to a family which 
was somewhat distinguished for services in the 
revolutionary war, and was born July 14, 1819. 
Entering the Military Academy at West Point, 
in 1837, he graduated in 1841, the eleventh, in , 
rank, of his class. Being commissioned as a 
lieutenant in the second regiment of infantry, 
his first service was in Florida. In the Mexican 
war he distinguished himself at Cerro Gordo 
and Contreras, and for his gallantry in the latter 
action received the brevet rank of captain. He 
also took part in the engagement on the en- 
trance of the army into the city of Mexico, and 
received there aslight wound. After the Mexi- 
can war he served several years, as captain, in 
California, where he exhibited much ability and 
tact in dealing with the Indians. From Cali- 
fornia he was transferred to Kansas, where he 
espoused the free state cause. Early in 1861 
he was placed in command of the St. Louis ar- 
senal, in which position his actions have already 
been mentioned in previous pages of this work. 
His fidelity to the government was equalled 
by his energy, and in his whole administration 
of the duties of his command he proved him- 
self vigilant, able, and brave; and he was re- 
garded by all who knew him as one who would 
be one of the ablest leaders of the Union army. 
In his private character, as in his military 
career, he was worthy of all praise. His death 


| was felt to be a national loss, and was sincerely 


mourned by all who were acquainted with his 
noble qualities. The body of the dead hero 
was safely brought from the field of battle, 
and was interred with military honors in his 
native place. 


308 


CHAPTER XLII. 


Affairs in Northern Missouri. — Guerrilla Warfare and Bridge 
Burning. — Skirmishes. — Fight at Monroe. — Defeat of the 
Rebel Force. — Proclamation by General Hurlburt. — Gen- 
eral Pope assigned to the Command in Northern Missouri. — 
Plan to suppress Guerrilla Warfare. — Its Success. — Civil 
Authority in Missouri. — State Convention. — Executive Offices 
declared vacant, and Legislature abolished. —H. R. Gam- 
ble elected Governor. — Address to the People. —Proclama- 
tion of the Rebel Lieutenant-Governor. — Course of the new 
Government. — Proclamation by Governor Gamble. — General 
Fremont in Command of the Western Department. * 


Waite the events just related were trans- 
piring in South-western Missouri, the secession- 
ists in the northern part of the state were 
resorting to guerrilla warfare, collecting in small 
bands, destroying the property, and in some 
cases, taking the lives, of loyal men, and burn- 
ing the bridges, and otherwise interrupting 
communication along the great railroads. At 
some points they assembled considerable forces 
to resist or attack the federal forces which were 
sent to that. part of the state for the protection 


of loyal citizens and the preservation of the) 


railroad bridges. Skirmishing frequently took 
place between the small parties of the seces- 
sionists and the home guards formed by loyal 
citizens for their own protection, and occasion- 
ally detachments of the federal forces met 
parties of secessionists, but without any con- 
siderable engagement. One of the most im- 
portant of these skirmishes at this time was at 
Monroe, a village and station on the Hannibal 
and St. Joseph railroad. A federal force, not 
exceeding six hundred men, undex Colonel 
Smith, was stationed at this place, when a body 
of the rebels, said to number sixteen hundred or 
upwards, under General Harris, collected in the 
vicinity. Colonel Smith’s force moved from 
the town July 10th, to attack a part of the 
rebel force, when another body of the rebels 
entered the town and destroyed the railroad 
buildings and cars. After some skirmishing, 
Colonel Smith, with his forces, retired to Mon- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


roe, where he took up a position in a large 
academy building, and sent for reénforcements. 
The rebels advanced towards the town the next 
day, and with their superior numbers might 
have surrounded the place, and compelled a 
surrender of the federal force, had they made 
a determined attack. But they took up a 
position at too great a distance for an engage- 
ment with small arms, and opened an ineffectual 
artillery fire, which was returned by Colonel 
Smith with guns of longer range and more 
skilfully used. While this artillery contest con- 
tinued without any loss to the federal troops, 
but, as it was supposed, with some effect against 
the rebels, reénforcements arrived and attacked 
the rebels inthe rear. After a brief contest the 
enemy fled, the federal troops taking seventy- 
five prisoners, one gun, and a considerable num- 
ber of horses. About twenty rebels were killed, 
and many others wounded, while the casualties 
on the federal side were only a small number 
wounded. 

The northern and north-eastern portion of 
the state was so much disturbed by the action 
of the secessionists and the guerrilla. bands 
which they organized, that General Hurlburt, 
who commanded the federal forces in Illinois 
and in North-eastern Missouri, issued a procla- 
mation, calling upon the citizens to resume their 
usual avocations, in which they should be pro- 
tected, and threatening the severest punishment, 
by military authority, of all those engaged in 
the system of assassination and arson with which 
these men waged war. Additional forces were 
also sent to that part of the state, and skir- 
mishes continued with varying results. But 
the rebel warfare was of a character that could 
not successfully be met by troops alone, unless 
an immense army was distributed throughout 
that part of the state. Loyal people, and those 
whose sympathies were not very strong either 
way, dreaded the attacks of the rebel guerrilla 
parties more than they trusted to the federal 
troops for protection. ‘To meet such a warfare, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


some of the people resorted to a similar course, 
and civil war, in its worst form, seemed about 
to ruin this portion of the state. 

To put a stop to such occurrences, Brigadier- 
General Pope, who was assigned to the com- 
mand of Northern Missouri, resorted to a new 
system of military restraint. General Hurlburt 
was assigned to the command of the forces on 
the line of the Hannibal and St. Joseph rail- 
road, and Colonel Grant to the command of the 
forces on the line of the North Missouri railroad. 
These forces were posted at convenient stations 
along the railroads, in numbers sufficient to 
meet any rebel force that was likely to appear 
in that part of the state. The roads were then 
divided into districts, and the divisions placed 
under the protection of the leading citizens of 
the district, who were to be held responsible 
for the safety of the road; and any neglect on 
their part, or connivance with marauding par- 
ties, resulting in injury, was declared to be an 
offence which should be severely punished. 
This plan was carried out, and generally with 
excellent success. Troops were posted in sev- 
eral counties along the railroad lines, and the 
county officers, or other prominent citizens, of 
each county, without regard to opinions, were 
appointed committees of safety, who were held 
responsible in the manner above named; the 
military being held in readiness to respond to 
their call, should it be necessary, to suppress 
insurgent parties, or to protect property from 
guerrillas. The troops, when thus called for by 
the committees of safety, or required by their 
neglect, were quartered upon the people of the 
county. Under this system marauding parties 
soon became less numerous, and gradually peace 
was restored to that section of the state, seces- 
sionists as well as Union men finding that it 
was for their interest to remain quiet, and to 
discourage and repress all attempts to disturb 
the peace, or to destroy public or private 
property. 

While the military measures which have been 


309 


recounted were being taken for the suppression 
of the rebellion in Missouri, measures were also 
in progress to place the civil authority of the 
state on the side of the Union. Governor Jack- 
son had fled from the capital, and subsequently 
convened the legislature, or those members of 
it who were in favor of secession, at Sarcoxie, 
in the south-western part of the state, where 
the rebel army was concentrated ; and he went 
himself to Richmond, to consult with the rebel 
government. The state was thus practically 
left without a government; but the state con- 
vention, which had been called by the secession 
legislature for the purpose of taking the state 
out of the Union, and which at its meeting in 
March had declared against secession, still held 
over, having adjourned to a late period in the 
year. This body was now convened at the 
capital, where it assembled on the 22d of July. 
General Price had been the president of the 
convention at its former session; but the office 
was declared vacant, and the vice-president, Mr. 
Wilson, a Union man, was elected presiding 
officer. A committee of seven was appointed to 
consider the extraordinary condition of affairs 
in the state, and to report what action should 
be taken. On the 25th of July the committee 
submitted their report with ordinances, declar- 
ing the offices of governor, lieutenant-governor, 
and secretary of state vacant, and providing for 
filling the vacancies; abolishing the existing 
legislature, and providing for the election of 
new members; and repealing, in part, the mili- 
tary law and the law to suspend the distribution 
of the school fund. The several ordinances 
were adopted, though not without some strong 
opposition from secession members; and Judge 
H. R. Gamble, an earnest supporter of the 
Union, was forthwith elected governor, to serve 
until August, 1862. An address to the people 
of Missouri was also adopted, of which the fol- 
lowing, exhibiting the aspect of affairs, and the 
reasons for the action of the convention, is the 
most material part : — 


ca) 
310 
«To rH PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF MissourI: — 


“Your delegates assembled in convention 
propose to address you upon the present con- 
dition of affairs within our state. 

“Since the adjournment of this convention 
in March last, the most startling events have 
rushed upon us with such rapidity that the na- 
tion stands astonished at the condition of anar- 
chy and strife to which, in so brief a period, it 
has been reduced. 

“When the convention adjourned, although 
the muttering of the storm was heard, it seemed 
to be distant, and it was hoped that some quiet 
but powerful force might be applied, by a be- 
neficent Providence, to avert its fury, and pre- 
serve our country from threatened ruin. That 
hope has not been realized. The storm, in all 
its fury, has burst upon the country — the armed 
hosts of different sections have met each other 
in bloody conflict, and the grave has already 
received the remains of thousands of slaugh- 
tered citizens. Reason, inflamed to madness, 
demands that the stream of blood shall flow 
broader and deeper; and the whole energies 
of a people, but a few months since prosperous 
and happy, are now directed to the collection 
of larger hosts, and the preparation of increased 
and more destructive engines of death. 

“Your delegates enjoy the satisfaction of 
knowing that neither by their action, nor their 
failure to act, have they in any degree contrib- 
uted to the ferocious war spirit which now pre- 
vails so “cenerally over the whole land. We 
have sought peace; we have entreated those 
who were about to engage in war to withhold 
their hands from the strife; and in this course 
we know that we but expressed the wishes and 
feelings of the state. Our entreaties have been 
unheeded ; and now, while war is raging in 
other parts of our common country, we have 
felt that our first and highest duty is to pre- 
serve, if possible, our own state from its ray- 
ages. The danger is imminent, and demands 
prompt and decisive measures of prevention. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


“We have assembled in Jefferson under cir- 
cumstances widely different from those that 
existed when the convention adjourned its ses- 
sion at St. Louis. 

“We find high officers of the state govern- 
ment engaged in actual hostilities with the 
forces of the United States, and blood has been 
spilt upon the soil of Missouri. Many of our 
citizens have yielded obedience to an ill-judged 
call of the governor, and have assembled in 
arms for the purpose of repelling the invasion 
of the state by armed bands of lawless invaders, 
as the troops of the United States are desig- | 
nated by the governor in his proclamation of 
the 17th day of June last. 

“ We find that troops from the state of Arkan- 
sas have come into Missouri for the purpose of 
sustaining the action of our governor in his 
contest with the United States, and this at the 
request of our executive. 

“ We find no person present, or likely soon to 
be present, at the seat of government, to exer- 
cise the ordinary functions of the executive 
department, or to maintain the internal peace 
of the state. 

“We find that throughout the state there is 
imminent danger of civil war in its worst form, 
in which neighbor shall seek the life of neigh- 
bor, and bonds of society will be dissolved, and 
universal anarchy shall reign. If it be possible 
to find a remedy for existing evils, and to avert 
the threatened horrors of anarchy, it is mani- 
festly the duty of your delegates, assembled in 
convention, to provide such a remedy; and, in 
order to determine upon the remedy, it is neces- 
sary to trace, very briefly, the origin and prog- 
ress of the evils that now afflict the state. 

“Tt is not necessary that any lengthy refer- 
ence should be made to the action of those states 
which have seceded from the Union. We can- 
not remedy or recall that secession. They 
have acted for themselves, and must abide the 
consequences of their own action. So far as 
you have expressed your wishes, you have 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


declared your determination not to leave the 
Union, and your wishes héve been expressed 
by this convention. 

“ Any action of any officer of the state in con- 
flict with your will, thus expressed, is an action 
in plain opposition to the principle of our goy- 
ernment, which recognizes the people as the 
source of political power, and their will as the 
rule of conduct for all their officers. It would 
have been but a reasonable compliance with 
your will, that after you had, through this con- 
vention, expressed your determination to re- 
main in the Union, your executive and legis- 
lative officers should not only have refrained 
from any opposition to your will, but should 
have exerted all their powers to carry your 
will into effect. 

“We have been enabled to ascertain by some 
correspondence of different public officers, ac- 
cidentally made public, that several of these 
officers not only entertained and expressed 
Opinions and wishes against the continuance 
of Missouri in the Union, but actually engaged | 
in schemes to withdraw her from the Union, 
contrary to your known wishes. 

“ After the adjournment of your convention, | 
which had expressed your purpose to remain 
in the Union, Governor Claiborne F. Jackson, in 
a letter addressed to David Walker, president 
of the Arkansas convention, dated April 19, 
1861, says, ‘From the beginning, my own con- | 
viction has been that the interest, duty, and | 
honor of every slaveholding state demand their | 
separation from the non-slaveholding states.’ | 
Again, he says,‘I have been, from the begin-| 
ning, in favor of decided and prompt action on 
the part of the southern states; but the majority 
of the people of Missouri, up to the present 
time, have differed with me’ Here we have 
the declaration of his opinion and wishes, and | 
the open confession that a majority of the peo- 
ple did not agree with him. 

“ But he proceeds: ‘What their future action | 


[meaning the future action of the people| may | 


311 


be, no man with certainty can predict or fore- 
tell; but my impression is, judging from the 
indications hourly occurring, that Missouri will 
be ready for secession in less than thirty days, 
and ygill secede if Arkansas will only get out 
of the way, and give her a free passage.’ 

“Tt will presently be seen, by an extract 
from another letter, what the governor means 
by being ready for secession ; but it is very re- 
markable that he should undertake, not only to 
say that she would be ready to secede in thirty 
days, but further, that she will secede, when in 
fact your convention, at that time, stood ad- 
journed to the 3d Monday of December next. 
His declaration that the state would secede, is 
made, doubtless, upon some plan of his own, 
independent of the convention. 

“Nine days after this letter to the president 
of the Arkansas convention, he wrote another, 
addressed to J. W. Tucker, Esq., the editor of a 
secession newspaper in St. Louis. This letter 
is dated April 28, 1861. The writer says, ‘I 
do not think Missouri should secede to-day or 
to-morrow, but I do not think it good policy 
that I should so openly declare. I want a little 
time to arm the state, and I am assuming 
every responsibility to do it with all possible 
despatch,’ 

“ Again, he says, ‘We should keep our own 
counsels. Every body in the state is in favor 
of arming the state; then let it be done. All 
are opposed to furnishing Mr. Lincoln with sol- 
diers. Time will settle the balance. Nothing 
should be said about the time or the manner 
in which Missouri should go out. That she 
ought to go, and will go, at the proper time, I 
have no doubt. She ought to have gone last 
winter, when she could have seized the public 
arms and public property, and defended herself.’ 

“Here we have the fixed mind and purpose 
of the governor, that Missouri shall leave the 
Union. He wants time —a little time to arm 
the state. He thinks secrecy should be pre- 
served by the parties with whom he acts in 


312 HISTORY OF THE 


keeping their counsels. He suggests that noth- 
ing should be said about the time or the man- 
ner in which Missouri should go out; manifest- 
ly implying that the time and manner of going 
out, which he, and those with whom hegacted, 
proposed to adopt, were some other time and 
manner than such as were to be fixed by the 
people through their convention. It was, no 
doubt, to be a time and manner to be fixed by 
the governor and the General Assembly, or by 
the governor and a military body to be pro- 
vided with arms during the little time needed 
by the governor for that purpose. 

“There have been no specific disclosures 
made to the public of the details of this plan ; 
but the governor expresses his strong conviction 
that at the proper time the state will go out. 

“This correspondence of the governor oc- 
curred at a time when there was no interference 
by soldiers of the United States with any of the 
citizens, or with the peace of the state. The 
event which produced exasperation through the 
state—the capture of Camp Jackson — did 
not take place until the 10th of May. Yet the 
evidence is conclusive that there was at the 
time of this correspondence a secret plan for 
taking Missouri out of the Union without 
any assent of the people through their con- 
vention. 

“An address to the people of Missouri was 
issued by Thomas C. Reynolds, the leutenant- 
governor, in which he declares that in Arkan- 
sas, Tennessee, and Virginia his efforts have 
been directed unceasingly, to the best of his 
limited ability, to the promotion of our interests, 
indissolubly connected with the vindication of 
our speedy union with the Confederate States. 
Here is the second executive officer of Mis- 
sourl avowedly engaged ingtravelling through 
states which he must regard while Missouri 
continues in the Union as foreign states, and 
those states endeavoring, as he says, to promote 
the interest of our state. 

“The mode of promoting our interests is 


UNITED STATES. 


disclosed in another passage of the address, in 
which he gives tht people assurance that the 
people of the Confederate States, though en- 
gaged in a war with a powerful foe, would not 
hesitate still further to tax their energies and 
resources at the proper time, and on a proper 
occasion in aid of Missouri. The mode of pro- 
moting our interests, then, was by obtaining 
military aid, and this while Missouri continued 
in the Union. The result of the joint action 
of the first and second executive officers of the 
state has been, that a body of military forces 
of Arkansas has actually invaded Missouri, to 
carry out the schemes of your own officer, who 
ought to have conformed to your will, as you 
had made it known at elections, and had ex- 
pressed it by your delegates in convention. 

“Still further to execute the purpose of sey- 
ering the connection of Missouri with the United 
States, the General Assembly was called, and 
when assembled sat in secret session, and en- 
acted laws which had for their object the pla- 
cing in the hands of the governor large sums of 
money, to be expended, in his discretion, for mil- 
itary purposes, and a law for the organization 
of a military force which was to be sustained by 
extraordinary taxation, and to be absolutely 
subject to the orders of the governor, to act 
against all opposers, including the United States. 
By these acts, schools are closed, and the de- 
mands of humanity for the support of lunatics 
are denied, and the money raised for the pur- 
poses of education and benevolence may swell 
the fund to be expended in war. 

“Without referring more particularly to the 
provisions of these several acts, which are most 
extraordinary and extremely dangerous as pre- 
cedents, it is sufficient to say that they display 
the same purpose to engage in a conflict with 
the general government, and to break the con- 
nection of Missouri with the United States, 
which had before been manifested by governor 
Jackson. ‘The conduct of these officers of the 
legislative and executive departments has pro- 


j 7 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S: ADMINISTRATION. 


duced evils and dangers of vast magnitude, and 
your delegates in convention have addressed 
themselves to the important and delicate du- 
ty of attempting to free the state from these 
evils. 

“The high executive officers have fled from 
the government and from the state, leaving us 
without the officers to discharge the ordinary 
necessary executive functions. But, more than 
this, they are actually engaged in carrying ona 
war with the state, supported by troops from 
states in the Southern Confederacy; so that 
the state, while earnestly desirous to keep out 
of the war, has become the scene of conflict 
without any action of the people assuming such 
hostility.. Any remedy for our present evil, to 
be adequate, must be one which shall vacate 
the offices held by the officers who have thus 
brought our trouble upon us. 

“Your delegates desire that you shall by 
election fill these offices, by process of your own 
choice, and for this purpose they have directed, 
by ordinance, that an election shall be held 
on the first Monday in November. ‘This time, 
rather than one nearer at hand, was selected, so 
as to conform to the spirit of the provision in 
the constitution, which requires three months’ 
notice to be given of an election to fill a vacan- 
cy in the office of governor. But, in the mean 
time, much damage might happen to the state 
by keeping the present incumbents in office, 
not only by leaving necessary executive duties 
unperformed, while they prosecute their war 
measures, but by continuing and increasing the 
internal social strife which threatens the peace 
of the whole state. 

“Your delegates judged it necessary that, in 
order to preserve the peace, and in order to 
arrest. invasions of the state, these executive 
offices should be vacated at once, and be filled 
by persons selected by your delegates, until you 
could fill them by election. They have, there- 
fore, made such selection as they trust will be 

i bn 40 


313 


found to be judicious in preserving the peace 
of the state. The office of secretary of state 
has not been mentioned before, and it is suf- 
ficient to say that Benjamin F. Massey, the 
present incumbent, has abandoned the seat of 
government, and has followed the fortunes of 
the governor, taking with him the seal of state 
as an instrument of evil. He may be employed 
by the governor in action deeply injurious to 
the state; and he has been dealt with by your 
delegates in the same manner as the governor 
and lieutenant-governor. 

“In regard to the members of the General 
Assembly, it is only necessary to say that by the 
enactment of the law called the “ Military Bill,” 
which violates the constitution, and places the 
entire military strength of the state at the 
almost unlimited control of the executive, and 
imposes onerous burdens upon the citizens for 
the support of an army, and by the passage of 
general appropriation acts which give to the 
executive the command of large funds to be 
expended at his discretion for military pur- 
poses, thus uniting the control of the purse and 
the sword in the same hands, they have dis- 
played their willingness to sustain the war 
policy of the executive, and place the destinies 
of the state in the hands of the governor. 

“The offices of the members of the General 


|| Assembly have, therefore, been vacated, and a 


new election ordered ; so that you may have an 
opportunity of choosing such legislative repre- 
sentatives as may carry out your own Views 


-of policy. 


“Tn order that the schemes of those who.seek 
to take Missouri out of the Union may not fur- 
ther be aided by the late secret legislation of 
the General Assembly, your delegates have, by 
ordinance, amended the military law, and such 
other acts as were doubtless passed for the pur- 
pose of disturbing the relations of the state with 
the federal government. 

“These are the measures adopted by your 


314 


delegates in convention for the purpose of 
restoring peace to our disturbed state, and en- 
abling you to select officers for yourselves to 
declare and carry into effect your views of the 
true policy of the state. They are measures 
which seem to be imperatively demanded by 
the present alarming condition of public affairs, 
and your delegates have determined to submit 
them to you for your approval or disapproval, 
that they may have the authority of your sanc- 
tion, if you find them to be adapted to secure 
the peace and welfare of the state.” 

But the deposed executive officers still 
claimed to exercise the functions of the offices 
to which they had been elected. Lieutenant- 
Governor Reynolds, who had been south to 
secure aid from the rebels, now returned, and 
issued a proclamation from New Madrid, in 
the south-eastern part of the state, claiming to 
exercise the executive authority in the absence 
of Governor Jackson. He denounced the na- 
tional administration, and promised the aid of 
the Confederate States to overthrow the federal 
power in Missouri. His proclamation, however, 
was but the manifesto of an exile as well as a 
traitor, and had little effect, except upon those 
already committed to the rebellion. 

Governor Gamble, and those elected with 
him, entered upon the duties of their offices on 
the 31st of July, and zealously exercised their 
- legitimate powers to continue the state in the 
Union, and to restore peace within the borders 
of Missouri. ‘The convention contributed fur- 
ther to the same end, and adopted ordinances 
to supply the place of necessary legislation, and 
to guard against secession in any form in which 
it might be attempted. 

The following proclamation, issued by Gov- 
ernor Gamble, shows the’spirit of the govern- 
ment as then established, which was, perhaps, 
as strongly on the side of the Union as the 
people would sustain. From that time a 
more unconditional and active Union sentiment 
seemed to increase in the state: — 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


¢To tHe Propie or THE State or Missovurr: — 
‘(JEFFERSON City, August 3, 1861. 

“Your delegates, assembled in convention, 
have decided that in order to vindicate the 
sovereignty of the state, it was necessary to 
vacate the offices of governor, lieutenant-goy- 
ernor, secretary of state, and members of the 
General Assembly, and to order an election to 
take place on the first Monday of November 
next to fill those offices with persons of your 
own choice. They have chosen me to dis- 
charge the duties of chief magistrate until that 
election can take place. 

“No argument will here be made in support 
of the action of the convention. An address 
has been issued to you by that body, in which 
are set forth the necessities for the action, and 
the power under which they have acted. I 
could give you no stronger expression of my 
deliberate judgment that their action was both 
constitutional and necessary, than is afforded — 
by my acceptance of the office until the elec- 
tion can take place. 

“The choice thus made of temporary or pro- 
visional governor will satisfy all that no coun- 
tenance will be afforded to any scheme or to 
any conduct calculated in any degree to inter- 
fere with the institution of slavery existing in 
the state. To the very utmost extent of execu- 
tive power that institution will be protected. 

“The choice of temporary governor gives the 
further assurance to all that every effort: will 
be made to stop the practices on the part of the 
military which have occasioned so much irrita- 
tion throughout the state —such as arresting 
citizens who have neither taken up arms against. 
the government, nor aided those who are in 
open hostility to it, and searching private houses 
without any reasonable ground to suspect the 
occupants of any improper conduct, and un- 
necessarily seizing or injuring private property. 
Such acts must be, and will be, discountenanced; 
and there is every reason to believe, from a 
general order recently issued by Lieutenant- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


General. Scott, and from the known disposition 
of Major-General Fremont, whose command 
embraces Missouri, that such oppressive con- 
duct on the part of the military will in a short 
time be arrested. 

“There exists in many parts of the state a 
most unfortunate and unnatural condition of 
feelmg among our citizens, amounting to actual 
hostility, and leading often to scenes of violence 
and bloodshed ; and even neighbors of the same 
race have come to regard each other as enemies. 
This feeling, too, has originated in questions of 
a political character, although the American 
mind has been accustomed to consider a differ- 
ence upon such questions as affording no cause 
of hostility. Combinations have been formed 
for carrying out schemes of violence by one 
class against another, and by those holding 
one set of opinions against others holding a 
different set. | 

“Civil government in this state has no con- 
cern with men’s opinions, except to protect all 
in their undisturbed enjoyment. It is only 
when they become the causes of acts that they 
bring those who entertain them into any re- 
sponsibility to the law. 

“While this freedom of opinion is the right 
of all, and while it is the duty of each to respect 
this right in others, it is plainly the duty of the 
government to suppress, as far as practicable, 
all combinations to violate this right, and all 
violence arising from a difference of opinion. 
Yet it is important that every wel]-disposed 
citizen should remember that the extreme and 
intemperate exercise of this right of expressing 
_ his opinions often leads to unnecessary discord 
and violence, and that refraining from the in- 
temperate discussion of topics known to be 
exciting would be but a slight contribution 
made by each towards the prerat vation of the 
general peace. _ 

“The state has ne invaded by troops from 


| 
| 


315 


General Pillow, of Tennessee, has landed upon 
the soil of Missouri, notwithstanding the con- 
gress of the Confederate States, in their act 
declaring war against the United States, ex- 
pressly excepted Missouri as a state against 
which the war was not to be waged. 

“General Pillow has issued a proclamation 
addressed to the people of Missouri, in which he 
declares that his army comes at the request of 
the goyernor of this state, and says they will 
help us to expel from our borders the popula- 
tion hostile to our rights and institutions, treat- 
ing all such as enemies, if found under arms. 
It remains to be seen whether General Pillow, 
and other officers of the Confederate States, 
will continue their endeavor to make Missouri 
the theatre of war upon the invitation of Gov- 
ernor Jackson, or of any other person, when 
such invasion is contrary to the act of the Con- 
federate States, and when the invitation given 
by the governor is withdrawn by the people. 
We have sought to avoid the ravaging our state 
in this war, and if the military officers of the 
Confederate States seek to turn the war upon 
us, upon the mere pretext that they are in- 
vited by a state officer to do so, when they 
know that no officer of the st&te has authority 
to give such invitation, theh upon them be the 
consequences, for the sovereignty of Missouri 
must be protected. 

“There should be, on the part of the people 
of Missouri, a paramount purpose to preserve 
the internal peace of their own state, whatever 
may be the condition of affairs in other states. 
Our first duties are at home. If there could be 
a general recognition of this principle, the duty 
of preserving peace would be less onerous upon 
the magistracy of the state. But all will admit 
that, however unpleasant it may be, the duty 


‘of preserving the peace must be discharged 
by those upon whom the law imposes it. 
means furnished by law are ample, and must 


The 


the State of Arkansas, and a large force, under, be employed.” 


316 


In the mean time Major-General John C. 
Fremont assumed command of the western 
military department, and established his head- 
quarters at St. Louis. The military operations 
under his command will be narrated in sub- 
sequent chapters. 


- CHAPTER XLIII. 


* 


Preparations to continue the War. — Major-General McClellan 
Commander of the Army of the Potomac. — Confidence of the 
People and the Government in him. — Defence of Washing- 
ton, and Organization of the Army. — Order of General Scott 
for the Protection of Mount Vernon. — Movements of the 
Army in Western Virginia. — Advance of General Cox. — 
Governor Wise’s Forces dispersed. — General Cox’s An- 
nouncement of the Result. — Address of General Rosecrans 
to the loyal People. — Affairs in South-eastern Virginia. — 
Burning of Hampton by the Rebels under General Magruder. 
—Inhumanity of the Incendiaries. — Expedition to Hatteras 
Inlet. — General Wool in Command at Fortress Monroe. — 
Naval and Military Preparations. — Arrival at Hatteras Inlet. 
— Landing of Troops. — Naval Attack on the Forts. — Fort 
Clark abandoned. — Renewal of the Attack. — Surrender of 
Fort Hatteras. — Terms of Surrender. — Prisoners captured. 
— The Forts garrisoned. — General Butler’s official Report. 


Tue federal government and the people of 
the loyal states, though disappointed, were not 
disheartened bythe result of the battle at Bull 
Run. Congress authorized the acceptance of 
volunteers for the war, not exceeding five hun- 
dred thousand in number, and efforts were at 
once made to raise and organize this large force. 
Volunteers readily offered, and most of the 
states responded to the requisitions upon them 
for their respective quotas of the force to be 
raised. Criminations and recriminations, which 
were at first somewhat indulged in, gave place 
to united and well-directed efforts to furnish 
the men and means for the prosecution of the 
war to more successful results. 

General McClellan, who was called from West- 
ern Virginia to take command of the army on 
the Potomac, was the youngest of the major- 
generals in the federal service, being at this 
time but thirty-five years of age. His father 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


was of Connecticut birth, but became,an emi- 
nent physician in Philadelphia, where General 
McClellan was born. The latter was appointed 
a cadet in the Military Academy at West Point, 
where he graduated in 1846, at the age of 
twenty, one of the best scholars of his class. 
He acted as lieutenant in the Mexican war, and 
after its close attained to the rank of captain. 
He served in the engineers’ corps, for which 
his talents and attainments especially qualified 
him, and afterwards in the cavalry. In 1855 
he was appointed one of a military commission 
to visit Europe during the Crimean war, and 
subsequently prepared one part of the report 
of the commission in relation to the art of war, 
as shown in the Crimean campaign. After his 
return from Europe, he resigned his commission 
in the army, and became an officer of the Il- 
nois Central Railroad, and subsequently of the 
Ohio and Mississippi Railroad. In the latter 
place he was engaged at the time the rebellion 
broke out, when he was appointed first a gen- 
eral officer of Ohio voluntéers, and subsequent- 
ly a major-general in the United States army. 
General McClellan was highly esteemed by 
General Scott, at whose suggestion, probably, 
he was appointed to the command of the most 
important of the federal armies. | 

The appointment of General McClellan gave 
general satisfaction to the people, with whom 
he at once became popular as the young hero 
who should lead their army to victory. In him 
they not,only hoped to find, but believed they 
saw, all the military ability of Scott, combined 
with more youthful vigor and activity.* The 
government also reposed in him the greatest 


* The confidence which was at once given to General McClel- 
lan by the people was somewhat remarkable; for he was taken 
wholly upon trust, not having then achieved any great deed either 
in his military or civil capacity. There were, however, certain 
elements in his character which inspired confidence and good 
will, and his capacity as an engineer was somewhat known, while 
the success of the army of Western Virginia, of which he was 
the commander, in a not yery arduous campaign, gave éclat to 
his name. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


confidence, and afforded every facility for him 
to organize and discipline the army committed 
to his charge. He arrived in Washington on 
the 25th of July, and soon entered upon his 
duties, though he did not formally take com- 
mand of the army until some time after. 

The first measures taken were to strengthen 
the defences of Washington, and so to dispose 
of the forces as to be best prepared for an 
ageressive movement on the part of the rebels. 
The small force remaining of Patterson’s army, 
after the discharge of the three months’ troops, 
were removed to the Maryland side of the Po- 
tomac, and were reénforced by a portion of the 
new regiments as they arrived. Major-General 
Nathaniel P. Banks was assigned to the com- 
mand of this division of the army, which was 
now posted nearer to Washington, so as to be 
within supporting distance of that portion of 
the army on the Potomac north-west of Wash- 
ington. The federal forces also occupied the 
Maryland shore of the Potomac below Wash- 
ington, the lines being gradually extended to- 
wards the mouth of the river. 

The new regiments of three years’ volun- 
teers soon made good the place of the three 
months’ troops who had been discharged; and 
as the new levies were constantly arriving at or 
near the capital, the army soon grew to dimen- 
sions such as had hardly been anticipated when 
the war began. A systematic organization of 
the army into brigades and divisions was carried 
out, more strict discipline was enforced, and 
constant drill and camp duty made the soldiers 
more efficient. Meanwhile, the advance of the 
rebels towards Washington, and the accession 
to their army of large additional forces which 
occupied the strong positions in front of the 
whole federal line, made necessary a strong 
picket force, and constant watchfulness on the 
part of officers. Thus weeks and months passed 
away with various necessary but apparently 
unimportant movements, occasional alarms, and 
picket skirmishing, but scarcely any remarka- 


317 


ble event to vary the monotony of the daily 
report of.“ all quiet on the Potomac.” 

The position of the two armies was such that 
Mount Vernon, the home and burial place of 
Washington, was for a time in the disputed 
ground between them, and was subject to visits 
of pickets or reconnoitring parties of either 
force. It was charged by each side that the 
other had violated the sacred enclosure where 
repose the remains of “the Father of his Coun- 
try.” That this sacrilege might not be justly 
charged upon those who supported the Union 
which Washington had done so much to estab- 
lish, General Scott issued the following order, 
which was strictly enforced and obeyed :— 


“GENERAL ORDER, No. 13. 


‘©GENERAL HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, 
‘¢ WasHINGToN, July 31, 1861. 


“Tt has been the prayer of every patriot that 
the tramp and din of civil war might at least 
spare the precincts within which repose the sa- 
cred remains of the Father of his Country. But 
this pious hope is disappointed. Mount Vernon, 
so recently consecrated anew to the immortal 
Washington, has already been overrun by bands 
of rebels, who, having trampled under foot the 
constitution of the United States, — the ark of 
our freedom and prosperity, — are prepared to 
trample on the ‘ashes of him to whom we are 
all mainly indebted for these mighty blessings. 
Should the operations of war take the United 
States troops in that direction, the general-in- 
chief does not doubt that each and every man 
will approach with due reverence, and leave 
unimpaired, not only the tomb, but also the 
house, graves, and walks which were so loved 
by the greatest and best of men. 

“ WINFIELD Scorr.” 


While matters remained thus quiet on the 
Potomac, there were some movements of the 
forces in other parts of Virginia. In Western 
Virginia, while the division of the “ Army of 
Occupation,” under the immediate command of 


318 


General Rosecrans, advanced southward slowly, 
the division under General Cox moved east- 
ward from Charleston through the Kanawha 
valley, causing small bodies of the rebels, who 
were collected at different points, to disband 
or to retire to join the main rebel army in this 
part of the state, under the command of Gov- 
ernor Wise. The larger part of these forces, it 
was believed, disbanded without joining the 
main body, and retired to their homes, under 
the promise of protection from the federal com- 
mander. Many of them had taken up arms 
under the excitement caused by the appeals of 
Governor Wise and the rebel emissaries from 
Eastern Virginia, and were quite willing to lay 
them down upon the approach of the federal 
troops, when they saw that peace and quiet fol- 
lowed the army of occupation. 

The main body of Wise’s force was finally 
collected at Gauley Bridge, a strong position, 
where it was supposed that there might be a 
battle. But here, also, as farther down the 
valley, the rebels fled at the approach of the 
federal force, destroying the bridge over Gauley 
River, to prevent pursuit — a mode of escaping 
to which they had repeatedly resorted in their 
retreat up the valley. This final retreat, which 
occurred on the 29th of July, appeared to dis- 
organize entirely the army under Wise, who 
was not among the last to retreat; and the rebel 
force, which was to “relieve Western Virginia 
from the invader,’ was driven out from that 
portion of the state, and the campaign, from 
which the rebels were promised so much, ended 
in utter failure, which was as good as a defeat. 
Ina letter to Governor Pierpont,announcing the 
result of his campaign, General Cox said, — 

“The Kanawha valley is now free from the 
rebel troops. Most of the forces raised by Wise 
in this valley left him between Charleston and 
this place. I had sent them assurances that if 
they laid down their arms they might go quietly 
to their homes; and many have done so, assert- 
ing that they were cheated into the rebel ser- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


vice. I regret to have to say that Wise, in 
his retreat, has burned a number of valuable 
bridges, and carried off most of the wagons and 
teams belonging to the people of the valley. 
All parties denounce him for his vandalism. I 
congratulate you on the success of this expe- 
dition.” 

Having substantially secured peace and quiet, 
for a time at least, to Western Virginia, Gen- 
eral Rosecrans issued an address to the loyal 
people, in which, after describing the position 
of affairs in that part of the “Old Dominion,’ 
he declared the policy by which he sought to 
secure peace and to maintain the authority 
of the federal government. In this address 
he wrote, — 

“You are the vast majority of the people. 
If the principle of self-government is to be re- 
spected, you have a right to stand in the posi- 
tion you have assumed, faithful to the constitu- 
tion and laws of Virginia, as they were before 
the ordinance of secession. 

“The Confederates have determined at all 
hazards to destroy the government which, for 
eighty years, has defended our rights, and 
given us a name among the nations. Contrary 
to your interests and your wishes, they have 
brought war upon-your soil. Their tools and 
dupes told you you must vote for secession as 
the only means to insure peace; that unless 
you did so, hordes of abolitionists would over- 
run you, plunder your property, steal your 
slaves, seize upon your lands, and hang all 
those who opposed them. 

“By these and other atrocious falsehoods 
they alarmed you, and led many honest and 
unsuspecting citizens to vote for secession. 
Neither threats, nor fabrications, nor intimida- 
tions sufficed to carry Western Virginia, against 
the interest and wishes of its people, into the 
arms of secession. 

“Enraged that you dared to disobey their be- 
hests,-Hastern Virginians, who had been accus- 
tomed to rule you and count your votes, and 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ambitious recreants from among yourselves, 
disappointed that you would not make good 
their promises, have conspired to tie you to the 
desperate fortunes of the Confederacy, or drive 
you from your homes. 

“Between submission to them and subjuga- 

tion or expulsion, they leave you no alternative. 
You say you do not wish to destroy the old 
sovernment, under which you have lived so 
long and peacefully ; they say you shall break 
it up. You say,you wish to remain citizens of 
the United States; ¢hey reply you shall join the 
Southern Confederacy, to which the Richmond 
junta has transferred you; and to carry their 
will, their Jenkins, Wise, Jackson, and other 
conspirators proclaim upon your soil a relent- 
less and neighborhood war; their misguided 
and unprincipled followers reécho their cry, 
threatening fire and sword, hanging and expul- 
sion, to all who oppose their arbitrary designs. 
They have set neighbor against neighbor, and 
friend against friend; they have introduced 
among you warfare only known among savages. 
In violation of the laws of nations and human- 
ity, they have proclaimed that private citizens 
may and ought to make war. 

“Under this bloody code, peaceful citizens, 
unarmed travellers, and single soldiers have 
been shot down, and even the wounded and 
defenceless have been killed; scalping their 
victims is all that is wanting to make their 
warfare like that which, seventy or eighty 
years ago, was waged by the Indians against 
the white race on this very ground. You have 
no alternative left you but to unite as one man 
in the defence of your homes, for the restora- 
tion of law and order, or be subjugated or 
expelled from the soil. 

“J therefore earnestly exhort you to take the 
most prompt and vigorous measures to put a 
stop to neighborhood and private wars. You 
must remember that the laws are suspended in 
Eastern Virginia, which has transferred itself 
to the Southern Confederacy. The old consti- 


319 


tution and laws of Virginia are only in force 
in Western Virginia. 
maintain. : 

“Let every citizen, without reference to past 
political opinions, unite with his neighbors to 
keep those laws in operation, and thus prevent 
the country from being desolated by plunder 
and violence, whether committed in the name 
of Secessionism or Unionism. 

“J conjure all those who have hitherto advo- 
cated the doctrine of secessionism, as a politi- 
cal opinion, to consider that now its advocacy 
means war against the peace and interests of 
Western Virginia; it is an invitation to the 
Southern Confederates to come in and subdue 
you, and proclaims that there can be no law 
nor right until this is done. 

“My mission among you is that of a fellow- 
citizen, charged by the government to expel 
the arbitrary force which domineered over you, 
to restore that law and order of which you 
have been robbed, and to maintain your right 
to govern yourselves under the constitution 
and laws of the United States. 

“To put an end to the savage war waged by 
individuals, who, without warrant of military 
authority, lurk in the bushes and waylay mes- 
sengers, or shoot sentries, I shall be obliged to 
hold the neighborhood in which these outrages 
are committed as responsible ; and, unless they 
raise the hue and cry and pursue the offenders, 
deal with them as accessories to the crime. 

“Unarmed and peaceful citizens shall be pro- 
tected, the rights of private property respected, 
and only those who are found enemies of the 
government of the United States, and the peace 
of Western Virginia, will be disturbed. Of 
these I shall require absolute certainty that 
they will do no mischief. 

« Put a stop to needless arrests and the spread 
of malicious reports. Let each town and dis- 
trict choose five of its most reliable and ener- 
getic citizens a committee of public safety, to 
act in concert with the civil and military au- 


These laws you must 


320 HISTORY OF THE 
thorities, and be responsible for the preservation 
of peace and good order. 

“ Citizens of Western Virginia, your fate is 
mainly in your own hands. If you allow your- 
selves to be trampled under foot by hordes of 
disturbers, plunderers, and murderers, your land 
will become a desolation. If you stand firm 
for law and order, and maintain your rights, 
you may dwell together peacefully and happily 
as in former days.” 

The rebel authorities, however, did not aban- 
don Western Virginia, and additional forces 
were advanced in that direction, under General 
Floyd, the former secretary of war of President 
Buchanan. The result of this movement will 
be found in a subsequent chapter. 

In South-eastern Virginia the general quiet 
which had prevailed in General Butler’s depart- 
ment since the unsuccessful attack at Great 
Bethel, was broken by the destruction of the 
village of Hampton by the rebel forces under 
General Magruder. General Butler had forti- 
fied Hampton, and for a time had kept a force 
there for its defence ; but having reason to fear 
an attack from the rebels while he had an 
insufficient force to hold this and the more im- 
portant positions of his army, he had withdrawn 
all but a small guard, and it was consequently 
open to the attack of the enemy. General 
Magruder, with a force of six or seven thousand 
men, including cavalry and artillery, moved 
down the peninsula on the 7th of August, and 
took up a position about two and a half miles 
from Hampton, where he hoped to induce an 
attack from the federal forces at Newport News 
and at Hampton. Failing to draw out the fed- 
eral troops, the rebels then moved nearer to 
Hampton, and again formed in line of battle. 
-Here they remained till night, when a detach- 
ment entered the village, and while a part 
skirmished with the federal troops posted to 
defend the long bridge, which had been in part 
torn up and barricaded, another body set fire 
to the buildings in the village. But a few 


UNITED STATES. 


whites and some two or three hundred negroes 
remained in the village. All who were found 
in the houses received but the briefest notice 
of the purpose of the incendiaries, and were 
allowed only time to save themselves, without 
removing any of their property. Among the 
incendiary force were some of the former resi- 
dents of Hampton, and some of these set fire 
to their own dwellings. Houses of secessionists 
and Union men were alike remorselessly de- 
stroyed, and the rankest secessionist, equally 
with the loyal negro, was turned out of doors, 
several aged and sick persons being among the 
sufferers. Among the buildings destroyed was 
the ancient village church, a land-mark of the 
past, in which Washington had worshipped, 
which took fire accidentally, according to the 
rebel accounts. The reason for this destruction 
of property, even by those who were most deep- 
ly interested in it, was to prevent the federal 
force from occupying the dwellings or using 
them for the shelter of the numerous “ contra- 
band” negroes who were collecting within the 
Union lines. An attempt was made, in some 
of the rebel journals, to charge this act upon 
the federal troops; but the evidence was too 
clear to admit a doubt of the authors of the 
destruction. 

Having accomplished this work of vandalism, 
General Magruder withdrew his forces to the 
neighborhood of Bethel, where he fortified his 
position. His force was too strong for the 
federal troops to risk a battle in the position 
chosen by the rebel general, though the four 
thousand men at Newport News would have 
been abundantly able, in their intrenched po- 
sition, to have resisted an attack from the entire 
force of the enemy. The rebel general, how- 
ever, was too prudent to venture such an 
attack ; and having destroyed a village in which 
his own friends were most interested, he re- 
turned to act on the defensive, and made no 
other important demonstration. 

One other affair of importance, not strictly 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


belonging to the operations in Eastern Virginia, 
but in which Fortress Monroe was the base, 
may be related in this connection, as the con- 
clusion of the summer campaign. This was a 
joint military and naval expedition to Hatteras 
Inlet, a narrow passage through the sand bank 
which stretches along the coast of North Caro- 
lina like an outwork of the main shore. This 
inlet was the rendezvous of the rebel privateers, 
which were becoming quite numerous along 
the coast; and by passing through the intricate 
channel into Pamlico Sound, they were safe from 
storms, and were protected from pursuit by the 
shallow water, and -by two forts erected on the 
northern side of the inlet. Information having 
been received of the position of the forts, and 
the strength and intentions of the rebel. forces 
at this point, Commodore Stringham, the flag- 
officer of the Atlantic squadron, and General 
Butler, planiied a joint expedition, which was 
undertaken with the approval of the govern- 
ment, to capture the forts, with the intention 
of destroying them and obstructing the inlet, so 
as to render it of little value to the rebels. The 
plan was already made, when Major-General 
John E. Wool, a veteran officer of the army, 
was ordered to take command of the depart- 
ment under General Butler, and the latter was 
assigned to the command of all the troops of 
the department outside of the fortress. 
The expedition consisted of the flag-ship 
’ Minnesota, the Wabash, the Pawnee, the Monti- 
cello, and the Harriet Lane, war vessels, two 
steam transports, and the steam-tug Fanny. 
A number of surf boats were taken along, and 
a dismasted vessel, to be sunk in the channel 
of the inlet. The frigate Cumberland and the 
steamer Susquehanna were expected to join 
the expedition off the coast. The military part 
of the expedition, under General Butler, con- 
sisted of about nine hundred men, mostly New 
York volunteers ; and the plan was to land this 
force, or a part of it, two or three miles north 
of the forts, while the ships of war should shell 
41 


321 


the fortifications, and $repare the way for a 
decisive blow by the troops. The military 
force, however, did not play the important 
part which was anticipated for it. 

The vessels arrived off Cape Hatteras on the 
afternoon of the 27th of August, and proceed- 
ing towards the inlet, prepared the surf boats 
for landing the troops the next morning. On 
the morning of the 28th, the troops were em- 
barked in the surf boats, and the war vessels 
approached the forts for the purpose of cover- 
ing the landing of the troops, which was to be 
effected at some distance north-east of the inlet. 
The landing of the troops, owing to the surf, 
was effected with much difficulty; and only a 
portion of them were safely put on shore, sev- 
eral of the boats being stove or swamped. In 
the mean time the war vessels approached the 
fortifications and commenced an attack, to which 
the rebels replied, though most of their shot 
fell short. The shells from the ships of war 
burst in and about the forts, and after a severe 
bombardment, the flags of both forts were hauled 
down. The rebel force in one of the batteries, 
Fort Clark, evacuated it, and hastened to the 
other fort; which movement being seen by the 
federal troops, they advanced, and taking pos- 
session of Fort Clark, hoisted the American 
flag, which was greeted with enthusiastic cheers 
by the crews of the vessels. As both flags had 
been hauled down, it was supposed that both 
forts were about to be surrendered; and accord- 
ingly the vessels of lighter draft were sent into 
the inlet, while the larger ships approached 
as near as the shoal water would allow. But 
the rebels were not yet disposed to surrender 
Fort Hatteras, and within the inlet were sev- 
eral steamers and vessels which had evidently 
brought reénforcements, the rebels having, 
without doubt, learned the destination of the 
expedition when it sailed from Hampton Roads. 
Fort Hatteras again opened fire upon the ves- 
sels, and the Monticello, which, being of light 
draft, was in an advanced position, was exposed 


322 HISTORY OF THE 


to some danger. Sevé@ral shot struck her, but 
without doing material damage. The ships 
returned the fire with effect until the approach 
of night 4nd signs of squally weather rendered 
it necessary for them to haul off, the smaller 
vessels remaining where they could protect 
the troops. 

The next morning, August 29, the attack 
was renewed with much vigor by the ships of 
war, and for a time the rebels made no response ; 
but they at last returned the fire without effect. 
The battle thus continued several hours, the 
troops awaiting the result of the bombardment, 
and doing little except firing an occasional shot 
from some boat howitzers which were landed 
with them, and a six-pounder cannon that they 
had taken near Fort Clark. At last a white 
flag was raised over Fort Hatteras, and the 
vessels which appeared to have brought reén- 
forcements were seen making off from the inlet. 

As soon as communication was established 
with the shore, Captain Barron, formerly an offi- 
cer of the United States navy, and now “ flag-offi- 
cer” in the rebel navy, and Colonel Martin and 
Major Andrews, commanding the rebel forces, 
stated that they had seven hundred troops in the 
fort and fifteen hundred more within call, and 
they proposed that if their officers should be 
permitted to retire with side arms and the men 
without arms, they would surrender the forts. 
General Butler, however, demanded an uncon- 
ditional surrender as prisoners of war. After 
some parleying the terms were agreed to. The 
remainder of the federal land force was put on 
shore, the forts were taken possession of, and 
the rebel forces surrendered, and were taken on 
board the vessels as prisoners. In addition to 
the officers above named, many subordinate 
officers were captured, and between six and 
seven hundred rank and file. Several small 
vessels, with cargoes of some value, were also 
taken as prizes. 

The object of the expedition, as before stated, 
had been to destroy the fortifications and 


UNITED STATES. 


obstruct the inlet; but upon examination of 
the forts and the position, General Butler saw 
that it would be an advantageous position to 
hold, and that a comparatively small force would 
be sufficient for the purpose. He accordingly, 
upon consultation with Commodore Stringham, 
determined to retain possession of the forts 
until he could report to the government and 
obtain further instructions. The forts were 
garrisoned and strengthened, and a part of the 
naval force remained to afford further protec- 
tion. The other vessels, with a part of the 
troops and the prisoners, sailed for Hampton 
Roads and New York, and General Butler's 
course, being laid before the government by 
that able officer, was fully approved, and in 
subsequent movements proved to be a great 
advantage. 

The report of Commodore Stringham gave 
in detail the movements of the séveral vessels 
under his command, and the operations by 
which the victory was achieved by that branch 
of the service. Of the report of General But- 
ler, more comprehensive in its character, the 
following is the most material part: — 

“We left Fortress Monroe on Monday, at one 
o’clock, P.M. The last ship of our fleet arrived 
off Hatteras Inlet about four o’clock Tuesday 
afternoon. Such preparations as were possible 
for the landing were made in the evening, and 
at daylight next morning dispositions were 
made for an attack upon the forts by the fleet, 
and for the landing of the troops. 

“Owing to the previous prevalence of south- 
west gales, a heavy surf was breaking on the 
beach. Every effort was made to land the 
troops, and after about three hundred and fif- 
teen were landed, including fifty-five marines 
from the fleet and the regulars, both the iron 
boats upon which we depended were swamped 
in the surf, and both flat-boats stove, and a brave 
attempt made by Lieutenant Crosby, of the 
United States army, (serving with the army as 
post-captain at Fortress Monroe,) who had volun- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


teered to come down with the steam-tug Fanny, 
belonging to the army, to land in a boat from 
the war steamer Pawnee, resulted in the beach- 
ing of the boat, so that she could not be got 
off It was impracticable to land more troops 
because of the rising wind and sea. Fortunate- 
ly, a twelve-pound rifled boat gun, loaned us 
by the flag-ship, and a twelve-pound howitzer, 
were landed, the last slightly damaged. Our 
landing was completely covered by the shells 
of the Monticello and the Harriet Lane. I was 
on board the Harriet Lane, directing the dis- 
embarkation of the troops by means of signals, 
and was about landing with them at the time 
the boats were stove. 
“We were induced to desist from further at- 
tempts at landing troops by the rising of the 
wind, and because, in the mean time, the fleet 
had opened fire upon the nearest fort, which 
was finally silenced, and its flag struck. No 
firing had opened upon our troops from the 
other fort, and its flag was also struck. Sup- 
posing this to be a signal of surrender, Colonel 
Weber advanced his troops, already landed, 
upon the beach. The Harriet Lane, Captain 
Faunce, by my direction, tried to cross the bar 
to get in the smooth water of the inlet, when 
fire was opened upon the Monticello (which 
had proceeded in advance of us) from the other 
fort. Several shots struck her, but without 
causing any casualties, as I am informed. So 
well convinced were the officers of both army 
and navy that the forts had surrendered at 
this time, that the Susquehanna had towed 
the frigate Cumberland to an offing. The fire 
was then reopened —as there was no signal 
from either — upon both forts. In the mean 
time, a few men from the ‘Coast Guard’ had 
advanced up the beach with Mr. Wiegel, (who 
was acting as volunteer aid, and whose gal- 
lantry and services I wish to commend,) and 
took possession of the smaller fort, which was 
found to have been abandoned by the enemy, 
and raised the American flag thereon. It had 


323 


become necessary, owing to the threatening 
appearance of the weather, that all the ships 
should make an offing, which was done with 
reluctance, from necessity, thus leaving the 
troops upon shore —a part in possession of the 
small fort, (about seven hundred yards from 
the larger one, ) and the rest bivouacked upon 
the beach, near the place of landing, about two 
miles north of the forts. Early the next morn- 
ing the Harriet Lane ran in shore for the pur- 
pose of covering any attack upon the troops. 
At the same time a large steamer was observed 
coming down the Sound, inside the land, with 
reenforcements for the enemy; but she was 
prevented from landing by Captain Johnson, of 
the ‘Coast Guasd, who had placed the two 
guns from the ship, and a six-pounder captured 
from the enemy, in a small sand battery, and 
opened fire upon the rebel steamer. 

“ At eight o’clock the fleet opened fire again, 
the flag-ship beiig anchored as near as the 
water allowed, and the other ships coming 
gallantly into action. It was evident, after a 
few experiments, that our shot fell short. An 
increased length of fuse was telegraphed, and 
firing commenced with shells of fifteen seconds 
fuse. I had sent Mr. Fiske, acting aide-de-camp, 
on shore, for the purpose of gaining intelligence 
of the movements of the troops and of the 
enemy. I then went with the Fanny, for the 
purpose of effecting a landing of the remainder 
of the troops, when a white flag was run up 
from the fort. I then went with the Fanny 
over the bar into the inlet. At the same time 
the troops, under Colonel Weber, marched up 
the beach, and signal was made from the flag 
ship to cease firing. As the Fanny rounded 
in over the bar, the rebel steamer Winslow 
went up the channel, having a large number 
of secession troops on board, which she had 
not landed. We threw a shot at her from the 
Fanny, but she proved to be out of range. 
I then -sent Lieutenant Crosby on shore to 
demand the meaning of the white flag. The 


$24 


boat soon returned, bringing Mr. Wiegel, with 
the following written communication from Sam- 
uel Barron, late captain in the United States 
navy :— 
‘Memorandum. 
‘Fort Harrrras, August 29, 1861. 

‘Flag-officer Samuel Barron, C. 8. Navy, 
offers to surrender Fort Hatteras, with all the 
arms and munitions of war. The officers al- 
lowed to go out with-side arms, and the men 


without arms to retire. 
‘S. Barron, 


‘Commanding Naval Defence, 

‘Virguua and North Carona. 
And also a verbal communication, stating that 
he had in the fort six huydred and fifteen 
men, and a thousand more within an hour’s| 
eall, but that he was anxious to spare the 
effusion of blood. To both the written and) 
verbal communications I made the reply which 
follows, and sent it by Lieutenant Crosby :— 

‘Memorandum. 

‘Benjamin F. Butler, Major-General United 
States Army, commanding, in reply to the com- 
munication of Samuel Barron, commanding 
forces at Fort Hatteras, cannot admit the terms 
proposed. The terms offered are these: Full 
capitulation, the officers and men to be treated 
as prisoners of war. No other terms admis- 
sible. 

‘Commanding officers to meet on board flag- 
ship Minnesota, to arrange details. 

«August 9, 1861.’ 

“After waiting three quarters of an hour, 
Lieutenant Crosby returned, bringing with him | 
Captain Barron, Major Andrews, and Colonel, 
Martin, of the rebel forces, who, on being re- 
ceived on board the tug Fanny, informed me 
that they had accepted the terms proposed in my 
memorandum, and had come to surrender them- 
selves and their command as prisoners of war. 
I informed them that, as the expedition was a 
combined one from the army and navy, the sur- 
render must be made on board the flag-ship to 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


Flag-officer Stringham, as well as to myself. 
We went on board the. Minnesota for that 
purpose. ; 

“1 then landed, and took a formal surrender 
of the forts, with all the men and munitions of 
war, inspected the troops, to see that the arn:s 
had been properly surrendered, marched them 
out, and embarked them on board the Adelaide, 
and marched my own troops into the fort, and 
raised our flag upon it, amid the cheers of our 
men and a salute of thirteen guns, which had 
been shotted by the enemy. The embarkation 
of the wounded, which was conducted with 
great care and tenderness from a temporary 
wharf, erected for the purpose, took so long 
that night came on, and so dark that it was im- 
possible for the pilots to take the Adelaide over 
the bar, thereby causmmg delay. I may men- 
tion in this connection that the Adelaide, in car- 
rying in the troops, at the moment that my 
terms of capitulation were under consideration 
by the enemy, had grounded upon the bar, but 
by the active and judicious exertions of Com- 
mander Stellwagen, after some delay, was got 
off At the same time, the Harriet Lane, in 
attempting to enter the bar, had grounded, and 
remained fast; both were under the guns of 
the fort. This, to me, was a moment of the 
greatest anxiety. By these accidents, a valua- 
ble ship of war and a transport steamer, with 
a large portion of my troops, were within the 
power of the enemy. I had demanded the 
strongest terms, which he was considering. 
He might refuse, and, seeing our disadvantage, 
renew the action. But I determined to abate 
not a tittle of what I believed to be due to 
the dignity of the government; not even to 
give an official title to the officer in command 
of the rebels. Besides, my tug was in the in- 
let, and at least I could carry on the engage- 
ment with my two rifled six-pounders, well 
supplied with Sawyer’s shell. 
~ “Upon taking possession of Fort Hatteras, I 
found that it mounted ten guns, with four yet 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


unmounted, and one large ten-inch columbiad, 
all ready for mounting. I append the official 
muster roll of Colonel Martin, furnished by him, 
of the officers and men captured by us. 

“The position of the fort is an exceedingly 
strong one, nearly surrounded on all sides by 
water, and only to be approached by a marsh 
of five hundred yards circuitously over a long 
neck of sand, within half musket range, and 
over a causeway a few feet only in width, and 
which was commanded by two thirty-two pound 
guns, loaded with grape and canister, which 
were expended in our salute. It had a well- 
protected magazine and bdfiAb-proof, capable of 
sheltering some three or four hundred men. 
The parapet was nearly of octagon form, en- 
closing about two thirds of an acre of ground, 
well covered, with sufficient traverses, and ram- 


parts, and parapets, upon which our shells had. 


made but little impression. 

“The larger work, nearest this inlet, was 
known as Fort Hatteras. Fort Clark, which 
was about seven hundred yards northerly, is a 
square redoubt, mounting five guns and two 
six-pounders. The enemy had spiked these 
guns, but in a very inefficient manner, upon 
abandoning the fort the day before. I had all 
the troops on shore at the time of the surren- 
der of the forts, but reémbarked the regulars 
and marines. Finding it impossible to remain, 
without a delay of the fleet which could not 
be justified under the state of facts at For- 
tress Monroe, and owing to the threatening 
appearance of the weather, I disembarked the 
provisions, making, witle the provisions cap- 
tured, about five days’ rations for the use of 
the troops. 

“On consultation with Flag-officer Stringham 
and Commander Stellwagen, I determined to 
leave the troops and hold the fort, because of 


‘ment. 


325 


the strength of the fortifications and its impor- 
tance, and because, if again in the possession of 
the enemy, with a sufficient armament, of the 
very great difficulty of its capture, until I could 
get some further instructions from the govern- 
Commodore Stringham directed the 
steamers Monticello and Pawnee to remain in- 
side, and these, with the men in the forts, are 
sufficient to hold the position against any force 
which is likely, or indeed possible, to be sent 
against it. The importance of the point can- 
not be overrated. When the channel is buoyed 
out, any vessel may carry fifteen feet water 
over it with ease. Once inside, there is a safe 
harbor and anchorage in all weathers. From 
there the whole coast of Virginia and North 
Carolina, from Norfolk to Cape Lookout, is 
within our reach, by light draft vessels, which 
cannot possibly live at sea during the winter 
months. From it offensive operations may be 
made upon the whole coast of North Carolina 
to Bogue Inlet, extending many miles inland 
to Washington, Newbern, and Beaufort. In the 
language of the chief engineer of the rebels, 
Colonel Thompson, in an official report, ‘it is 
the key of the Albemarle’ In my judgment it 
is a station second in importance only to For- 
tress Monroe on this coast. As a depot for 
coaling and supplies for the blockading squad- 
ron, it isinvaluable. Asa harbor for our coast- 
ing trade, or inlet from the winter storm, or 
from pirates, it is of the first importance. By 
holding it, Hatteras ight may again send forth 
its cheering ray to the storm-beaten mariner, 
of which the worse than vandalism of the rebels 
deprives him. It has but one drawback —a 
want of good water; but that a condenser, 
like the one now in operation at Fortress Mon- 
roe, at a cost of a few hundred dollars, will 
relieve.” 


826 


CHAPTER XLIV. 


The Rebel Government.— The permanent Constitution of the 
Confederate States. — The Cabinet.— Message of Jefferson 
Davis. — Measures adopted by the Rebel Congress. — Thanks- 
giving for the “ Victory at Manassas.”— Financial Schemes. 
— Adoption of Doctrines of International Law. — Commis- 
sioners to European Courts. — Admission of Missouri to the 
Confederacy. — Secret Sessions. — Codperation of State Gov- 
ernments and People. — Slavery the Strength of the Rebel- 
lion. — Gigantic Proportions of the Rebellion. — Effect of the 
Battle of Bull Run. 


At this point we may leave the movements 
of the military forces to glance at the position 
of the rebel government and the seceded states, 

“which assumed the character of nationality 
under the name of “Confederate States of 
America.” The permanent constitution had 
early taken the place of the provisional constitu- 
tion, and the provisional government assumed 
the powers of the permanent government, with- 
out change of men. The permanent constitution 
was ratified, eventually, by eleven states, in but 
one case being submitted to the vote of the peo- 
ple, but being adopted by the state conventions 
or legislatures, which bodies assumed all the 
powers that were necessary to carry out the pur- 
poses of the secessionists. In all these states, 
except in the eastern part of Tennessee, all 
opposition to secession had been abandoned, 
the tyranny of the slave power crushing out 
all sentiments of loyalty to the Union, or all 
expression of such sentiments. In Eastern 
Tennessee the Union men were too numerous 
and too strong to be at once overwhelmed, and 
were subjected to the most violent persecution. 
Whatever of loyalty was felt in other states 
was suppressed through prudence, or was per- 
verted to secession by the specious arguments 
of the leading rebels and the march of events. 

The seat of government was changed from 
Montgomery, Alabama, to Richmond, Virginia. 
Here the rebel government assumed still more 
audaciously the rights of nationality, and put 
forth energies worthy of a better cause to sus- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


tain itself and to overthrow the national gov- 
ernment, while it published to the world the 
grossest falsehoods and misrepresentations to 
justify itself, and to throw opprobrium upon 
the national administration. The cabinet of 
Jefferson Davis was constituted as follows: 
Secretary of State, Robert Toombs, of Georgia ; 
Secretary of the Treasury, C. L. Memminger, of 
South Carolina; Secretary of War, L. P. Walker, 
of Alabama; Secretary of the Navy, Stephen 
R. Mallory, of Florida; Postmaster, John H. 
Reagan, of Texas; Attorney-General, Judah P. 
Benjamin, of Louisiana.* 

The rebel Congr@&s assembled at Richmond 
on the 20th of July, and the message of Jeffer- 
son Davis was transmitted to them on that day. 
That document, which, in some degree, shows 
the assumptions of the rebel government, and 
exhibits the misrepresentations to which it re- 
sorted to justify itself before the world, was as 
follows : — 


‘sGENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES 
or AMERICA: — 


“ My message addressed to you at the com- 
mencement of the last session contained such 
full information of the state of the Confederacy 
as to render it unnecessary that I should now 
do more than call your attention to such im- 
portant facts as have occurred during the re- 
cess, and the matters connected with the public 
defence. 

“J have again to congratulate you on the 
accession of new members to our Confederation 
of free and equally sovereign states. Our loved 
and honored brethret' of North Carolina and 
Tennessee have consummated the action fore- 
seen and provided for at your last session, and 
I have had the gratification of announcing, by 
proclamation, in conformity with law, that these 
states were admitted into the Confederacy. 
The people of Virginia, also, by a majority 
previously unknown in our history, have rati- 


* Several changes occurred in this cabinet at an early period. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


fied the action of her convention uniting her 
fortunes with ours. The states of Arkansas, 
North Carolina, and Virginia have likewise 
adopted the permanent constitution of the 
Confederate States, and no doubt is entertained 
of its adoption by Tennessee, at the election 
to be held early in next month. 

“J deemed it advisable to direct the removal 
of the several executive departments, with their 
archives, to this city, to which you have re- 
moved the seat of government. Immediately 
after your adjournment, the aggressive move- 
ments of the enemy required prompt, energetic 
action. The accumulation of his forces on the 
Potomac sufficiently demonstrated that his 
efforts were to be directed against Virginia; 
and from no point could necessary measures for 
her defence and protection be sa effectively de- 
cided as from her own capital. The rapid prog- 
ress of events, for the last few weeks, has fully 
sufficed to lift the veil, behind which the true 
policy and purposes of the government of the 
United States had been previously concealed. 
Their odious features now stand fully revealed. 
The message of their President, and the action 
of their Congress during the present month, 
confess their intention of the subjugation of 
these states by a war, by which it is impossible 
to attain the proposed result, while its dire 
calamities, not to be avoided by us, will fall with 
double severity on themselves. 

“Commencing in March last with the affec- 
tation of ignoring the secession of seven states, 
which first organized this government; perse- 
vering in April in the idle and absurd assumption 
of the existence of a riot, which was to be dis- 
persed by a posse conutatus ; continuing in suc- 
cessive months the false representation that 
these states intended an offensive war, in spite 
of conclusive evidence to the contrary, fur- 
nished as well by official action as by the very 
basis on which this government is constituted, 
—the President of the United States and his 
advisers succeeded in deceiving the people of 


327 


those states into the belief that the purpose of 
this government was not peace at home, but 
conquest abroad; not defence of its own liber- 
ties, but ee i of those of the people of 
the United States. The series of manceuvres 
by which this. impression was created, the art 
with which they were devised, and the perfidy 
with which they were executed, were already 
known to you; but you could scarcely have sup- 
posed that they would be openly avowed, and 
their success made the subject of boast and 
selflaudation in an executive message. Fortu- 
nately for truth and history, however, the 
President’ of the United States details, with 
minuteness, the attempt to reénforce Fort Pick- 
ens, in ,violation of an armistice of which he 
confessed to have been informed, but only by 
rumors, too vague and uncertain to fix the at- 
tention of the hostile expedition despatched to 
supply Fort Sumter, admitted to have been 
undertaken with the knowledge that its success 
was impossible. The sending of a notice to the 
governor of South Carolina of his intention to 
use force to accomplish his object, and then 
quoting from his inaugural address the assur- 
ance that ‘there could be no conflict ‘unless 
these states were the aggressors, he proceeds 
to declare his conduct, as just related by him- 
self, was the performance of a promise, so free 
from the power of ingenious sophistry as that 
the world should not be able to misunderstand 
it; and in defiance of his own statement that 
he gave notice of the approach of a hostile 
fleet, he charges these states with becoming 
the assailants of the United States, without a 
gun in sight, or in expectancy, to return their 
fire, save only a few in the fort. He is, indeed, 
fully justified in saying that the case is so free 
from the power of ingenious sophistry that the 
world will not be able to misunderstand it. Un- 
der cover of this unfounded pretence, that the 
Confederate States are the assailants, that high 
functionary, after expressing his concern that 
some foreign nations had so shaped their action 


328 


as if they supposed the early destruction of the 
national Union probable, abandons all further 
disguise, and proposes to make this contest a) 
short and decisive one, by placing at the con- 
trol of the government for the work at least 
four hundred thousand men, and four hundred 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


millions of dollars. The Congress, concurring | 
in the doubt thus intimated as to the sufficiency 
of the force demanded, has increased it to half 
a million of men, | 

“These enormous preparations in men and 
money, for the conduct of the war, on a scale 
more grand than any which the new world ever 
witnessed, is a distinct avowal, in the eyes of | 
civilized man, that the United States are en-| 
gaged in a conflict with a great and powerful 
nation. They are at last compelled to abandon | 
the pretence of being engaged in dispersing 
rioters and suppressing insurrections, and are. 
driven to the acknowledgment that the ancient 
Union has been dissolved. They recognize the 
separate existence of these Confederate States, 
by an interdictive embargo and blockade of all 
commerce between them and the United States, | 
not only by sea, but by land; not only in ships, | 
but in cars; not only with those who bear arms, 
but with the entite population of the Confed- 
erate States. Finally, they have repudiated 
the foolish conceit that the inhabitants of this 
Confederacy are still citizens of the United 
States; for they are waging an indiscriminate 
war upon them all, with savage ferocity, un- 
known in modern civilization. 

“In this war, rapine is the rule; private 
houses, in beautiful rural retreats, are bom- 
barded and burned; grain crops in the field are 
consumed by the torch, and, when the torch is 
not convenient, careful labor is bestowed to ren- 
der complete the destruction of every article of 
use or ornament remaining in private dwellings 
after their inhabitants have fled from the out- 
rages of brute soldiery. In 1781, Great Britain, 
when invading the revolted colonies, took pos- 
session of every district and county near For- 


STATES. 


| tress Monroe, now occupied by the troops of 
the United States. The houses then inhabited 
by the people, after being respected and pro- 
tected by avowed invaders, are now pillaged 
and destroyed by men who pretend that Vir- 
ginians are their fellow-citizens. Mankind will 
shudder at the tales of the outrages committed 
on defenceless families by soldiers of the United 
States, now invading our homes; yet these 
outrages are prompted by inflamed passions 
and the madness of intoxication. But who 
shall depict the horror they entertain for the 
cool and deliberate malignancy which, under 
the pretext of suppressing insurrection, (said 
by themselves to be upheld by a minority only 
of our people,) makes special war on the sick, 
including children and women, by carefully de- 
vised measures to prevent them from obtaining 
the medicines necessary for their cure. The 
sacred claims of humanity, respected even dur- 
ing the fury of actual battle, by careful diver- 
sion of attack from hospitals containing wound- 
ed enemies, are outraged in cold blood by a 
government and people that pretend to desire 
a continuance of fraternal connections. All 


'| these outrages must remain unayenged, by the 


universal reprehension of mankind. In all 
cases where the actual perpetrators of the 


| wrongs escape capture, they admit of no retalia- 


tion. The humanity of our people would shrink 
instinctively from the bare idea of urging a 
like war upon the sick, the women, and the 
children of an enemy. But there are other 
savage practices which have been resorted to 
by the government of the United States, which 
do admit of repression by retaliation, and I have 
been driven to the necessity of enforcing the 
repression. ‘The prisoners of war taken by the 
enemy on board the armed schooner Savannah, 
sailing under our commission, were, as I was 
credibly advised, treated like common felons, 
put in irons, confined in a jail usually appro- 


priated to criminals of the worst dye, and 
threatened with punishment as such. I had 


e 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


made application for the exchange of these 
prisoners to the commanding officer of the ene- 
my’s squadron off Charleston, but that offi- 
cer had already sent the prisoners to New 
York when application was made. I therefore 
deemed it my duty to renew the proposal for 
the exchange to the constitutional commander- 
in-chief of the army and navy of the United 
States, — the only officer having control of the 
prisoners. To this end, I despatched an officer 
to him under a flag of truce, and, in making the 
proposal, I informed President Lincoln of my 
resolute purpose to check all barbarities on 
prisoners of war by such severity of retalia- 
tion on prisoners held by us as should secure 
the abandonment of the practice. This com- 
munication was received and read by an officer 
in command of the United States forces, and a 
message was brought from him by the bearer 
of my communication, that a reply would be 
returned by President Lincoln as soon as pos- 
sible. I earnestly hope this promised reply 
(which has not yet been received) will convey 
the assurance that prisoners of war will be 
treated, in this unhappy contest, with that re- 
gard for humanity which has made such con- 
spicuous progress in the conduct of modern 
warfare. As measures of precaution, however, 
and until this promised reply is received, I still 
retain m close custody some officers captured 
from the enemy, whom it had been my pleas- 
ure previously to set at large on parole, and 
whose fate must necessarily depend on that of 
prisoners held by the enemy. J append a copy 
of my communication to the President and com- 
mander-in-chief of the army and navy of the 
United States, and of the report of the officer 
charged to deliver my communication. There 
are some other passages in the remarkable 
paper to which I have directed your attention, 
having reference to the peculiar relations which 
exist between this government and the states 
usually termed Border Slave States, which can- 
not properly be withheld from notice. The 
42 


329 


hearts of our people are animated by sentiments 
towards the inhabitants of these states, which 
found expression in your enactment refusing to 
consider them enemies, or authorize hostilities 
against them. That a very large portion of the 
people of these states regard us as brethren; 
that, if unrestrained by the actual presence of 
large armid, subversion of civil authority, and 
declaration of martial law, some of them, at 
least, would joyfully unite with us; that they 
are, with almost entire unanimity, opposed to 
the prosecution of the war waged against us,— 
are facts of which daily-recurring events fully 
warrant the assertion that the President of the 
United States refuses to recognize in these our 
late sister states the right of refraining from 
attack upon us, and justifies his refusal by the 
assertion that the states have no other power 
than that reserved to them in the Union by the 
constitution. Now, one of them having ever 
been a state of the Union, this view of the con- 
stitutional relations between the states and the 
general government is a fitting introduction to 
another assertion of the message, that the Ex- 
ecutive possesses power of suspending the writ 
of habeas corpus, and of delegating that power 
to military commanders at their discretion. 
And both these propositions claim a respect 
equal to that which is felt for the additional 
statement of opinion in the same paper, that it 
is proper, in order to execute the laws, that 
some single law, made in such extreme tender- 
ness of citizens’ liberty that practically it re- 
lieves more of the guilty than the innocent, 
should to a very limited extent be violated. 
We may well rejoice that we have forever sev- 
ered our connection with a government that 
thus trampled on all principles of constitu- 
tional liberty, and with a people in whose pres- 
ence such avowals could be hazarded. 

The operations in the field will be greatly ex- 
tended by reason of the policy which heretofore 
has been secretly entertained, and is now avowed 
and acted on,by them. The forces hitherto raised 


330 


provide amply for the defence of seven states 
which originally organized in the Confederacy, 
as is evidently the fact, since, with the excep- 
tion of three fortified islands, whose defence 
is efficiently aided by a preponderating naval 
force, the enemy has been driven completely 
out of these stations; and now, at the expira- 
tion of five months from the fornition of the 
government, not a single hostile foot presses 
their soil. These forces, however, must neces- 
sarily prove inadequate to repel invasion by the 
half million of men now proposed by the ene- 
my, and a corresponding increase of our forces 
will become necessary. The recommendations 
for the raising of this additional force will be 
contained in the communication of the secre- 
tary of war, to which I need scarcely invite 
your earnest attention. : 

“In my message delivered in April last, I re- 
ferred to the promise of the abundant crops 
with which we were cheered. The grain crops, 
generally, have since been harvested, and the 
yield has proven to be the most abundant ever 
known in our history. Many believe the sup- 
ply adequate to two years’ consumption of our 
population. Cotton, sugar, tobacco, forming a 
surplus of the production of our agriculture, 
and. furnishing the basis of our commercial in- 
terchange, present the most cheering promises 
Providence has smiled on the 
labor which extracts the teeming wealth of our 
soil in all parts of our Confederacy. 

“Tt is the more gratifying to be able to give 
you this, because, in need of large and increased 
expenditure, in support of our army, elevated 
and purified by that sacred cause they main- 
tain, our fellow-citizens, of every condition 
of life, exhibit most. self-sacrificing devotion. 
They manifest a laudable pride of upholding 
their independence, unaided by any resources 
other than their own, and the immense wealth 
which a fertilizing and genial climate has accu- 
mulated in this Confederacy of agriculturists, 
could not be more strongly displayed than in 


ever known. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the large revenues which, with eagerness, they 
have contributed at the call of their country. 
In the single article of cotton, the subscriptions 
to the loan proposed by the government can- 
not fall short of fifty millions of dollars, and 
will probably exceed that sum; and scarcely 
an article required for the consumption of our 
army is provided otherwise than by subscrip- 
tion to the produce loan, so happily devised by 
your wisdom. ‘The secretary of the treasury, 
in his report submitted to you, will give you 
the amplest details connected with that branch 
of the public service ; but it is not alone in their 
prompt pecuniary contributions that the noble 
race of freemen who inhabit these states evi- 
dence how worthy they are of those liberties 
which they so well know how to defend. In 
numbers far exceeding those authorized by 
your laws, they have pressed the tender of 
their services against the enemy. Their atti- 
tude of calm and sublime devotion to their 
country; the cool and confident courage with. 
which they are already preparing to meet 
the invasion, whatever proportions it may as- 
sume; the assurance that their sacrifices and 
their services will be renewed from year to 
year with unfailing purpose, until they have 
made good to the uttermost their rights to self 
government ; the generous and almost unequiv- 
ocal confidence which they display in their 
government during the pending struggle,—all 
combine to present a spectacle such as the 
world has rarely, if ever, seen. To speak of 
subjugating such a people,so united and deter- 
mined, is to speak in a language incomprehen- 
sible to them; to resist attack on their rights 
or their liberties is with them an instinct. 
Whether this war shall last one, or three, or 
five years, is a problem they leave to be solved 
by the enemy alone. It will last till the enemy 
shall have withdrawn from their borders; till 
their political rights, their altars, and their 
homes are freed from invasion. Then, and 
then only, will they rest from this struggle, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to enjoy, in peace, the blessings which, with 
the favor of Providence, they have secured by 
the aid ‘Sf their own strong hearts and steady 
erme, “ JEFFERSON Davis.” 

Among the acts adopted by the rebel Con- 
gress, one of the first was for a day of thanks- 
giving for “the victory at Manassas,” which was 
expressed in the following language : — 

“ Resolved, That we recognize the hand of the 
Most High God, the King of kings and the Lord 
of lords, in the glorious victory with which he 
hath crowned our army at Manassas; and that 
the people of the Confederate States are invited, 
by appropriate services on the ensuing Sabbath, 
to offer up their united thanksgiving and praise 
for this mighty deliverance. 

“Resolved, That,deeply deploring the necessity 
which has washed the soil of our country with 
the blood of so many of her noblest sons, we 
offer to their respective families and friends our 
warmest and most cordial sympathy, assuring 
them that the sacrifice made will be consecrat- 
ed in the hearts of our people, and will there 
enshrine the names of the gallant dead as 
the champions of free and constitutional lib- 
erty.” 

Measures were taken to strengthen the rebel 
armies, and to provide ways and means for 
meeting the great expenditures incurred by 
carrying on the war. For the latter purpose 
the government issued a large amount of treas- 
ury notes; and a favorite measure was the 
pledge or contribution of cotton, to be stored 
by the government, and shipped, as occasion 
offered, to Europe, or retained till such time as 
the blockade should be raised, and then sold in 
the depleted markets of England and France. 
In the way of loans of money the rebel gov-| 
ernment had met with little success, and the 
expedient of contributing cotton had been re- 
sorted to in order to meet the deficiencies which 
were already becoming alarming in the rebel ex- 


chequer. This measure, though perhaps more 


| 


‘sovereign power. 


331 


successful than the ordinary loan, was hardly 
so much so as had been anticipated; while the 
impossibility of converting the cotton to any 
considerable extent, so long as the blockade 
continued, made it of little practical use to the 
government, except so far as it was the basis 
on which to issue “ Confederate notes.” 

The Congress, assuming to represent a nation 
among the nations, adopted the doctrines of 
international law proposed by the Paris congress 
of 1856, except that relating to privateering, 
a system upon which they relied to damage 
the northern states. Upon the same assumption 
Mr. Davis was authorized to appoint. commis- 
sioners to courts in Europe, with more exten- 
sive powers than those already there possessed, 
who should attempt to secure the recognition of 
the Confederacy, and should represent it as a 


Measures of extraordinary 
severity against alien enemies and those who 
should indicate any sympathy for the Union 
cause were adopted, thus encouraging the per- 
secutions with which the Unionists were pur- ° 
sued, and crushing out all show of opposition 
to secession and rebellion. An act was passed 
admitting Missouri to the Confederacy, recog- 
nizing the fugitive Governor Jackson and his 
compeers as the government of that state, and 
providing for the “protection” of the citizens 
of the state against “invasion” by the United 
States. 

The sessions of the Richmond Congress were 
often secret, by which means they kept from the 
knowledge of the north some of their most im- 


| portant measures, and deprived the federal gov- 


ernment of advantages which they themselves 
enjoyed by the open sessions and immediate pub- 
lication of the action of the Congress of the Unit- 
ed States. This secrecy, however, was not always 


agreeable to the people of the south, .and loud 
‘protests were occasionally uttered by some of 


the southern papers against it. But the ruling 
‘spirits understood the methods by which their 


|| purposes were best to be obtained; and though 


332 


the rule of close sessions was somewhat re- 
laxed, they did not hesitate to adhere to it 
whenever they considered it desirable. 

The governments of the. several states co- 
operated with the Confederate government 
in vigorous measures to increase the armies, 
strengthen fortifications, and otherwise to aid 
the rebel cause and injure the Union. The 
manufacture of arms and ordnance stores was 
encouraged as much as possible, though with- 


ont affording any adequate supply. For the 


most part the rebel authorities depended upon 
the importation of these articles from Hurope, 
which was effected by not infrequent evasions 
of the blockade, and by transportation over the 
Mexican boundary into Texas. The people 
appeared almost unanimously the ardent sup- 
porters of the rebellion, and submitted with 
apparent cheerfulness to many inconveniences 
and wants which they already experienced. 
Soldiers were not wanting, and while the able- 
bodied whites freely joined the army, the cul- 
- tivation of the soil continued undiminished. 
The system of slavery was the strength of the 
rebellion, for the army of blacks on the planta- 
tions were maintaining the army of soldiers in 
their campaigns, and were also performing the 
severer labors of the camp and fortifications. 
Servile insurrections were scarcely feared, and 
the escape of slaves along the lines occupied 
by the federal forces was, as yet, a matter of 
little account. 

Thus had the rebellion assumed gigantic 
proportions, and the seceded states presented a 
compact and strong confederacy, ruled by men 
bold, unscrupulous, defiant. The result of the 
battle of Bull Run, while it opened the eyes of 
the north to the strength and determination 
of the rebels, and in some degree to the real 
proportions of the rebellion, also made the 
rebels stronger and more confident of success. 
Those who had before lacked confidence be- 
came bold; and among the people, as well as 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


strength, and rebel generals and_ soldiers 


now looked only for victory. 
e 


CHAPTER XLV. 


Military Movements in Missouri.— General Fremont.— Ardu- 
ous Duties and Difficulties of his Position. — Organization of 
Troops. — Inability to reénforce General Lyon. — Secession- 
ists encouraged by the Retreat from Springfield. — Organiza- 
tion of Rebel Forces. — Preparations for Movements down the 
Mississippi, and in Missouri.— Skirmishes and Guerrilla Fight- 
ing. — Martial Law proclaimed by General Fremont. — Discus- 
sion of the Proclamation. —Dissatisfaction with the Clause 


jp relating to Slaves. — Modification by the President. — Gen- 


eral Fremont’s Explanation to the Rebels. — Movement of 
Troops to Lexington.—Colonel Mulligan in Command. — 
Approach of the Rebel Army. — Preparations for Defence. — 
Attack by the Rebels. — Large Rebel Force. — Colonel Mulli- 
gan’s Messengers for Reénforcements captured.— Advance 
of the Rebel Lines. — Federal Troops cut off from Water. — 
Continuation of the Fight.— Bravery of the Troops. — The 
Home Guards disheartened. — Flag of Truce raised by them. 
—They retreat. — Capitulation and Surrender of the Place. 
— Losses. — Property captured by the Rebels. — Battle of 
Blue Mills. — Lieutenant-Colonel Scott’s Force. — Rebel 
Force. — The Attack. — The Federal Force obliged to retreat. 
— Arrival of Colonel Smith.— Disappearance of the Rebels. 
— Orders to Colonel Smith.— General Fremont censured 


for not reénforcing Colonel Mulligan. — Reasons for not 
sending Reénforcements earlier. — General Fremont’s De- 
spatch. 


In the history of a rebellion of such gigantie 
proportions and spread over so wide a territory, 
we are obliged to call the reader's attention 
somewhat abruptly from one field of operations 
to another, as the current events by their im- 
portance seem to demand. We now return to 
Missouri, and the administration of the military 
department of the west under General Fre- 
mont, whose appointment to that command has 
already been mentioned. General Fremont 


'was in Kurope when the rebellion broke out, 


and was appointed a major-general before he 
returned. While there he gave his influence 
and his services in behalf of his country, by 
enlightening public sentiment, and procuring 
arms of which, through the treachery of Secre- 
tary Floyd, the Union was much in need. His 


the leaders, the cause gained infinitely in|} appointment was. hailed with satisfaction by 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


a large number of his personal and political 
friends, who had the greatest confidence in his 
ability and energy, as well as in his views of 
the rebellion and the measures required to sup- 
press it. They were gratified that, after some 
delay, he was appointed to the important com- 
mand of the western department, and antici- 
pated some successful campaigns in that quarter, 
under his direction. But, from his former 
position as the candidate for the presidency, 
supported, in 1856, by the Republican party 
against Mr. Buchanan, there were not a few 
who were in some measure opposed to him, by 
the remembrance of former political associa- 
tions. There were also some who were per- 


sonally not well disposed towards him, and yet. 


others who, upon a review of his career, doubted 
his capacity for a large command. 


A | 
Under such circumstances General Fremont 


entered upon his duties, surrounded by much 
greater and more numerous difficulties than 
the commanders of armies nearer to the seat of 
government and more directly under the charge 
of the general-in-chief and the war department. 
Much of the burden of raising, organizing, and 
supplying the troops of his department was 
necessarily imposed upon him and his staff, 
while at the same time the difficulties of arm- 
ing, equipping, and supplying these troops were 
much greater than at the east. The deficiency 
of good arms and equipments was especially 
felt, and caused great delays in preparing his 
regiments for the field. Such delays, though 
unavoidable, and diminished as much as possi- 
ble by General Fremont’s devotion of his private 
means and credit in aid of the government, 
created some complaint, especially at the time 
when General Lyon, in the face of a much 
greater numerical force of rebels, asked for re- 
enforeements, which he much needed. General 
Fremont believed that he could not send for- 
ward the required reénforcements with safety 
to St. Louis and Eastern Missouri. His force, 
exclusive of the home guards, was not so large 


333 


as had been believed, and when he was nearly 
ready to send additional troops to the south-west, 
the exigencies of the service at the east, after 
the disaster at Bull.Run, caused the government 
to order him to send east several regiments 
which were intended for the western service. 
Whether or not there were unnecessary delays 
in the preparation of his troops it is difficult to 
decide, amid the conflicting statements which 
were put forth. General Fremont, however, 
was not himself remiss in attention to his 
duties, and the delays occasioned by his sub- 
ordinates, or the extravagance of his quarter- 
master’s department, which were subsequently 
alleged and much discussed, were not altogether 
chargeable upon him. 

After the battle of Wilson’s Creek, in which 


|| the brave General Lyon fell, and the retreat 


of the federal forces from Springfield to Rolla, 
General Fremont increased his exertions to 
organize and equip an army to meet the rebel 
forces which were threatening an advance to- 
wards the state capital, and also upon St. Louis. 
The secessionists of Missouri, encouraged by 
what they called the success of the rebel army 
at Wilson’s Creek, but what was really a repulse, 
though followed by the necessary retreat of the 
unequal federal force, were collecting in various 
parts of the state, forming guerrilla bands or 
organizing to join the army of Price, under the 
name of “state guards.” To aid in suppress- 


‘ing these rebellious demonstrations, Governor 


Gamble issued a proclamation, calling for forty- 
two thousand volunteers from the militia, to 
serve for six months. These troops were or- 
ganized as rapidly as they could be armed and 
equipped, and were so disposed as to aid the 
federal forces, but were not concentrated in any 
large body, or placed wholly under the direction 
of the commander of the department. 

But General Fremont’s attention was not 
confined to a campaign in Missouri. Opera- 
tions in Kentucky and Tennessee were also 
receiving his attention, those states, and the 


334 


movements from Cairo as a base, being under 
his command. Preparations were made for an 
advance down the Mississippi, and into West- 
ern Kentucky and Tennessee, against the rebel 
forces which had taken up strong positions 
there, and were threatening a movement to- 
wards St. Louis. To organize forces for this wide 
field of operations required great energy and 
much time; but the preparations progressed 
rapidly in spite of the difficulties alluded to. 

While these preparations were being made, 
skirmishes and guerrilla fights became more fre- 
quent, and the spirit of secession, even among 
those who had not taken up arms, was every 
where becoming bold and dangerous. The late 
governor, Jackson, with the secession members 
of his legislature, assumed to be the legitimate 
government of the state, and were preparing 
to hold a session at Lexington, or even in Jeffer- 
son City, if the forces under Price could take 
that place and protect them in it. The tide of 
rebellion, which had receded for a time, was 
now rolling back again over the state. 

In this condition of affairs, General Fremont, 
deeming it absolutely necessary to resort to 
the most stringent measures to suppress the re- 
bellion, and to prevent secession sentiment from 
culminating every where, in open resistance 
to the federal authority, in which judgment he 
was supported by all truly loyal men in the 
state, issued the following proclamation : — 

‘¢ HEADQUARTERS OF THE WESTERN DEPARTMENT, 
“Sr. Louis, Saturday, August 31. ¢ 

“ Circumstances, in my judgment, of sufficient 
urgency, render it necessary that the command- 
ing general of this department should assume 
the administrative powers of the state. Its 
disorganized condition, the helplessness of the 
civil authority, the total insecurity of life, and 
the devastation of property by bands of mur- 
derers and marauders, who infest nearly every 
county in the state, and avail themselves of the 
public misfortunes and the vicinity of a hostile 
force to gratify private and neighborhood ven- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


geance, and who find an enemy wherever they 
find plunder, finally demand the severest meas- 
ures to repress the daily increasing crimes and 
outrages which are driving off the inhabitants 
and ruining the state. In this condition the 
public safety and the success of our arms re- 
quire unity of purpose, without let or hinder- 
ance to the prompt administration of affairs. 

“In order, therefore, to suppress disorders, to 
maintain as far as now practicable the public 
peace, and to give security and protection to 
the persons and property of loyal citizens, I do 
hereby extend and declare martial law through- 
out the state of Missouri. The lines of the 
army of occupation in this state are, for the 
present, declared to extend from Leavenworth, 
by way of the posts of Jefferson City, Rolla, 
and junction, to Cape Girardeau, on the Mis- 
sissippi River. 

“ All persons who shall be taken with arms in 
their hands within these lines shall be tried by 
court martial, and, if found guilty, will be shot. 
The property, real and personal, of all persons 
in the State of Missouri, who shall take up 
arms against the United States, or who shall be 
directly proven to have taken an active part 
with their enemies in the field, is declared to 
be confiscated to the public use, and their slaves, 
if any they have, are hereby declared free men. 
All persons who shall be proven to have de- 
stroyed, after the publication of this order, rail- 
road tracks, bridges, or telegraphs, shall suffer 
the extreme penalty of the law. All persons 
engaged in treasonable correspondence, in giv- 
ing or procuring aid to the enemies of the 
United States, in disturbing the public tranquil- 
lity by creating and circulating false reports, or 
incendiary documents, are in their own interest 
warned that they are exposing themselves. 

“ All persons who have been led away from 
their allegiance are required to return to their 
homes forthwith: any such absence, without 


sufficient cause, will be held to be presumptive 


evidence against them. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“The object of this declaration is to place in 
the hands of the military authorities the power 
to give instantaneous effect to existing laws, and 
to supply such deficiencies as the conditions of 
wardemand. But it is not intended to suspend 
the ordinary tribunals of the country where the 
law will be administered by the civil officers in 
the usual manner and with their customary 
authority, while the same can be peaceably 
exercised. 

“The commanding general will labor vigi- 
lantly for the public welfare, and in his efforts 
for their safety hopes to obtain not only the 
acquiescence, but the active support, of the 
people of the country. 

, “J. C. Fremont, 
“ Major-General conimanding.” 


This proclamation occasioned a good deal 
of discussion, not only in the territory where 
martial law was declared, but throughout the 
country, and especially in the border states and 
in the seceded states. The loyal people of Mis- 
sourl accepted it as a necessity, a relief from 
evils much greater than the inconveniences and 
restraint of martial law ; and, for the most part, 
they approved of the stringency and complete- 
ness with which it carried out the principles of 
the recent legislation of Congress with regard 
to the confiscation of the property of rebels, 
including their slaves. But while the public 
opinion of the loyal people most interested in 
the matter was clearly in favor of the declara- 
tion of martial law, and of the confiscation of 
the property and the liberation of the slaves 
of rebels, in Kentucky the latter measure was 
deprecated among a portion of the Union men, 
and was strongly denounced by those who sym- 
pathized with the south every where. Larnest 
representations were made to the President by 
Mr. Holt, of Kentucky, and other citizens of 
the border slave states, for the purpose of in- 
ducing him to rescind or modify the order. The 
President, in consequence of these representa- 


335 


tions, privately requested General Fremont to 
modify that part of his order relating to the 
confiscation of the property and the liberation 
of the slaves of rebels, so that it should conform 
more exactly with the act of Congress. Gen- 
eral Fremont, in reply, desired that the President 
should make an open order for such modifica- 
tion, and accordingly, the President wrote as 
follows : — 
‘““Wasuineton, D. C., September 11, 1861. 

‘““To Masor-GENERAL JouHN C. FREMONT. 

“Sm: Yours of the 8th,in answer to mine of 
the 2d instant, was just received. Assured that 
you, upon the ground, could better judge of the 
necessities of your position than I could at this 
distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 
30, I perceived no general objection to it; the 
particular clause, however, in relation to the 
confiscation of property and the liberation of 
slaves appeared to me to be objectionable in its 
non-conformity to the act of Congress, passed 
the 6th of last August, upon the same subjects, 
and hence I wrote you, expressing my wish 
that that clause should be modified accordingly. 
Your answer just received expresses the prefer- 
ence on your part that I should make an open 
order for the modification, which I very cheer- 
fully do. It is therefore ordered that the said 
clause of said proclamation be so modified, 
held, and construed,as to conform with, and not 
to transcend, the provisions on the same subject 
contained in the act of Congress entitled ‘An 
Act to confiscate property used for insurrection- 
ary purposes, approved August 6, 1861, and 
that said act be published at length with this 
order. Your obedient servant, 

“A. Lincoun.” 


In this connection it may be observed that 
the rebels made complaint of another portion 
of the proclamation, and inquired of General 
Fremont if it was his purpose to shoot wounded 
men who might be taken prisoners. To this 
the general replied, — 


336 


“You have wholly misapprehended the mean- 
ing of the proclamation. Without undertaking 
to determine the condition of any man engaged 
in this rebellion, I desire it to be clearly under- 
stood that the proclamation is intended dis- 
tinctly to recognize the usual rights of an open 
enemy in the field, and to be in all respects 
strictly conformable with the usages of war. It 
is hardly necessary for me to say that it was 
not prepared with any purpose to ignore the 
ordinary nights of humanity with respect to 
wounded men, or those who are humanely en- 
gaged in alleviating their sufferings.” 

Early in September the movements of the 
rebel forces were such as to require a concen- 
tration of the federal troops and active opera- 
tions to defeat their purposes. There had been, 
as already stated, frequent skirmishes between 
detached bodies of federal troops and the rebel 
forces in various parts of the state. Now a 
large army was collected under General Price, 
who threatened the capital of the state, or at 
least to get possession of Lexington, a hundred 
and sixty miles farther up the river, where the 
rebel Governor Jackson and his legislature pro- 
posed to establish themselves, and had already 
been in session, and which place might form an 
advantageous base of future operations. A small 
federal force, composed chiefly of home guards, 
was stationed at Lexingtongunder Colonel Pea- 


body, which had already had a skirmish with | 


a body of rebels and repulsed them. To this 
place reénforcements were sent from Jefferson 
City, consisting of seven hundred cavalry, fol- 
lowed in a few days by a regiment called the 
“Trish Brigade,” under Colonel Mulligan. These 
reénforcements made the force at Lexington a 
little more than twenty-six hundred men, of 
whom Colonel Mulligan now assumed command. 
At the same time several bodies of troops, 


under General Sturgis, were ordered to march | 


towards Lexington from the north-western part 
of the state, and a body of Kansas troops, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


under General Lane, was expected to move 
from that state towards the same point. 

Some slight fortifications had been con- 
structed at Lexington when Colonel Mulligan 
arrived there. These he strengthened and ex- 
tended as quickly as possible, an attack from 
the rebel forces being imminent. The position 
chosen for defence was about half a mile from 
the river, between the old and new towns of 
Lexington, which are about a mile apart. The 
work upon the intrenchments was unremit- 
ting, and by the 12th of September a part of 
them were completed; but an important work 
of defence on the west side, towards New Lex- 
ington, was yet weak. On that day the scouts, 
and advanced pickets who had been driven 
in, reported the approach of the rebels in 
force, and it was necessary to prepare at once 
to meet the assailants. Colonel Mulligan’s ar- 
tillery consisted of but six brass field pieces, 
and two mortars, which were of little use, as 
he had no shell. These he disposed of advan- 
tageously, and meeting the advance rebel force, 
which approached from the south, at some 
distance from his main position, he partially 
repulsed them with some loss. The next day, 
however, reénforcements of the rebels began to 
come up, and in such numbers that they were 
gradually enabled to surround the position oc- 
cupied by Colonel Mulligan. The entire rebel 
force was stated to be more than thirty thou- 
sand, with thirteen pieces of artillery. Finding 
the capture of the place attended with some 
difficulty, notwithstanding their numbers, they 
collected large quantities of hemp, in bales, 
with which they formed breastworks, and ad- 
vanced gradually under their protection, as in 
a regular siege, and were thus enabled to bring 
their guns to bear upon the weakest portion 
of the federal defences. These operations of the 
enemy were resisted by the federal forces as 
well as their small numbers would admit, by 


| frequent skirmishes and occasional artillery 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


* 


shots. Colonel Mulligan and his men were 
determined to hold the place as long as possi- 
ble: in the mean time, he despatched messen- 
gers for reénforcements, but all or a portion of 
them were captured by the rebels. So strong 
were the rebel forces, and so disposed, that any 
reénforcements, unless in large numbers, would 
probably have been captured or driven back, 
without being able to afford any aid to the be- 
leaguered troops. They not only held positions 
on all sides of the federal troops on the south 
side of the river, but they also had possession 
of the river itself, and could prevent reénforce- 
ments from the north, whence it was expected 
General Sturgis would arrive. It was reported 
that on that side of the river the rebels actu- 
ally compelled an Iowa regiment to retreat 
again towards St. Joseph.* 

The rebel forces advanced in such numbers, 
and gained such strong positions, that the situ- 
ation of the federal troops became desperate, 
and grew worse from day to day. The rebels 
threw shot and shell constantly within the fed- 
eral lines, and among the horses and mules 
picketed in a somewhat exposed position, kill- 
ing many animals, and creating the danger of 
a “stampede” of the whole number. On the 
17th the rebel lines were so advanced that 
Colonel Mulligan’s force was cut off from the 
river whence they obtained their supply of 
water. Fortunately, a heavy rain, at intervals, 
afforded some relief, though the troops were in 
so great want of water that they spread their 
blankets to collect the fallmg rain, and then 
wrung them over their camp kettles. This, 
with a small quantity obtained during a brief 
truce, was all that they had for more than two 
days. From the 16th to the 21st the fighting 
was continued almost incessantly, even the 


* This report probably arose from the fact that an Iowa regi- 
ment, under Colonel Scott, had a skirmish near Liberty, with 
a rebel force on its. way to join anes which is mentioned in the 
following pages. 


43 


337 


nights bringing no cessation of the roar of ar- 
tillery, while in the bright moonlight there were 
frequent sorties and skirmishes outside the 
works. Owing to the protection of the in- 
trenchments and breastworks, however, the loss 
of life on either side was not great. Through 
all this time the federal troops, though worn 
down with fatigue, evinced great bravery, and 
a determination to hold out to the last, in the 
hope that reénforcements might come to their 
relief. The home guards, however, who were 
not so well disciplined, or inured to hardship, 
as some of the other troops, at last became dis- 
heartened, and on the 21st raised a white flag 
upon an outwork which they were defending, 
and where they were exposed to a severe fire. 
Colonel Mulligan immediately sent a detach- 
ment to take down the flag, and a desperate 
but unsuccessful charge was immediately after 
made upon the nearest rebel battery. The 
home guards then retired from their position to 
the inner line of intrenchments, and refused to 
fight longer. A white flag was again raised, this 
time from the centre of the fortifications, and the 
fire of the enemy soon slackened and ceased. 
In this state of affairs Colonel Mulligan called 
a council of his officers, when it was decided to 
capitulate. Officers were despatched to meet 
those sent forward by General Price, and a sur- 
render, as prisoners of war, was agreed upon; 
it being decided that the officers should be held, 
and the rank and file, after laying down their - 
arms, should be permitted to march north, to a 
point on the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad. 
It was with much regret and dissatisfaction that 
Colonel Mulligan, and most of his officers and 
men, yielded to the necessity of a surrender ; 
but to attempt to hold out longer, with his men 
exhausted by constant duty, and suffering for 
want of water,—a want more terrible to the 
weary men than the full ranks of the enemy, — 
and with an overwhelming force to contend 
against, would have resulted only in greater suf 


338 


fering and loss of life without any advantage. 
The terms of capitulation were carried out, and 
the rebel forces took possession of the town and 
the federal position, manifesting their joy at 
their not very glorious victory by disorderly 
carousals, in which some of the federal troops 
were outraged in a cowardly manner. 

The loss on either side was small, consider- 
ing the length of the contest, which was owing 
to the protection which each side had, the one 
from their intrenchments, and the other from 
the bales of hemp, which they moved before 
‘them in their advance. The federal loss was 
stated to be about three hundred killed and 
wounded. It was believed by the federal troops 
that the loss of the enemy was much greater; 
but General Price, in his report to Governor 
Jackson, states the rebel loss as twenty-five 
killed and seventy-five wounded. 

The surrender of Colonel Mulligan’s force, 
and the possession of Lexington, were great 
advantages to the rebels. Besides the prison- 
ers and arms captured, they obtained a consid- 
erable amount of commissary stores, and many 
horses and wagons. A still more valuable prize 
was nearly a million of dollars in specie, which 
Colonel Mulligan had taken from the bank, and 
concealed, for safe keeping. In his official re- 
port, Price charged the federal officer with 
robbing the bank, and claimed that he had 
-caused it to be restored; but it was subse- 
quently asserted that the money was taken 
away when the rebels left the place. Another 
prize was the great seal of the state, which had 
been carried away from the capital by the 
disloyal secretary, and left at this place for 
further use. 

While the unequal contest at Lexington was 
proceeding, a less important affair occurred at 
Blue Mills, near Liberty, a town farther up the 
Missouri, and near the western boundary of 
. the state. A part of the third Iowa regiment, 
with a smal! number of home guards and a 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


few artillerists with one cannon, numbering in 
all five hundred and seventy men, under the 
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, were pro- 
ceeding from Cameron, in the northern part of 
the state, to codperate with a similar force, under 
Colonel Smith, which moved from St. Joseph, 
in the pursuit of a rebel force of about forty- 
five hundred men, which was marching from St. 
Joseph towards Lexington. Colonel Scott came 
up with the rebel force on the 17th, before he 
had effected a junction with Colonel Smith, to 
whom he had twice despatched messengers, in- 
forming him of his progress. After waiting a 
short time for some tidings of the latter’s ap- 
proach, Colonel Scott concluded to advance 
upon the enemy; and again sending word to 
Colonel Smith, he moved forward. His advance 
soon came upon the pickets of the rebels, who 
had turned back to attack the pursuers with 
their superior numbers, before a junction 
could be formed. The skirmish of pickets soon 
grew into a more serious conflict. The rebels 
attacked with a confidence of success, and Col- 
onel Scott’s artillerists were soon shot or scat- 
tered, so that the single piece of artillery was 
useless, and came near falling into the hands 
of the rebels. The infantry, however, bravely 
resisted the attack, though they were soon 


jobliged to fall back towards Liberty. They 


retreated so slowly that the enemy, fearing re- 
enforcements, did not follow up their advantage. 
Colonel Smith’s force reached Liberty the same 
night, and the next morning it was proposed 
to attack the rebels; but it was found that they 
had left their position in the night, and had 
crossed the river. It was this engagement 
which probably gave rise to the report that an 
Towa regiment, on its way to reénforce Colonel 
Mulligan at Lexington, had been turned back 
by a part of Price’s force. Colonel Scott’s force, 
however, was not marching to the relief of 
Lexington, though it appeared that a messen- 
ger had been despatched from St. Joseph, with 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


orders to Colonel Smith to proceed with the 
united forces to Lexington. The messenger 
did not reach Colonel Smith, and he, therefore, 
did not continue his march beyond the point 
where Colonel Scott had met the enemy. 

General Fremont was severely blamed by 
many for not promptly reénforcing Colonel Mul- 
ligan with sufficient forces to defeat the army 
of Price. It appears, however, that orders for 
such reénforcement had been sent to some of 
those forces the position of which would prob- 
ably enable them to reach Lexington most 
readily. Whether there were other available 
troops in considerable numbers, which could 
safely be sent to reénforce Colonel Mulligan, is 
a disputed question. It will be remembered, 
however, that in consequence of the guerrilla 
warfare which the rebels were carrying on in 
Missouri, the federal troops were scattered in 
small bodies over a great extent of territory, 
while, on the other hand, the strong forces, per- 
haps more formidable than the army of Price, 
which were threatening an invasion from the 
south, rendered it prudent not to weaken too 
much the federal forces in the eastern and 
south-eastern part of the state. 

But it was also stated that Colonel Mulligan 
was sent to Lexington to protect the bank and 
the loyal citizens there, who were subjected to 
the outrages of the secessionists, and to keep 
the state government of the rebels from assem- 
bling, and that it was not imtended that he 
should undertake to hold the place against a 
large force; but upon the sudden approach of 
Price’s army, he was induced by the loyal citi- 
zens to remain for their protection. Under 
such circumstances the necessity of reénforce- 
ments could not be seen until too late to move 
them a great distance. The following despatch 
from General Fremont, announcing the result 
of the attack on Lexington, indicates that the 
reénforcements were ordered, but did not reach 
the place in season to afford relief: — 


339 


‘¢ Heapa@uarTEeRs WESTERN DEPARTMENT, 
‘¢ Sr. Louis, September 23, 1861. 


‘To Cotonet E. D. Townsenp, ADJUTANT-GENERAL. 

“T have a telegram from Brookfield that 
Lexington has fallen into -Price’s hands, he 
having cut off Colonel Mulligan’s supply of 
water. Reénforcements, four thousand strong, 
under Sturgis, by capture of the ferry boats, 
had no means of crossing the river in time. 
Lane’s force from the southward and Davis’s 
from the south-east, — upwards of eleven 
thousand men in all,—could not get there in 
time. Iam taking the field myself, and hope. 
to destroy the enemy either before or after 
the junction of the forees under McCulloch. 
Please notify the President immediately. 

“J. CO. Fremonr.” 


CHAPTER XLVI. 


Campaign of General Fremont in South-western Missouri. — 
Change of original Plans. — Concentration of the Army. — 
Advance towards Springfield. — Cavalry Reconnoissance. — 
Major Zagonyi.— Attack on the Rebels at Springfield. — 
Brilliant Cavalry Charge. — Rout of the Rebels. — Movement 
of the Army to Springfield. — Price at Neosho. — Prepara- 
tions for a Battle. —General Fremont relieved of Command. 
— Reasons for the Change. — Feeling in the Army. — Arri- 
val of General Hunter, and Command assigned to him. — The 
Plan of the Campaign not carried out.— The Army separated 
and withdrawn. — Review of General Fremont’s Command 
in the West. 

GENERAL Fremont, after nearly completing the 
organization of the army of the western depart- 
ment, and preparing an expedition down the 
Mississippi, which, in consequence of the prep- 
arations of the rebels, was deemed important, 
left St. Louis on the 27th of September, to as- 
sume command of the army then being con- 
centrated to operate against Price, in Western, 
and McCulloch in South-western Missouri. The 
sudden appearance of Price, with his large body 
of “state troops,” had compelled General Fre- 
mont to change his plans, which appear to have 
been to lead the expedition down the Missis- . 


sippl.. Butit was necessary, before undertaking 


‘340 HISTORY OF THE 


the latter movement, to check the progress of 
Price, and to render the state safe from inva- 
sion by McCulloch. After remaining near Jef 
ferson City for some time, in order to concentrate 
his army, General Fremont moved west in pur- 
suit of Price, who was already marching to the 
south-west, apparently for the purpose of form- 
ing a junction with the forces of McCulloch. 
His army was composed of five divisions, under 
Generals Hunter, Pope, Sigel, McKinstry,and As- 
both, and numbered about thirty thousand men, 
including five thousand cavalry, with eighty-six 
‘ pieces of excellent artillery. In addition to this 
force, Generals Sturgis and Lane were advan- 
cing from Kansas to join General Fremont at 
some point on the Osage, and a force then sta- 
tioned at Rolla was to meet him near the same 
river. Lack of transportation and forage de- 
layed the movement of the army; but about 
the middle of September the march was com- 
menced, the several divisions moving by dif 
ferent routes towards the Osage. The rising 
waters rendered the fording of this river unsafe, 
and as there were no sufficient ferry boats to 
transport the army and trains quickly, there 
was a delay of several days for the construction 
of a bridge. This being completed, the army 
crossed the Osage and marched towards Spring- 


field, near which it was anticipated that Price | 


and McCulloch would unite their forces, and 
thus form an army of forty thousand men. 
When about thirty miles from Springfield, a 
small body of cavalry, under Major White, was 
sent forward to make a reconnoissance in the 
direction of that town. Subsequently, a de- 
tachment of one hundred and sixty of the 
squadron of cavalry which acted as a body guard 
to General Fremont, under the command of 
Major Zagonyi,* was sent forward, with orders 


UNITED STATES. 


to join the reconnoitring party, and then for 
the combined force, numbering about three 
hundred men, to attack the rebel garrison, sup- 
posed to be three or four hundred strong. 
When within two hours’ march of the town, 
Major Zagonyi learned that a considerable rebel 
force, on its way to join Price’s army, had ar- 
rived at Springfield, making the force there 
about two thousand strong. Sending back for 
reénforcements, Major Zagonyi, without waiting 
for them to arrive, determined to make a 
bold and perhaps imprudent dash into the rebel 
camp, and, by surprising them, in their confu- 
sion hoped to gain some slight advantage, which 
could be followed up by the reénforcements. A 
loyal farmer offered to conduct the small force 
by a circuitous route to the rear of the rebel 
position, and they accordingly made a wide 
détour for that purpose. In the mean time, 
Major White, the commander of the reconnoi- 
tring party, who was sick, and had stopped ata 
farm house to rest, rode forward with a half 
dozen men, to join the expedition; but being 
ignorant of the détow, proceeded by the direct 
road towards Springfield, and was taken prison- 
er. This circumstance, and the information of 
their scouts, put the rebels on their guard, and 
they were, therefore, preparing for action when 
Major Zagonyi reached a position from which 
he might make an attack. Of the brilliant and 
successful charge which followed, we make ex- 
tracts from a most graphic description, written 
by a member of General Fremont’s staff, who 
became acquainted with the facts upon the 
ground. 

“Making a détour of twelve miles, Zagonyi 
approached the position of the enemy. They 
were encamped half a mile west of Springfield, 
upon a hill which sloped to the east. Along the 


* Major Zagonyi was a*Hungarian by birth, who had been a 
cavalry officer under General Bem, in the Hungarian struggle for 
independence. He proposed to General Fremont to raise a 
picked company of cavalry for his body-guard, and such was the 
readiness to enlist in that service, that Major Zagonyi soon had 
three fine companies, and a fourth was raised and left in St. Louis 


when General Fremont took the field. Under the command of 
their experienced and dashing commander, this body of cavalry 
soon became admirably trained, and evinced a spirit not surpassed 


by any similar force in the service. 


+ Major Dorsheimer, in the Atlantic Monthly. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


northern side of their camp was a broad and 
well-travelled road; along the southern side a 
narrow lane ran down toa brook at the foot 
of the hill; the space between, about three 
hundred yards broad, was the field of battle. 
Along the west side of the field, separating it 
from the county fair-ground, was another lane, 
connecting. the main road and the first-men- 
tioned lane. ‘The side of the hill was clear, but 
its summit, which was broad and flat, was cov- 
ered with a rank growth of small timber, so 
dense as to be impervious to horse. , 
“The foe was advised of the intended attack. 
When Major White was brought into their 
camp, they were preparing to defend their 
position. As appears from the confessions of 
prisoners, they had twenty-two hundred men, 
of whom four hundred were cavalry, the rest 
being infantry, armed with shot-guns; American 
rifles, and revolvers. ‘Twelve hundred of their 
foot were posted along the edge of the wood 
upon the crest of the hill. The cavalry were 
stationed upon the extreme left, on top of a 
spur of the hill and in front of a patch of tim- 
ber. Sharp-shooters were concealed behind the 
trees close to the fence alongside the lane, and 
a small number in some underbrush near the 
foot of the hill, Another detachment guarded 
their train, holding possession of the county 
fair-cround, which was surrounded by a high 
board-fence. : 
“This position was unassailable by cavalry 
from the road, the only point of attack being 


down the lane on the right; and the enemy 


were so disposed as to command this approach 
perfectly. The lane was a blind one, being 
closed, after passing the brook, by fences and 
ploughed land; it was, in fact, a cul-de-sac. If 
the infantry should stand, nothing could save 
the rash assailants. There are horsemen suf- 
ficient to sweep the little band before them, as 
helplessly as the withered forest leaves in the 
grasp of the autumn winds; there are deadly 


341 


marksmen lying behind the trees upon the 
heights, and lurking in the long grass upon the 
lowlands; while a long line of foot stand upon 
the summit of the. slope, who, only stepping 
a few paces back into the forest, may defy the 
boldest riders. Yet, down this narrow lane, 
leading into the very jaws of death, came the 
three hundred. : 

“They pass the fair-ground. They are at 
the corner of the lane where the wood begins. 
It runs close to the fence on their left for a 
hundred yards, and beyond it they see white 
tents gleaming. They are half way past the 
forest, when, sharp and loud, a volley of mus- 
ketry bursts upon the head of the column; 
horses stagger, riders reel and fall, but the troop 
presses forward undismayed. The farther cor- 
ner of the wood is reached, and Zagonyi be- 
holds the terrible array. Amazed, he involun- 
tarily checks his horse. The rebels are not 
surprised. There to his left they stand crown- 
ing the height, foot and horse ready to ingulf 
him, if he shall be rash enough to go on. The 
road he is following declines rapidly. There is 
but one thing to do,—run the gantlet, gain 
the cover of the hill, and charge up the steep. 
These thoughts pass quicker than they can be 
told. He waves his sabre over his head, and 
shouting, “Forward! follow me! quick trot! 
gallop!” he dashes headlong down the stony 
road. The first company and most of the sec- 
ond follow. From the left a thousand muzzles 
belch forth a hissing flood of bullets; the poor 
fellows clutch wildly at the air and fall from 
their saddles, and maddened horses throw them- 
selves against the fences. Their speed is not 
for an instant checked; farther down the hill 
they fly, like wasps driven by the leaden storm. 
Sharp volleys pour out of the underbrush at 
the left, clearing wide gaps through their ranks, 
They leap the brook, take down the fence, and 
draw up under the shelter of the hill. Zagonyi 
looks around him, and to his horror sees that 


342 


only a fourth of his men are with him. He 
cries, ‘They do not come, —we are lost!’ and 
frantically waves his sabre. 

“ He has not long to wait. The delay of the 
rest of the guard was not from hesitation. 
- When Captain Foley reached the lower corner 
of the wood and saw the enemy’s line, he 
thought a flank attack might be advantageous- 
ly made. He ordered some of his men to dis- 
mount and take down the fence. This was 
done under a severe fire. Several men fell, 
and he found the wood so dense that it could 
not be penetrated. Looking down the hill, he 
saw the flash of Zagonyi’s sabre, and at once 
gave the order, ‘Forward!’ At the same time, 
Lieutenant Kennedy, a stalwart Kentuckian, 
shouted, ‘Come on, boys! remember Old Ken- 


tucky!’ and the third company of the guard, 
fire on every side of them,— from behind trees, | 


from under the fences, — with thundering strides 
and loud cheers, poured down the slope and 
rushed to the side of Zagonyi. They have lost 
seventy dead and wounded men, and the car- 
casses of horses are strewn along the lane. . 

“The remnant of the guard are now in the 
field under the hill, and from the shape of the 
ground, the rebel fire sweeps with the roar of 
a whirlwind over their heads. Here we will 
leave them for a moment, and trace the for- 
tunes of the Prairie Scouts.* 

“When Foley brought his troop to a halt, 
Captain Fairbanks, at the head of the first com- 
pany of scouts, was at the point where the first 
volley of musketry had been received. The 
narrow lane was crowded by a dense mass of 
struggling horses, and filled with the tumult 
of battle. Captain Fairbanks says, — and he is 
corroborated by several of his men who were 
near,— that at this moment an officer of the 
guard rode up to him, and said, ‘They are fly- 
ing; take your men down that lane, and cut 
off their retreat,” — pointing to the lane at the 


* The name given to Major White’s squadron. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


left. Captain Fairbanks was not able to identify 
the person who gave this order. It certainly 
did not come from Zagonyi, who was several 
hundred yards farther on. Captain Fairbanks 
executed the order, followed by the second com- 
pany of Prairie Scouts, under Captain Kehoe. 
When this movement was made, Captain Naugh- 
ton, with the third Irish dragoons, had not 
reached the corner of the lane. He came up 
at a gallop, and was about to follow Fairbanks, 
-when he saw a guardsman, who pointed in the 
direction in which Zagonyi had gone. He took 
this for an order, and obeyed it. When he 
reached the gap in the fence, made by Foley, 
not seeing any thing of the guard, he supposed 
they had passed through at that place, and gal- 
lantly attempted to follow. Thirteen men fell 
in a few minutes. He was shot in the arm and 
dismounted. Lieutenant Connolly spurred into 
the underbrush, and received two balls through 
the lungs and one in the left shoulder. The 
dragoons, at the outset not more than fifty 
strong, were broken, and, dispirited by the loss 
of their officers, retired. A sergeant rallied a 
few, and brought them up to the gap again, 
and they were again driven back. Five of the 
boldest passed down the hill, joined Zagonyi, 
and were conspicuous by their valor during the 
rest of the day. Fairbanks and Kehoe, having 
gained the rear and left of the enemy’s position; 
made two or three assaults upon detached 
parties of the foe, but did not join in the main 
attack. 

“JT now return to the guard. It is forming . 
under the shelter of the hill. In front, with a 
gentle inclination, rises a grassy slope, broken 
by occasional tree-stumps. A line of fire upon 
the summit marks the position of the rebel in- 
fantry ; and nearer and on the top of a lower 
eminence to the right stand their horse. Up . 
to this time no guardsman has struck a blow; 
but blue coats and bay horses lie thick along 


the bloody lane. Their time has come. Lieu- 
‘tenant Maythenyi, with thirty men, is ordered 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to attack the cavalry. With sabres flashing 
over their heads, the little band of heroes spring 
towards their tremendous foe. Right upon the 
centre they charge. The dense mass opens, 
the blue coats force their way in, and the whole 
rebel squadron scatter, in disgraceful flight, 
through the cornfields in the rear. The bays 
follow them, sabring the fugitives. Days after, 
the enemy’s horses lay thick among the uncut 
corn. 

“Zagonyi holds his main body until May- 
thenyi disappears in the cloud of rebel cavalry ; 
then his voice rises through the air,—‘ In open 
order, — charge!’ The line opens out to give 
play to their sword-arm. Steeds respond to the 
ardor of their riders; and, quick as thought, 
with thrilling cheers, the noble hearts rush into 
the leaden torrent which pours down the in- 
cline. With unabated fire the gallant fellows 
press through. Their fierce onset is not even 
checked. The foe do not wait for them, — they 
waver, break, and fly. The guardsmen spur 
into the midst of the rout, and their fast-falling 
swords work a terrible revenge. Some of the 
boldest of the southrons retreat into the woods, 
and continue a murderous fire from behind trees 
and thickets. Seven guard horses fall upon a 
space not more than twenty feet square. AS 
his steed sinks under him, one of the officers is 
caught around the shoulders by a grape-vine, 
and hangs dangling in the air until he is cut 
down by his friends. 

“The rebel foot are flying in furious haste 
“tom the field. Some take refuge in the fair- 
ground, some hurry into the cornfield ; but the 
greater part run along the edge of the wood, 
swarm over the fence into the road, and hasten 
to the village. The guardsmen follow. Zapon 
leads them. 

“The conflict now rages through the vil- 
lage, in the public square, and along the streets. 
Up and down the guards ride in squads of three 
or four, and wherever they see a group of the 
enemy, charge upon and scatter them. It is 


; hand-to-hand. 


343 


No one but has a share in the 
fray. 

« Meariaiitle it has grown dark. The, foe 
have left the village and the battle has ceased. 
The assembly is sounded, and the guard gathers 
in the Plaza. Not more than eighty mounted 
men appear; the rest are killed, wounded, or 
unhorsed.” 

It had been General Fremont’s intention to 
concentrate the several divisions of his army on 
a wide prairie,some miles from Springfield, 
where he might review and manceuvre them 
briefly before moving against the enemy. But 
the affair at Springfield made it advisable to 
march at once to that place, to protect the 
wounded soldiers and the loyal inhabitants from 
an attack. The whole army was, accordingly, 
ordered to march to Springfield, and in the 
course of two or three days all the divisions, 
except General Hunter’s, arrived there. In- 
formation was received that Price was moving 
from Neosho towards Springfield, for the pur- 
pose of giving battle, being impelled to do so 
by the short term of service of his troops and 
the advice of McCulloch, who was reported to 
have joined him. Fugitive Unionists came in 
from the direction of Neosho, reporting a very 
large force advancing from that direction, and 
it appeared to be certain that a battle was im- 
minent. The federal army was eager to meet 
the enemy, and preparations were being made 
for an advance to attack him, when orders were 
received from Washington, relieving General 
Fremont of his command, and directing him to 
transfer it to General Hunter. 

The proclamation of General Fremont, de- 
claring martial law in Missouri, with its pro- 
visions in relation to confiscation and the 
liberation of the slaves of rebels, had caused 
a strong feeling against him, and, although 
modified by the President, continued to make 
for him enemies among those who sustained 
the institution of slavery. There was a vari- 
ety of other causes, some of them personal, 


344 


some of them political, and others of a military 
nature, which had made enemies for the gen- 
eral. Among others, Hon. F. P. Blair, a mem- 
ber of Congress and a colonel of one of the 
Missouri regiments, made charges against the 
general, some of which were of a serious charac- 
ter.* The secretary of war and the adjutant- 
general visited St. Louis in consequence of these 
charges, to examine into the position of affairs 
in the western department. General Fremont 
had already started on his expedition, and the 
secretary and the adjutant-general visited his 
camp and briefly reviewed a portion of his army. 
They brought with them the order for the re- 
moval, but its issue was suspended till after 
their return. Whether upon their report of the 
position of affairs or for other reasons, the order 
was finally issued on the 24th of October, and 
sent forward from St. Louis to reach the army 
just as a battle was confidently expected. 

The order caused not a little excitement in 
the army, the men composing which had great 
confidence in their commander, and were at- 
tached to him by reason of certain traits of 
character and his previous history. General 
Hunter had not yet arrived at Springfield, and 
his position was not known. General Fremont, 
however, at once prepared to comply with the 
orders, and waited only for the arrival of Gen- 
eral Hunter, at the urgent advice of his general 
officers. A large number of officers waited 
upon the general, and urgently desired that he 
should carry out his plan and attack the enemy, 


* The charges against General Fremont were, that he neg- 
lected his duty by remaining at the east for three weeks after his 
appointment to the command of the western department; that he 
neglected and refused to reénforce General Lyon when urged to 
do so, and allowed him to be sacrificed, while he himself, with 
great pomp, proceeded to fortify Bird’s Point ; that he expended 
enormous sums of government money, through the hands of per- 
sonal favorites, in erecting useless fortifications around St. Louis; 
that he affected an almost “ regal state,” and denied interviews to 
officers and civilians having important business with him; that 
he brought from California certain favorites, to whom he gave 
government contracts and offices, through which they received 
large sums of money; and that he suffered Colonel Mulligan to 
be sacrificed at Lexington; with others of a similar character. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


without waiting for the, as yet uncertain, arri- 
val of his successor. The reasons urged for so 
doing were cogent, and General Fremont con- 
sented, if General Hunter did not arrive before 
midnight on that day, — November 3, — to act 
upon the request, and the orders for the several 
divisions to move on the following morning 
were accordingly issued. But the movement 
was destined not to take place. General Hunter 
arrived within the limited time, and General 
Fremont, explaining to him the position of 
affairs, resigned the command into his hands, 
The following are the orders of General Fre- 
mont upon relinquishing the command : — 


‘sHEADQUARTERS WESTERN DEPARTMENT, 
‘¢ SPRINGFIELD, Mo., November 2, 1861. 


“SOLDIERS OF THE Mississtpp1 Army: Agreea- 
bly to orders received this day, I take leave of 
you. Although our army has been of sudden 
growth, we have grown up together, and I have 
become familiar with the brave and generous 
spirits which you bring to the defence of your 
country, and which makes me anticipate for you 
a brilliant career. Continue as you have be- 
gun, and give to my successor the same cordial 
and enthusiastic support with which you have 
encouraged me. Kmulate the splendid example 
which you have already before you, and let me 
remain as I am, proud of the noble army which 
I have thus far labored to bring together. 

“Soldiers, I regret to leave you. Most sin- 
cerely I thank you for the regard and confidence 
you have invariably shown me. I deeply re- » 
gret that I shall not have the honor to lead 
you to the victory which you are just about to 
win; but I shall claim the right to share with 


; you in the joy of every triumph, and trust 


always to be personally remembered by my 
companions in arms. 
“Joun C. Fremont, 
“ Major-General.” 


General Hunter did not carry out General 


| Fremont’s plan to advance against Price. By 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


many it was declared that there was no con- 
siderable rebel army to contend with, and that 
the advance of General Fremont’s large army 
to the south-west was a movement against a 
mythicalenemy. But the accounts from Spring- 
field, at the time, indicated that the forces under 
Price were large, and that he did make a move- 
ment towards that town, probably with the ex- 
pectation of meeting a smaller force than the 
concentrated federal army. ‘The presence of 
Price near Neosho, and undoubtedly with a 
large force, was shown by the agreement entered 
into between him and General Fremont, in 
relation to exchange of prisoners, treatment 
of non-combatants, and expression of political 
opinions by citizens. The arrival of all the 
divisions of the army at Springfield probably 
caused a speedy retrograde movement of the 
rebels during the delay which succeeded the 
change of command. The agreement above 
named was, for good reasons, repudiated by 
General Hunter, who saw that it might be used 
successfully to promote the cause of rebellion, 
though entered into by General Fremont for 
the purpose of mitigating the evils of war. 

The rebels having ceased, for the time being, 
to threaten any movement in force, and the 
guerrilla warfare being still continued in vari- 
ous parts of the state, the army collected by 
General Fremont was again separated and 
moved to different points, leaving South-west- 
ern Missouri again exposed to the advance of 
the rebel army, and greatly discouraging the 
‘Joyal people of that region. 

In concluding the narrative of this compara- 
tively fruitless campaign, it is but just to give 
a further extract from the writer whose descrip- 
tion of the cavalry charge has been quoted, and 
who wrote from personal knowledge, whatever 
may have been his sympathy for General 
Fremont. Reviewing the record of General 
Fremont’s command in the west, he says, — 

“Jn bringing these papers to a close, the 
writer cannot refrain from expressing his re- 

44 


345 


gret that circumstances have prevented him 
from making that exposition of affairs in the 
western department which the country has 
long expected. While he was in the field, 
General Fremont permitted the attacks of his 
enemies to pass unheeded, because he held 


them unworthy to be intruded upon more im- 


portant occupations, and he would not be 
diverted from the great objects he was pursu- 
ing ; since his recall, considerations affecting the 
public service, and the desire not at this time 
to embarrass the government with personal mat- 
ters, have sealed his lips. I will not now dis- 
regard his wishes by entering into any detailed 
discussion of the charges which have been made 
against him; but I cannot lay down my pen 
without bearing voluntary testimony to the 
fidelity, energy, and skill which he brought to 
his high office. It will be hard for any one 
who was not a constant witness of his career 
to appreciate the labor which he assumed and 
successfully performed. From the first to the 
last hour of the day, there was no idle moment. 
No time was given to pleasure—none even 
to needed relaxation. Often, long after the 
strength of his body was spent, the force of his 
will bound him to exhausting toil. No relt- 
gious zealot ever gave himself to his devotions 
with more absorbing abandonment than Gen- 
eral Fremont to his hard, and, as it has proved, 
most thankless task. Time will verify the state- 
ment, that, whether as respects thoroughness 
or economy, his administration of affairs at the 
west will compare favorably with the transac- 
tions of any other department of the govern- 
ment, military or civil, during the last nine 
months. . 

“ When General Fremont reached St. Louis, 
the federal militia were returning to their 
homes, and a confident foe pressed upon every 
salient point of an extended and difficult de- 
fensive position. Drawing his troops from a 
few sparsely settled and impoverished states, de- 
nied expected and needed assistance in money 


346 


and material from the general government, he 
overcame every obstacle, and at the end of eight 
weeks led forth an army of thirty thousand 
men, with five thousand cavalry and eighty-six 
pieces of artillery. Officers of high rank de- 
clared that this force could not leave its en- 
campments by reason of the lack of supplies 
and transportation; but he conveyed them one 
hundred and ninety miles by rail, marched them 
one hundred and thirty-five miles, crossing a 
broad and rapid river in five days, and in three 
months from his assumption of the command, 
and in one month after leaving St. Louis, placed 
them in presence of the enemy — not an inco- 
herent mass, but a well-ordered and compact 
army, upon whose valor, steadiness, and disci- 
pline the fate of the nation might safely have 
been pledged. 

“If General Fremont was not tried by the 
crowning test of the soldier—the battle field — 
it was not through fault of his. On the very 
eve of battle he was removed. His army was 
arrested in its triumphal progress, and com- 
pelled to a shameful retreat, abandoning the 
beautiful region it had wrested from the foe, 
and deserting the loyal people who trusted to 
its protection, and who, exiles from their homes, 
followed its retreating files—a mournful pro- 
cession of broken-hearted men, weeping women, 
and suffering children, With an unscrupulous- 
ness which passes belief, the authors of this 
terrible disaster have denied the presence of the 
enemy at Springfield. The miserable wretches, 
once prosperous farmers upon the slopes of 
the Ozark Hills, who now wander mendicants 
through the streets of St. Louis, or crouch around 
the camp fires of Rolla and Sedalia, can tell 
whether Price was near Springfield or not. 

“ Forty-eight hours more must have given to 
General Fremont an engagement. What the 
result would have been no one who was there 


doubted. A victory such as the country has|, 


long desired and sorely needs—a decisive, 
complete, and overwhelming victory — was as 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


certain as it is possible for the skill and valor 
of man to make certain any future event.” 
During General Fremont’s campaign many 
skirmishes occurred,in various parts of the state, 
between detached bodies of federal troops and 
similar forces of the rebels, or guerrilla parties. 
Among the more important of these affairs were, 
a skirmish near Lebanon, October 13, in which 
two companies of United States cavalry routed 
about three hundred mounted rebels, and cap- 
tured thirty prisoners ; a skirmish near Freder- 
ickton, October 17, in which the federal forces 
attacked and routed the rebels; a more severe 
contest at Frederickton, October 21, when a 
large body of rebels, a portion of the force of 
Jefferson Thompson, a somewhat notorious rebel 
general, was defeated by about two thousand 
federal troops, after an engagement of two 
hours, in which the rebel commander, Colonel 
Lowe, was killed, and some of his scattered 
forces pursued along distance. A more impor- 
tant engagement, which occurred at Belmont, 
in the south-eastern part of the state, opposite 
the rebel position at Columbus, Kentucky, be- 
longs rather to the campaign in the latter state. 


CHAPTER XLVII. 


Affairs in Kentucky.— Neutrality. — Governor Magoffin’s Cor- 
respondence with President Lincoln and Jefferson Davis. — 
Action of the Legislature. — Measures to drive out the Rebel 
Forces. — Movements of the Secessionists. — General Buck- 
ner. — Mr. Breckinridge. — Meeting of Secessionists. — Or- 
ganization of a “ Provisional Government.” — Delegates to 
the Confederate Congress. — Organization of armed Rebel 
Forces. — Guerrilla Warfare. —Skirmishes at “Camp Wild 
Cat,” West Liberty, and Hazelgreen. — Affair at Piketon. — 
Kastern Kentucky rid of Rebel Forces. — Movements in South- 
ern and Western Kentucky. — Expedition towards Columbus. 
— Battle of Belmont.— Federal Success. — Reénforcement 
of the Rebels. — Severe Conflict. — Withdrawal of Federal 
Forces. —General Grant’s Report. — General McClernand’s 
Report. —- Despatch of the Rebel General Polk. — Federal 
and Rebel Losses. — Preparations for important Operations. 


In Kentucky the close of the summer did 
jnot find the secessionists wholly hopeless of 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


carrying that state over to the southern Con- 
federacy. The great obstacle to an uncondi- 
tional support of the Union and the government 
by the people of Kentucky, was the fatal delu- 
sion entertained by many, whose sympathies 
were not strongly enlisted on either side, that 
they might occupy a position of neutrality. 
This delusion was encouraged by secessionists 
as the means of finally securing the state; or, 
at least, of weakening by so much the power 
of the United States, and forming a barrier be- 
tween the truly loyal states and those in open 
rebellion. For a long time the government 
had deferred to the apparent feeling of Ken- 
tucky; but the representations of truly loyal 
citizens of the state, as well as the evident 
purposes of the rebels, led to the occupation of 
Paducah, on the Ohio, and the organization of 
military forces in the northern and central parts 
of the state. Governor Magoffin, whose sym- 
pathies, as before seen, were evidently with the 
rebels, had encouraged the delusion of neu- 
trality; and when the government at last formed 
camps within the limits of Kentucky, he ad- 
dressed a letter to President Lincoln, complain- 
ing of the act, and requesting that the troops 
be withdrawn from the state. At the same 
time he sent a commissioner to Jefferson Davis, 
bearing a similar letter, in relation to the with- 
drawal of the rebel forces which had for a long 
time held positions within the limits of Ken- 
_tucky. President Lincoln replied that, in or- 
ganizing the troops in Kentucky, he had acted 
upon the urgent solicitation of many eminent 
Kentuckians, and in accordance with what he 
believed, upon careful inquiry, to be the desire 
of a large majority of the Union-loving people 
of the state; and that he did not find any rea- 
son to believe that they desired the removal of 
the troops. He concluded with the following 
pointed remark: “It is with regret I search for, 
and cannot find, in your not very short letter, 
any declaration or intimation that you enter- 
tain any desire for the preservation of the Fed- 


347 


eral Union.” Jefferson Davis, knowing well 
what an advantage to the rebellion the neu- 
trality of Kentucky would be, both in itself and 
as a means of eventually securing that state, 
acquiesced in the propriety of the governor's 
request, and agreed to withdraw the rebel 
forces if the United States troops were with- 
drawn, but only on that condition. A propo- 
sition to this effect was also communicated to 
Governor Magoffin by Bishop Polk, of Tennes- 
see, who had been appointed a major-general 
in the rebel army. 

The legislature of Kentucky were more loyal 
than the governor, and by their action thwarted 
the measures of the latter which encouraged 
secession. On the llth of September they 
adopted a resolution, directing the governor to 
issue a proclamation ordering the rebel troops 
to leave the state, and refused to adopt a reso- 
lution requiring both federal and rebel troops to 
leave. Other resolutions were adopted, which 
declared that the peace and neutrality of Ken- 
tucky had been wantonly violated, and her soil 
invaded by the so-called “Southern Confederate” 
forces, requested the governor to call out the 
military to expel the invaders, invoked the 
assistance of the United States in so doing, re- 
quested General Anderson to enter upon his 
active duties as commander of the military dis- 
trict, and appealed to the people of Kentucky 
to assist in driving out the lawless invaders. 

Thus instructed, the governor was obliged to 
act more directly than he had hitherto done. 
The state militia was called out by orders from 
General Crittenden; General Anderson assumed. 
command of the military forces of the district, 
and commenced the organization of the troops, 
but was soon obliged to relinquish the post, on 
account of ill health. The position of Kentucky 
was at last taken; and although the idea of 
neutrality was still entertained, the action of 
the government, and the ready response of large 
numbers of loyal people, committed the state 
to the cause of the Union. 


348 

On the other hand, the secessionists of the 
state were not idle. Failing to control the gov- 
ernment, they sought to lead away the people 
of the state, and when the legislature at last 
so openly declared against the rebellion, they 
as openly raised the standard of revolt, and 
called upon the people to resist the federal 
troops; and in so doing, they appealed to that 
desire of neutrality which had paralyzed the 
state. Among the leaders of the secessionists 
was General S. B. Buckner, who now received 
a commission from the rebel government, and 
was assigned to the command of the disloyal 
Kentuckians who should take up arms against 
the Union. He was a man of ability and great 
persuasive powers, and by his eloquence and pop- 
ular manners misled a large number of young 
men in Kentucky to join the rebel army, and 
secured considerable material aid for the cause. 
Mr. Breckinridge, also, having at once put him- 


self in close alliance with the rebel government | 


after the adjournment of Congress, and being 
expelled from his home by the loyal people of 
his state, issued a manifesto, in which he en- 
deavored, with specious arguments, and appeals 
as-of a patriot martyr to an oppressed people, 
to seduce them into treason and rebellion, and 
declared that he exchanged, “ with proud satis- 
faction, a term of six years in the Senate of the 
United States for the musket of a soldier.” 

The secessionists, however, found it not alto- 
gether safe to act up to their convictions, except 
in the southern and south-western part of the 
state, where they were near the seceded state 
of Tennessee, and virtually under the protec- 
tion of the rebel armies. In this section the 
leading secessionists gathered for consultation 
and treason. They held a conference at Rus- 
sellville, and adopted resolutions bidding “ defi- 
ance both to the federal and state governments,” 
denouncing both in unmeasured terms, and 
calling upon the people to join them in resisting 
the power of both. A convention was called, 
and measures taken to excite the people to 


\ 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


rebellion, and to raise forces in each county. 
Among other resolutions was. one requesting 
Governor Magoffin, whom they thus recog- 
nized as a traitor, to convene a legislature 
“outside of the lines of the Lincoln army,” to 
be composed of such members then elected as 
would attend, or new ones elected for the pur- 
pose. The conference was not large, but was 
composed of determined and desperate men, 
who were ready to ruin their state if they could 
not drag it into the southern Confederacy. 
The “convention” was duly held, and was com- 
posed of members “appointed in any manner 
possible.” It was, of course, composed of the 
leaders of secession, bent upon carrying out 
their own purposes, rather than any wishes of 
a constituency. They declared Kentucky ab- 


‘solved from all connection with the Union, 


and that the state government was hetrayed 
by the legislature, and they accordingly estab- 
lished a “ provisional government,’ of which a 
Mr. Johnson was the head, and the principal 
members of the convention were the subordi- 
nate executive officers and the “ provisional 
council.” This rebel junto, assuming to repre- 
sent the state of Kentucky, appointed delegates 
to the Confederate Congress, among whom was 
Henry C. Burnett, who sat as a member from 
his state in the United States Congress at its 
recent extra session. These delegates were 
duly admitted to the Confederate Congress ; 
and thus Kentucky was claimed by the rebels 
as one of the “Confederate States,” although 
this movement was made only by a very small 
minority, who rebelled at once against the 
national and state governments. 

These measures of the leading secessionists, 
in their selfconstituted “provisional council,’ 
were sustained by actual revolt and organiza- 
tion of armed forces wherever there were suff- 
cient numbers of those disposed to side with 
the southern Confederacy. In a short time 


considerable bodies of these armed rebels were 
‘collected in different parts of the state. 


This 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


called for new activity on the part of the na- 
tional and state governments, and additional 
troops from Indiana and Ohio were sent into 
the state, while the loyal Kentuckians also 
enlisted in the cause of the Union. Collisions 
soon followed, and the scenes which had so 
widely disturbed the peace of Missouri were 
reénacted, to some extent, in various parts of 
Kentucky, small bands of rebels carrying on a 
guerrilla warfare against the loyal people, and 
destroying their property. As the federal and 
state troops were moved forward, there were 
many skirmishes of more or less magnitude. 

Among the more important of these engage- 
ments was one which occurred on the 21st of 
October, in Laurel County, in the south-eastern 
part of the state, where a rebel force, reported 
as upwards of six thousand men, under General 
Zollicoffer, made an attack upon “Camp Wild 
Cat,’ a position occupied by a portion of the 
federal forces under General Schoepf A single 
Kentucky regiment had held this post for some 
days; but learning that an attack by the rebels 
was imminent, General Schoepf hurried forward 
two additional regiments and a battery of ar- 
tillery, and these reénforcements arrived in 
season to participate in the engagement. ‘The 
federal position was a strong one, on a hill, 
which the rebels twice attempted to carry ; but 
they were repulsed each time, with some loss, 
and withdrew. ‘The federal loss was four killed 
and twenty-one wounded; that of the rebels 
was unknown. 

On the 23d of October a more decisive skir- 
mish occurred at West Liberty, in the eastern 
part of the state, between a detachment of Gen- 
eral Nelson’s command and about seven hundred 
rebels. The latter were completely routed, with 
the loss of twenty-one killed, thirty-four prison- 
ers, and a considerable number of horses, arms, 
and equipments. The federal force had none 
killed, and only two wounded. On the same 
day, another portion of General Nelson’s com- 
mand routed a body of rebels at Hazelgreen, 


349 


and took a number of prisoners. General Nel- 
son’s forces continued to advance, and the rebels 
to retire before him, until he reached Piketon, 
in the extreme eastern part of the state, where 
an engagement of more magnitude occurred. 
The federal forces advanced in two columns 
towards Piketon, with the view of cutting off 
and capturing the rebel force stationed there. 
One column, moving by the direct road, found 
many obstructions, and met with strong resist- 
ance; but they advanced steadily, compelling 
the enemy to retire: the other advanced by a 
circuitous march, and had but slight skirmish- 
ing. The main body of the rebels, however, 
was not captured, nor routed, but retreated 
during the night from Piketon. The rebel loss 
in killed, wounded, and missing, was variously 
stated from sixty to upwards of one hundred. 
The federal loss was nine killed and about forty 
wounded.* The operations of General Nelson, 
in a brief campaign of less than a month, drove 
the rebel forces, where they had collected in 
considerable numbers, from eastern Kentucky, 
and apparently restored peace to that section 
of the state. 

While General Nelson was moving in eastern 
Kentucky, federal and state troops were also 
pushed forward towards the southern part of 
the state, where the rebels were concentrating 
forces and holding the railroads and thorough- 
fares leading to Tennessee. Although some 
slight skirmishes occurred here, too, there was 
no important engagement during the autumn. 
Movements were also made in the western part 
of the state, where the rebels had stronger 


* The rebel commander, Colonel Williams, in his official report, 
states his loss to be ten killed, fifteen wounded, and forty miss- 
ing, and that he at first believed that the federal loss was “ but 
one hundred and fifty men,” but he was satisfied from subsequent 
information,—* from spies, Union men, and escaped prisoners, and 
others who have examined their burial ground,” —that the loss 
was “over three hundred in killed, with the usual proportion of 
wounded.” Such a loss would certainly have taken nearly half 
of the force engaged, and is aremarkable instance of the exagger- 
ation with which an enemy’s loss is sometimes computed. 


350 
forces and in more important positions. Ad- 
vances were made from Paducah and Cairo 
towards Columbus, at which place the rebels 
were posted in considerable force, and which 
they were strongly fortifying, for the purpose 
of commanding the Mississippi, and preventing 
any expedition down the river against the se- 
ceded states. Here, as in eastern Kentucky, 
there were occasional skirmishes and some 
guerrilla fighting. 

Connected with the campaign in western 
Kentucky was an expedition which moved from 
Cairo, on the 6th of November, down the Mis- 
sissippl, to Belmont, a rebel post in Missouri, 
nearly opposite Columbus. The expedition 
consisted of about twenty-eight hundred men, 
under the immediate command of General 
McClernand, but accompanied by General Grant, 
commander of the forces at Cairo and vicinity, 
and was designed to prevent the enemy from 
sending troops into Missouri to cut off a federal 
force sent on another expedition. This force 
proceeded down the river in steamboats, and 
Janded at Belmont under the protection of the 
gunboats Lexmgton and Tyler. The troops 
were immediately formed in line of battle, and 
attacked the rebels in their works. The rebel 
troops prepared to resist, and were speedily 
reénforced by additional troops from Columbus; 
but they were, after a sharp contest, driven 
from their positions and through their camps 
in great disorder. The federal troops captured 
many prisoners, twelve guns, and a large quan- 
tity of baggage, and burned the rebel camp. 
The stronger rebel post, Columbus, was held 
by a large force, and the federal success was 
hardly achieved when heavy additional reén- 
forcements were sent across the river to aid the 
discomfited rebels at Belmont. These reén- 
forcements made the rebel numbers much larger 
than the federal force. The battle was renewed 
just as the federal troops were about to retire ; 
the rebels being commanded by Generals Pillow, 
Cheatham, and Russell, under direction of 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


General Polk, who went over with the last reén- 
forcements. But notwithstanding their num- 
bers they were several times repulsed. An 
attempt was made to cut off the retreat of the 
federal troops, while they were also pressed 
hard in front; but officers and men behaved 
with great bravery, and when the flank move- 
ment was observed, they cut their way through 
to their boats, and finally reémbarked in good 
order, though a portion of the rebels continued 
to fire upon them till the boats steamed away. 

The following is General Grant’s official re- 
port :— 

‘¢Carro, November 12, 1861. 

“On the evening of the 6th inst. I left this 
place with two thousand eight hundred and 
fifty men of all arms, to make a reconnoissance 
towards Columbus. The object of the expedi- 
tion was to prevent the enemy from sending 
out reénforcements to Price’s army in Missouri, 
and also from cutting off columns that I had 
been directed to send out from this place and 
Cape Girardeau, in pursuit of Jefferson Thomp- 
son. Knowing that Columbus was strongly gar- 
risoned, I asked General Smith, commanding at 
Paducah, Kentucky, to make demonstrations in 
the same direction. He did so, by ordering a 
small force to Mayfield, and another in the direc- 


| tion of Columbus, not to approach nearer, how- 


ever, than twelve or fifteen miles. I also sent a 
small force on the Kentucky side, with orders 
not to approach nearer than Ellicott’s Mills, 
some twenty miles from Columbus. The ex- 
pedition, under my immediate command, was 
stopped about nine miles below here on the 
Kentucky shore, and remained until morning. 
All this served to distract the enemy, and led 
him to think he was to be attacked in his 
strongly fortified position. At daylight we 
proceeded down the river to a point just out of 
range of the rebel guns, and debarked on the 
Missouri shore. From here the troops were 
taarched by flank for about one mile toward 
Belmont, and then drawn up in line of battle, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


a battalion also having been left as a reserve 
near the transports. Two companies from each 
reciment, five skeletons in number, were then 
thrown out as skirmishers, to ascertain the po- 
sition of the enemy. It was but a few moments 
before we met him, and a general engagement 
ensued. : 

“ The balance of my forces, with the exception 
of the reserve, was then thrown forward, — all 
as skirmishers,—and the enemy driven foot by 
foot, and from tree to tree, back to their en- 
campment on the river bank, a distance of two 
miles. Here they had strengthened their po- 
sition by felling the timber for several hundred 
yards around their camp, and making a sort of 
abatis. Our men charged through this, driving 
the enemy over the bank into their transports 
in quick time, leaving us in possession of every 
thing not exceedingly portable. Belmont is 
on low ground, and every foot of it 1s com- 
manded by the guns on the opposite shore, and 
of course could not be held for a single hour 
after the enemy became aware of the with- 
drawal of their troops. Having no wagons, I 
could not move any of the captured property ; 
consequently, I gave orders for its destruction. 
Their tents, blankets, &c., were set on fire, and 
we retired, taking their artillery with us, two 
pieces being drawn by hand; and one other, 
drawn by an inefficient team, we spiked and 
left in the woods, bringing the two only to this 
place. Before getting fairly under way the 
enemy made his appearance again, and at- 
tempted to surround us. Our troops were not 
in the least discouraged, but charged on the 
enemy again, and defeated him. Our loss was 
about eighty-four killed, one hundred and fifty 
wounded, — many of them slightly, — and about 
an equal number missing. Nearly all the miss- 
ing were from the Iowa regiment, who behaved 
with great gallantry, and suffered more severely 
than any other of the troops. 

“T have not been able to put in the reports 
from sub-commands, but will forward them as 


3oL 


soon as received. All the troops behaved with 
much gallantry, much of which is attributed to 
the coolness and presence of mind of the officers, 
particularly the colonels. General McClernand 
was in the midst of danger throughout the 
engagement, and displayed both coolness and 
judgment. His horse was three times shot. 
My horse was also shot under me. To my 
staff, Captains Rawlins, Logan, and Hillyer, vol- 
unteer aids, and to Captains Hatch and Gra- 
ham, I am much indebted for the assistance 
they gave. Colonel Webster, acting chief engi- 
neer, also accompanied me, and displayed high- 
ly soldier-like qualities. Colonel Dougherty, 
of the twenty-second Illinois volunteers, was 
three times wounded, and taken prisoner. 

“The seventh lowa regiment had their lieu- 
tenant-colonel killed, and the colonel and major 
were severely wounded. The reports to be 
forwarded will detail more fully the particulars 
of our loss. Surgeon Brinton was in the field 
during the entire engagement, and displayed 
great ability and efficiency in providing for the 
wounded and organizing the medical corps. 

“The gunboats Tyler and Lexington, Cap- 
tains Walker and Stemble, U. 8. N., commanding, 
convoyed the expedition, and rendered most 
efficient service. Immediately upon our land- 
ing they engaged the enemy’s batteries, and 
protected our transports throughout. 

“For particulars, see accompanying report of 
Captain Walker. 

“JT am, sir, very respectfully, 

“Your obedient servant, 
© U; Sean 


“ Brigader-General commanding.” 


The following extracts from General McCler- 
nand’s report exhibit some of the details of 
the expedition. After stating the preliminary 
preparations and the rendezvous of the trans- 
ports at an appointed time and place, General 
McClernand proceeds : — 


“At that hour, preceded by the gunboats 


352 


Tyler and Lexington, and followed by the re- 
mainder of the transports, I proceeded down 
the river to the designated landing on the 


a direct line, from Columbus and Belmont. 

“By half past eight o’clock the rest of the 
transports had arrived, and the whole force 
was disembarked, and, marching beyond a col- 
lection of cornfields in front of the landing, 
was- formed for an advance movement, and 
awaited your order. Ordering Dollins’s and 
Delano’s cavalry to scour the woods along the 
road to Belmont, and report to me from time to 
time, the remainder of my command followed 
—the twenty-seventh in front, the thirtieth 
next — supported by a section of Taylor’s bat- 
tery, succeeded by the thirty-first, and the re- 
mainder of Taylor’s battery, the seventh Lowa, 
(Colonel Lauman,) and the twenty-second Ili- 
nois, (Colonel Dougherty,) who had been as- 
signed by you to that portion of the command. 

“When the rear of the column had reached 
a road intersecting our line of march, about a 
mile and a half from the abatis surrounding the 
enemy’s camp, the line of battle was formed on 
ground which I had previously selected. The 
twenty-seventh and thirtieth, having formed 
too far in advance, were recalled to the posi- 
tion first assigned them — the twenty-seventh 
on the right, and the thirtieth on the left. <A 
section of Taylor’s battery was disposed on the 
left of the thirtieth, and two hundred feet in 
rear of the line, the thirty-first in the centre, 
and the seventh lowa and twenty-second Ilh- 
nois forming the left wing, masking two sec- 
tions of artillery. 

“ By this time Dollins’s cavalry were skirmish- 
ing sharply with the enemy’s pickets to the 
right, and in advance of our line, and the ene- 
my had shifted the heavy fire of their batteries 
at Columbus from our gunboats to our advan- 
cing line, but without effect. 

“With your permission I now ordered two 
companies from each regiment of my command 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


to advance, instructing them to seek out and 
develop the position of the enemy, the twenty- 


second Illinois and seventh Iowa pushing for- 
Missouri shore, about two and a half miles, in 


ward similar parties at the same time. 
“A sharp firmg having immediately com- 


|menced between the skirmishing parties of the 


thirtieth and thirty-first and the enemy, I or- 
dered forward another party to their support, 
rode forward, selected a new position, and or- 
dered up the balance of my command —the 
twenty-seventh — to pass around the head of a 
pond, the thirtieth and thirty-first, with the 
artillery, crossing the dry bed of the same 
slough in their front. 

“ On their arrival, J reformed the line of battle . 
in the same order as before. It was my expec- 
tation that the twenty-second Ilinois and the 
seventh Iowa would resume their former posi- 
tions on the left wing, which would have per- 
fected a line sufficient to enclose the enemy’s 
camp on all sides accessible to us, thus ena- 
bling us to command the river above and below 
them, and prevent the crossing of reénforce- 
ments from Columbus, insuring his capture as 
well as defeat. 

“The thirtieth and thirty-first and the artil- 
lery, moving forward, promptly relieved the 
skirmishing parties, and soon became engaged 
with a heavy body of the enemy’s infantry and 
cavalry. The struggle, which was continued 


| for half an hour with great severity, threw our 


ranks into temporary disorder; but the men 
promptly rallied under the gallant example of 
Colonels Fouke and Logan, assisted by Major 
Berryman, acting assistant adjutant-general 
of my brigade; also by Captain Schwartz, act- 
ing chief of artillery, Captain Dresser, of the 
artillery, Lieutenant Babcock, of the second 
cavalry, and Lieutenant Eddy, of the twenty- 
ninth Hlinois regiment, who had, upon my in- 
vitation, kindly jomed my staff Our men 


pressed vigorously upon the enemy and drove 


them back, their cavalry leaving that part of 
the field, and not appearing again until attacked 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


by Captain. Dollins, on the river bank below 
their encampment, and chased out of sight, 
near the close of the contest. 

“ Advancing about a quarter of a mile farther, 


this force again came up with the enemy, who | 


by this time had been reénforced upon this part 
of the field, as I since learn, by three regiments 
and acompany of cavalry. Thus strengthened, 
they attempted to turn our left flank; but, 
ordering Colonel Logan to extend the line of 
battle by a flank movement, and bringing up a 
section of Taylor’s battery, commanded by First 
Lieutenant B. H. White, under the direction 
of Captain Schwartz, to cover the space thus 
made between the thirtieth and thirty-first, the 
attempt was frustrated. 

“ Having completed that disposition, we again 


opened a deadly fire from both infantry and | 


artillery, and after a desperate resistance, drove 
the enemy back the third time, forcing them 
to seek cover among thick woods and brush, 
protected by the heavy guns at Columbus. 

“In this struggle, while leading the charge, 
I received a ball in one of my holsters, which 
failed of harm by striking a pistol. Here Colo- 
nels Fouke and Logan urged on their men by 
the most energetic appeals; here Captain Dres- 
ser’s horse was shot under him, while Captain 
Schwartz’s horse was twice wounded; here the 
projectiles from the enemy’s heavy guns at Co- 
lumbus, and their artillery at Belmont, crashed 
through the woods over and among us; here, 
again, all my staff who were with me displayed 
the greatest intrepidity and activity ; and here, 
too, many of our officers were killed or wound- 
ed; nor shall I omit to add that this gallant 
conduct was stimulated by your presence, and 
inspired by your example. Here your horse 
was killed under you. 

“While this struggle was going on, a tremen- 
dous fire from the twenty-seventh, which had 
approached the abatis on the right and rear of 
the tents, was heard. About the same time the 
seventh and twenty-second, which had passed 

45 


« 


309 


the rear of the thirtieth and thirty-first, has- 
tened up, and, closing the space between them 
and the twenty-seventh, poured a deadly fire 
upon the enemy. 

“ A combined movement was now made upon 
three sides of the enemy’s works, and, driving 
him across the abatis, we followed close upon 
his heels into the clear space around his camp. 
The twenty-seventh was the first seen by me 
entering upon this ground. I called the atten- 
tion of the other regiments to their approach, 
and the whole line was quickened by eager 
and impatient emulation. In a few minutes 
our entire force was within the enclosure. 

“Under the skilful direction of Captain 
Schwartz, Captain Taylor now brought up his 
battery within three hundred yards of the ene- 
my’s tents, and opened fire upon them. He 
fled with precipitation from the tents, and took 
shelter behind some buildings near the river, 
and in the woods above the camp, under cover 
of his batteries at Columbus. 

“ Near this battery I met Colonel Dougherty, 
who was leading the seventh and twenty-second 
through the open space towards the tents. 

“At the same time our lines upon the right 
and left were pressing up to the line of fire from 
our battery, which now ceased firing, and our 
men rushed forward among the tents and to- 
wards some buildings near the river. Passing 
over to the right of the camp, I met with Colo- 
nel Buford, for the first time since his detour © 
around the pond, and congratulated him upon 
the ardor of his men, to be the first to pass the 
enemy’s works. 

“Having complete possession of the enemy’s 
camp in full view of his formidable batteries 
at Columbus, I gave the word for three cheers 
for the Union, to which the brave men around 
me responded with the most enthusiastic ap- 
plause. 

“Several of the enemy’s steamers being within 
range above and below, I ordered a section of 
Taylor’s battery, under the direction of Captain 


304 


Schwartz, down near the river, and opened a fire 
upon them and upon Columbus itself, with what 
effect I could not learn. The enemy’s tents 
were set on fire, destroying his camp equipage, 
about four thousand blankets, and his means of 
transportation. Such horses and other property 
as could be removed were seized, and four pieces 
of his artillery brought to the rear. 

“The enemy at Columbus, seeing us in pos- 
session of his camp, directed upon us the fire of 
his heavy guns, but, ranging too high, inflicted 
no injury. Information came at the same time 
of the crossing of heavy bodies of troops above 
us, amounting, as I since learn, to five regiments, 
which, joining those which had fled in that di- 
rection, formed rapidly in our rear, with the de- 
sign of cutting off our communication with our 
transports. To prevent this, and having fully 
accomplished the object of the expedition, I 
ordered Captain Taylor to reverse his guns and 
open fire upon the enemy in his new position, 
which was done with great spirit and effect, 
breaking his line and opening our way by the 
main road. Promptly responding to an order to 
“that effect, Colonel Logan ordered his flag in 
front of his regiment, prepared to force his way 
in the same direction if necessary. Moving on, 
he was followed by the whole force, except the 
twenty-seventh and the cavalry companies of 
Captain Dollins and Delano. Determined to 
preserve my command unbroken, and to defeat 
the evident design of the enemy to divide it, I 
twice rode back across the field to bring up the 
twenty-seventh and Dollins’s cavalry, and also 
despatched Major Brayman for the same pur- 
pose, but without accomplishing the object; they 


having sought, in returning, the same route by | 


which they advanced in the morning. 

“On passing into the woods, the thirtieth, 
the seventh, and twenty-second encountered a 
heavy fire on their right and left successively, 
which was returned with such vigor and effect as 
to drive back the superior force of the enemy 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


and silence his firing, but not until the seventh 
and twenty-second had been thrown into 
temporary disorder. Here Lieutenant-Colonel 
Wentz, of the seventh, and Captain Markley, 
of the thirtieth, with several privates, were 
killed ; and Colonel Dougherty, of the twenty- 
second, and Major McClurken, of the thirtieth, 
who was near me, were severely wounded. 
Here my body servant killed one of the enemy 
by a pistol shot. 

“Driving the enemy back on either side, we 
moved on, occasionally exchanging shots with 
straggling parties, in the course of which my 
horse received another ball, being one of two 
fired at me from the corner of a field. Captain 
Schwartz was at my right when these shots 
were fired. 

“At this stage of the contest, according to 
the admission of rebel officers, the enemy’s 
forces had swelled, by frequent reénforcements 
from the other side of the river, to over thir- 
teen regiments of infantry, and something less 
than two squadrons of cavalry ; excluding his 
artillery, four pieces of which were in our pos- 
session, and two of which, after being spiked, 
together with part of one of our caissons, were 
left on the way for want of animals to bring 
them off The other two, with their horses 
and harness, were brought off. 

“On reaching the landing, and not finding the 
detachments of the seventh and twenty-second, 
which you had left behind in the morning to 
guard the boats, I ordered Delano’s cavalry, 
which was embarking, to the rear of the field 
to watch the enemy. Within an hour all our 
forces which had arrived were embarked, Cap- 
tain Schwartz, Captain Hatch, assistant-quarter- 
master, and myself being the last to get on 
board. Suddenly the enemy, in strong force, — 
whose approach had been discovered by Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel John H. White, of the thirty- 
first, who was conspicuous through the day for © 
his dauntless courage and conduct,— came with- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


in range of our musketry, when a terrible fire 
was opened upon him by the gunboats, as well 
as by Taylor’s battery and the infantry. 

“ The engagement, thus renewed, was kept up 
with great spirit, and with a deadly effect upon 
the enemy, until the transports had passed be- 
yond his reach. Exposed to the terrible fire of 
the gunboats and Taylor's battery, a great num- 
ber of the enemy were killed and wounded in 
this the closing scene of a battle of six hours’ 
duration. 

“The twenty-seventh and Dollins’s cavalry 
being yet behind, I ordered my transport to 
continue in the rear of the fleet, excepting the 
gunboats, and, after proceeding a short distance, 
landed, and directed the gunboats to return and 
await their appearance. 

“At this moment Lieutenant H. A. Rust, 


adjutant of the twenty-seventh, hastened up and | 


announced the approach of the twenty-seventh 
and Dollins’s cavalry. Accompanied by Captains 
Schwartz and Hatch, I rode down the river 
bank, and met Colonel Buford with a part of 
hiscommand. Inferring that my transport was 
waiting to receive him, I went farther down the 
river, and met Captain Dollins, whom I also 
instructed to embark, and still farther met the 
remainder of the twenty-seventh, which had 
halted on the bank where the gunboat Tyler 
was lying to, the Lexington lying still farther 
down. The rest of the boats having gone for- 
ward, Captain Walker, of the Tyler, at my re- 
quest, promptly took the remainder of the 
twenty-seventh on board, Captain Stamble, of 
_the Lexington, covering the embarkation. 
“Having thus embarked all my command, I 
returned, with Captains Schwartz and Hatch, to 
_my transports, and reémbarked, reaching Cairo 
about midnight, after a day of almost unceasing 
_marching and conflict. 
“I cannot bestow too high commendation 
_ upon all whom I had the honor to command on 
that day. Supplied with inferior and defective 
arms, many of which could not be discharged, 


300 


and others bursting in use, they fought an ene- 
my in woods with which he was familiar, be- 
hind defensive works which he had been pre- 
paring for months, in the face of a battery at 
Belmont, and under his heavy guns at Colum- 
bus, and, although numbering three or four to 
our one, beat him, capturing several stands of 
his colors, destroying his camp, and carrying off 
a large amount of property, already mentioned. 
From his own semi-official account, his loss was 
six hundred killed, wounded, and missing, in- 
cluding among the killed and wounded a num- 
ber of officers, and probably among the missing 
one hundred and fifty-five prisoners who were 
brought to this post.” 


The report of General Polk to the rebel 
government shows the odds against which the 
federal force had to contend when the battle 
was renewed. ‘The force already in Belmont 
before the reénforcements were sent over, con- 
sisted of an Arkansas reyiment, a battery of 
artillery, and a troop of cavalay, numbering, 
probably, at least a thousand men, in a fortified 
position. The following is General Polk’s de- 
spatch : — 


To General Headquarters, through General A. S. Johnston. 


‘* HEADQUARTERS, First Division, WESTERN DEPARTMENT, 
‘¢ CoLtumBus, Ky., November 7, 1861. 


“The enemy came down on the opposite side 
of the river, to Belmont, to-day, about seven thou- 
sand five hundred strong, landed under cover 
of gunboats, and attacked Colonel Tappan’s 
camp. I sent over three regiments, under Gen- 
eral Pillow, to his relief, then, at intervals, three 
others, then General Cheatham. 

“TI then took over two others in person, 
to support a flank movement which I had 
directed. It was a hard-fought battle, lasting 
from half past ten A. M. to five P.M. They 
took Beltzhoover’s battery, four pieces of which 
were recaptured. The enemy were thoroughly 
routed. We pursued them to their boats seven 
miles, then drove their boats before us. The 


306 


road was strewn with their dead and wounded, 
guns, ammunition, and equipments. Our loss 
considerable; theirs heavy. 

“L. Pot, 


“ Major-General conmanding.” 


The federal loss in this engagement was 
eighty-four killed and three hundred and forty 
wounded and missing, about one hundred and 
fifty of the wounded being brought from the 
field. The loss of the rebels must have been 
much greater; for, according to their official re- 
ports of four regiments, which included only 
about one third of their force, the number of 
killed was sixty-five, wounded one hundred and 
eighty-seven, missing one hundred and eight. 
The same ratio in the other regiments would 
make their loss upwards of one thousand. 
A semi-official account, as stated in General 
McClernand’s report, made their loss about six 
hundred. Of these one hundred and fifty-five 
were taken prisoners, and the rebels held about 
the same number of federal prisoners. 

No other important movement took place in 
this department for the present. Meanwhile 
preparations, commenced some time previously, 
were continued, for more formidable expeditions 
down the Mississippi and into Tennessee. Troops 
were collected at Cairo, Paducah, and at other 
places in Kentucky, where they could be readily 
concentrated, and at the same time be prepared 
for any offensive movement of the rebels. Gun- 
boats, some of them iron-clad, were being con- 
structed and equipped at St. Louis, Cairo, and 
on the Ohio River, for codperation with the land 
forces. Two or three, already completed, had 
several times gone down the river to the vicin- 
ity of Columbus, and bombarded rebel batteries 
and camps with some effect. _The sequel showed 
that these gunboats were important auxiliaries 
to army movements, and proved too formidable 
for the rebels to resist, although they, too, on 
the Mississippi, were constructing gunboats 
and “rams,” on which they depended to hold 
the river. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


CHAPTER XLVIIL 


Renewal of Hostilities in Western Virginia.— Mr. Floyd. — 
Surprise of Federal Troops, and Skirmish at Summerville. — 
Movement of General Rosecrans. — Position of Floyd’s Forces. 
— Reconnoissance by Federal Troops. — Advance against the 
Rebel Position. — Resistance of the Rebels. — Unsuccessful 
Assaults. — Flank Movement. — The Battle ended by Dark- 
ness. — Retreat of the Rebels by Night. — Their Camp occu- 
pied by the Federal Troops. — Reports of Generals Rosecrans 
and General Benham. — Movements of Rebels under General 
Lee, near Cheat Mountain. — Attack on Federal Outposts. 
— Repulse of the Rebels. — Advance against the Federal Post 
at Elk Water.— Renewed Attacks at Cheat Mountain. —Failure 
and Repulse of the Rebel Forces. — Report of General Rey- 
nolds. — Reconnoissance from Cheat Mountain. — Battle of 
Green Brier. — Attack on the Rebel intrenched Camp.— An 
Artillery Contest. — Unsuccessful Movement of Infantry. — 
Withdrawal of Federal Troops. — General Reynolds’ Report. 
— Attack on the Rebels at Camp Alleghany, by General Mil- 
roy. — Division of General Milroy’s Force. — Advance by two 
Routes for simultaneous Attack.— Attack by one Party. — 
Failure of Ammunition, and Withdrawal. — Attack commenced 
by the other Division. — Sharp Skirmish, and orderly Retreat. 
— Probable Success of a, simultaneous Attack. —Skirmishes in 
the Kanawha Valley. — Rebel Forces held in Check.— Skirmish 
near Gauley Bridge. — Sudden Retreat of Floyd. — End of 
the Campaign. — Movements in Northern Virginia. — Pur- 
poses of the Rebels. — Skirmish at Romney. — Federal At- 
tack on, and Occupation of, Romney. 


In Western Virginia the flight of Wise, and 
the dispersion of many of his troops, did not 
put an end to the attempts of the rebels to 
subject that part of the “Old Dominion” to the 
control of the rebel government. In some of 
the more southern counties there were many 
secessionists, who were ready to join any force 
from the east both against the federal troops 
and against their loyal neighbors. Mr. Floyd, 
the treacherous secretary of war under Presi- 
dent Buchanan, had been commissioned to 
organize forces for operations in Western Vir- 
ginia at about the same time as Governor Wise; 
but the campaign of the latter was finished be- 
fore the former came into the field. He then 
outranked Wise, and all the want of success 
which followed was attributed by the friends 
of the latter to the incompetency or cowardice 
of Floyd. The general direction of the rebel 
operations, however, was under General Lee. 

Actual conflict between the federal and rebel 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


forces was recommenced on the 26th of Au- 
gust, at Summerville, in Nicholas County, on 
the Gauley River, about twenty-five miles from 
its junction with the Kanawha. The seventh 


Ohio regiment, Colonel Tyler, which was sta- 


tioned here, was surrounded by a large body 
of rebels, who had made their dispositions and 
approach without the knowledge of the federal 
officers. Although surprised and evidently con- 
tending against superior numbers, the federal 
troops evinced steadiness and bravery, and suc- 
ceeded in breaking through the surrounding 
forces. Colonel Tyler sent forward to a bag- 
gage train which was approaching Summerville, 
and turned it back towards Gauley Bridge, and 
-then, with such of his regiment as had escaped, 
he retreated to the same place, losing about 
two hundred of the nine hundred under his 
command. 

The federal troops were at this time dis- 
tributed from the vicinity of Beverly to the 


Kanawha valley, the strongest forces being in| 


the vicinity of Cheat Mountain. The move- 
ments of the rebels, however, required a more 
active campaign, and operations against the 
enemy were resumed. Having collected a suf 
ficient force, General Rosecrans moved towards 
Summerville, from the north, to oppose Floyd, 
who, after Colonel Tyler was driven away, oc- 
eupied the place, and subsequently posted his 
forces several miles farther south, in a position 
at once strong against an attack and dangerous 
to himself in case of disaster. The position 
was on a hill for the most part thickly wooded, 
except at the summit, where the approach by 
the roads could be easily commanded by artil- 
lery, while either flank was almost inaccessible ; 
and in the rear was the Gauley River —adeep 
and rapid stream at this point. The descent to 
the river was steep, and in some places precipi- 
tous ; and this, with the rapid current, presented 
an obstacle to the approach of an assailing 
force and the retreat of those holding the po- 
sition, There was one road, however, descend- 


307 


ing to the river, where there was a ferry, called 
“Carnifex Ferry.” Upon this hill Floyd had 
intrenched his force,and extended breastworks 
a long distance on either flank. 

Having reached Summerville, General Rose- 
crans, on the 10th of September, advanced a 
part of his forces to make a reconnoissance and 
discover the enemy’s position, and the strength 
of his intrenchments and forces, about which 
there were very conflicting and uncertain re- 
ports. ‘The dense wood, which extended for a 
long distance from the rebel camp, entirely 
concealed their works from those approaching, 
and rendered a careful advance necessary. The 
force sent forward was the brigade of General 
Benham, supported afterwards by the brig- 
ade commanded by Colonel McCook, with six 
pieces of artillery. This force, being extended 
for a more effectual reconnoissance, advanced 
through the thick woods, and soon met the 
enemy’s pickets, when skirmishing at once com- 
menced. The advance of the rebels, consisting 
of one regiment, was driven in; but the main 
body and their fortifications were not discovered 
till the federal force reached the open ground 
near the top of the hill, within short range of 
their guns. The rebel artillery, as well as in- 
fantry, opened a severe fire upon the federal 
advance when it made its appearance, and 
caused it to fall back with loss into the woods, 
where it was again quickly rallied. Two at- 
tempts to carry the rebel battery by assault 
by single regiments were made, but the fire 
was too heavy for so small a number of troops, 
and they were again compelled to retire. In 
the mean time, one regiment moved to the left, 
to try the strength of the rebel lines on their 
right; and while the remainder of the brigade 
held its ground in front of the enemy, this 
regiment succeeded in turning the rebel right, 
and gaining a position from which an attack 
upon their weakest point could be made. But 
being unsupported, it could not follow up the 
advantage of its position before darkness caused 


308 


a cessation of the contest. Before this advan- 
tage was known to General Benham, prepara- 
tions were made for a charge by the brigade 
of Colonel McCook upon the principal battery 
of the rebels, and these troops were already 
moving for that purpose, when General Rose- 
crans, who had come up, countermanded the 
order, on account of the loss of life which it 
would occasion and the approach of night. 
Withdrawing the troops a little from their ad- 
vanced position, behind ridges in front of the 
enemy, where they slept upon their arms, Gen- 
eral Rosecrans awaited the morning for a re- 
newal of the attack, confident of success. 

But notwithstanding the strength of his po- 
sition, General Floyd, it appeared, had no con- 
fidence that he could hold it. He sent to 
General Wise for reénforcements, but Wise 
could not send them; and during the night he 
crossed the river in his rear, by means of the 
ferry and a temporary bridge, leaving a consid- 
erable quantity of arms, quartermaster’s stores, 
and baggage, which he was unable to remove. 
The retreat of the rebels was not discovered by 
the federal forces until it had been successfully 
accomplished. The camp was then occupied, 
and a few prisoners captured ; but it was found 
impossible to follow the fugitives, as the bridge 
had been destroyed and the boats sunk, and the 
stream was too swift and deep for fording. 

The following report of General Rosecrans, 
with extracts from the report of General Ben- 
ham, exhibits more in detail the events of the 
engagement thus briefly sketched : — 


REPORT OF GENERAL ROSECRANS. 


‘* HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF VIRGINIA, 
‘‘Camp Scort, Sept. 11, P. M. 


“ CotroneL E. D. Townsenp. 

“We yesterday marched seventeen and a half 
miles, reached the enemy’s intrenched position, 
in front of Carnifex Ferry, driving his advance 
outposts and pickets before us. We found him 
occupying a strongly intrenched position, cov- 
ered by a forest too dense to admit of its being 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


seen at a distance of three hundred yards. 
His force was five regiments, besides the one 
driven in. He had, probably, sixteen pieces of 
artillery. 

“At three o’clock we began a strong recon- 
noissance, which proceeded to such length, we 
were about to assault the position on the flank 
and front, when night coming on, and our troops 
being completely exhausted, I drew them out 
of the woods and posted them in the order of 
battle behind ridges immediately in front of the 
enemy’s position, where they rested on their 
arms till morning. 

“Shortly after daylight a runaway ‘contra- 
band’ came in, and reported that the enemy 
had crossed the Gauley during the night, by 
means of the ferry and a bridge which they had 
completed. 

“ Colonel Ewing was ordered to take posses- 
sion of the camp, which he did about seven 
o’clock, capturing a few prisoners, two stand 
of colors, a considerable quantity of arms, with 
quartermaster’s stores, messing and camp equl- 
page. 

“The enemy having destroyed the bridge 
across the Gauley, which here rushes though a 
deep gorge, and our troops being still much fa- 
tigued,and having no material for immediately 
repairing the bridge, it was thought prudent to 
encamp the troops, occupy the ferry and the 
captured camp, sending a few rifle cannon shots 
after the enemy to produce a moral effect. 

“Our loss would probably amount to twenty 
killed and one hundred wounded. The ene- 
my’s loss had not been ascertained; but from 
report it must have been considerable. 

“W. S. Roszorans.” 


GENERAL BENHAM’S REPORT. 


‘‘Heapquarters Army oF Occupation, W. Va., 
‘«‘Camp Scott, Sept. 3, 1861. , 


“Sir: I have the honor to report as follows 
in relation to the operation of my brigade in ~ 
the battle at the rebel intrenchments at Carni- 
fex Ferry on the 10th instant. As previously 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


stated to you, the head of my brigade started 
from the camp, eight miles north of Summer- 
ville, at about four A. M., reaching that place 
before eight A. M., in good order, and with the 
men eager for the continuance of the march 
towards the enemy, who, we there ascertained, 
were well intrenched and determined to resist 
us near Carnifex Ferry. 

» “ After a halt of nearly two hours, about one 
mile short of the Cross Lanes, we moved rapid- 
ly forward towards the position of the enemy, 
until our arrival at the site of this camp, about 
one mile from their intrenchments, a little past 
two o'clock, when, after a reconnoissance by 
you, myself accompanying you, I was author- 
ized to move forward with my brigade, ‘ using 
my best discretion in the case’ Upon receiv- 
ing this order, and with the mass of my brigade 
well closed up, which had been accomplished 
during our reconnoissance, I moved carefully 
forward, with the tenth Ohio regiment lead- 
ing, having our skirmishers well ahead, and at 
the flanks for nearly three fourths of a mile, 
when we discovered, through the opening of 
the woods on our left, their intrenchments in 
an open space on our left, beyond a deep and 
steep valley, and crowning the crest of the op- 
posite hill. : 

“ Having no engineer officer with my brigade, 
and no others, that I knew of, to replace one, 
I kept with the head of the regiment to avoid 
ambuscades, and to judge myself of their posi- 
tion and arrangements. After advancing about 
one fourth of a mile to the end of the woods, I 
halted the command, and could perceive that a 
heavy cross fire had been prepared for us at 
the open space at the debouche from the roads. 
Within some five minutes after this time, — 
nearly half past three o’clock — while carefully 
examining their earthworks on the road in 
front, and their intrenchments on our left, a 
tremendous fire of musketry was opened on us, 
which in a few minutes was followed by a dis- 
charge of grape and spelter canister from a 


359 


battery of some six pieces of artillery. This 
caused a break in the line for a few minutes, 
though for a few minutes only, for the men im- 
mediately returned to their ranks, under the 
lead of their officers, to their former position, 
where I retained them, as I was certain that 
the fire at us through the close woods was with- 
out direct aim, and because they were needed 
for the protection of our artillery, which I im- 
mediately ordered up; the two rifled guns of 
Captain Schneider, and Captain McMullen, with 
his four mountain howitzers, immediately fol- 
lowed, throwing their shells well into their 
intrenchments on our left. 

“ A further examination of their position con- 
vinced me that their weak part, and our true 
point of attack, was on their right flank, across 
the deep valley from our position; upon which 
orders were immediately sent to Colonel Smith, 
of the thirteenth regiment, and to Colonel 
Lowe, of the twelfth regiment, to advance and 
pass the valley on our left, under cover of the 
woods, to that attack. Neither of these regi- 
ments was to be found in their proper po- 
sition on the road in my rear, as I expected. 
After a short time, Colonel Smith was met with 
on our right, where he had been drawn into 
the woods by the belief, from the sound of the 
firmg, that the attack was upon our right. 
Upon the receipt of my order, however, Colo- 
nel Smith moved rapidly across the main road, 
down the ravine valley on our left, where he 
fortunately struck upon the most advantageous 
route, and thence he moved up the opposite 
hill, entirely past the right flank of the ene- 
my. But as I had been unable to find the 
twelfth regiment to send forward to his support, 
though I have since learned that three com- 
panies, under Lieutenant-Colonel White, were 
near him, his movement became principally a 
reconnoissance, from which he soon after re- 
turned, reporting to me his opinion of the en- 
tire practicability of a successful attack upon 
the rebel intrenchments at that point, he having 


360 HISTORY OF THE 


entirely passed by the breastwork on the right, 
approaching within one hundred yards of their 
line, pouring a fire into them, which, it is since | 
satisfactorily ascertained, cleared that part of 
that breastwork of the enemy, : 

“ As I was still unable to find the position of 
the twelfth regiment, which it has been re- 
ported to me had been ordered into the woods 
by the commanding general, I sent one of my 
staff to Colonel McCook, commanding the second 
brigade, to ask him to aid the thirteenth in 
this attack with his ninth regiment, to which 
request a reply was returned to me that there | 
were other orders from the commanding gen- 
eral, as stated to my aid by acting Adjutant- 
General Captain Hartsuff. 

“Tn this state of affairs I could only hold my 
position in front, with the tenth regiment pro- 
tecting the artillery, which was endeavoring to 
silence the cannon of the enemy, which was to 
a considerable extent accomplished after the 
first fifteen or twenty minutes — their guns be- 
ing at once removed to other positions, as was 
then also done with one half of Schneider’s 
and McMullen’s pieces, to enfilade the crest of 
the hill from the edge of the woods on our right, 
which gave a fair view of their battery at some 
three hundred and eighty yards’ distance. 

“At this time, or about one hour after the 
commencement of the action, Colonel Lytle, 
of the tenth, though not ordered by me, and 
while I was still endeavoring to obtain troops 
for the attack from our left, made a very gal- 
lant attempt to approach their battery through 
the cleared space in front of it, which of course 
failed, from the smallness of his force in that 


exposed situation — he being severely wounded 
and compelled to retire, with the loss of many 
men killed and wounded. 

“ Colonel Lowe, of the twelfth, also, at a sub- 
sequent period, made a similar attempt, and, as 
far as I can learn, without orders; in which, I 


regret to say, he fell, being instantly killed by 
a discharge of canister from the enemy. 


UNITED STATES. | 


“The above comprises the sum of the action 
of the portion of my brigade that was with 
me, until you arrived on the field and assumed 
the direction of affairs, some time after which 
arrival you also arranged for and directed the 
attack upon their right, with Colonel Smith’s 
regiment, and a part of the twelfth and forty- 
seventh—Colonel Mohr. This attack,as having 
been first directed by myself, you will recollect, f 
offered to lead upon the enemy, recommending 
at the same time a simultaneous demonstration 
or attack by the ninth and twelfth regiments, 
under cover of the woods, from our right. The 
command moved forward, however, under the 
direction of Colonel Smith; but from the late- 
ness of the hour it was compelled to return 
without attempting any thing, and the lateness 
of the hour seemed to forbid further operations 
for the day.ine ‘say, 

“Very respectfully, your obd’t servant, 

“H. W. Brenna, 
“Brigadier-General commanding Furst Brigade.” 


While General Rosecrans moved against the 
forces of Floyd, a larger body of rebels, under 
the command of General Robert E. Lee, threat- 
ened an attack upon the federal lines farther 
north, where General Reynolds held strong po- 
sitions at Cheat Mountain and Elk Water. Gen- 
eral Lee apparently attempted to get through 
Cheat Mountain Pass, with a view of attacking 
the federal forces in the rear, and gaining access 
to the open country west of the mountains, 
from which the rebel forces had been driven. 
Making a reconnoissance in force, the rebels 
approached secretly to within a short distance 
of the federal outposts, and on the 12th of 
September they met with detachments from 
two regiments, by whom they were repulsed, 
though greatly exceeding the federal force in 
numbers, the latter then falling back to the 
main body. At the same time another body 
of rebels advanced by another route, and suc- 
ceeded in throwing a part of their force into the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


rear of Cheat Mountain. The federal position 
was a strong one, and the rugged nature of the 
country enabled a comparatively small body to 
hold in check superior numbers. While the 
federal force on Cheat Mountain held the rebels 
in check, reénforcements were sent from Elk 
Water and Cheat Mountain Pass, with orders to 
cut their way through the rebel forces if neces- 
sary. These reénforcements moved early on 
the morning of the 13th; but before they 
reached the mountain summit, the force there, 
numbering but three hundred men, had re- 
pulsed the enemy, compelling him to retire in 
haste, with the loss of a large quantity of cloth- 
ing and equipments, which had been cast aside 
in making the attack. 

While these movements were taking place at 
Cheat Mountain, General Lee advanced another 
portion of his forces towards Elk Water, about 
seven miles distant, by the shortest road, from 
the summit of the mountain; but a few shots 
from artillery compelled them to retire. On 
the 14th, however, they again approached Elk 
Water, and avain retired before a moderate show 
of resistance. Another attempt was made upon 
the mountain also, and again the small garrison 
there repulsed the assailants. The next day a 
larger force of the enemy advanced upon the 
mountain, and attempted a flank movement; 
but the federal force were too strongly posted, 
and again succeeded in driving back superior 
numbers. Foiled in all his attempts to take the 
position or to advance into Western Virginia, 
the rebel general withdrew his forces. In these 
various engagements the federal loss was nine 
killed, a considerable number wounded, and 
about sixty prisoners, who belonged to the regi- 
ment on picket. Of the enemy it was supposed 
that nearly a hundred were killed and a propor- 
tionate number wounded, and twenty were taken 
prisoners. Among the killed was Colonel John 
A. Washington, the former proprietor. of Mount 
Vernon, who was aid-de-camp to General Lee, 
and was shot while making a reconnoissance. 

46 


361 


The following is the official report of Gen- 
eral Reynolds : — 


‘s HEADQUARTERS First Bricaps I. V. M., 
«Hix Water, Sept. 17, 1861. 


‘“‘Grorce L. Hartsurr, Assistant Apsutant-GENERAL, Dez- 
PARTMENT OHIO. 


“Sir: The operations of this brigade for the 
past few days may be summed up as follows: 
On the 12th instant, the enemy, nine thousand 
strong, with eight to twelve pieces of artillery, 
under command of General R. E. Lee, advanced 
on this position by the Huntersville Pike. Our 
advanced pickets — portions of the fifteenth In- 
diana and sixth Ohio — gradually fell back to 
our main picket station ; two companies of the 
|seventeenth Indiana, under Colonel Hascall, 
checking the enemy’s advance at the Point 
Mountain Turnpike, and then falling back on 
the regiment which occupied a very advanced 
position on our right front, and which was now 
ordered in. The enemy threw into the woods on 
our left front three regiments, who made their 
way to the right and rear of Cheat Mountain, 
took a position on the road leading to Hutton- 
ville, broke the telegraph wire, and cut off our 
communication with Colonel Kimball’s four- 
teenth Indiana cavalry on Cheat Summit. Simul- 
taneously another force of the enemy, of about 
equal strength, advanced by the Staunton Pike 
on the front of Cheat Mountain, and threw two 
regiments to the right and rear of Cheat Moun- 
tain, which united with the three regiments 
from the other column of the enemy. (The 
two posts, Cheat Summit and Elk Water, are 
seven miles apart by a bridle path over the 
mountains, and eighteen miles by the wagon 
road, via Huttonville, Cheat Mountain Pass, the 
former headquarters of the brigade, being at 
the foot of the mountain, ten miles from the 
summit.) The enemy, advancing towards the 
pass by which he might possibly have obtained 
the rear or left of Elk Water, was met there 
by three companies of the thirteenth Indiana, 
ordered up for that purpose, and by one com- 


362 


pany of the fourteenth Indiana from the summit. 
These four companies engaged and gallantly 
held in check greatly superior numbers of the 
enemy, foiled him in his attempt to obtain the 
rear or left of Elk Water, and threw him into 
the rear and right of Cheat Mountain, the com- 
panies retiring to the pass at the foot of the 
mountains. 

“The enemy, about five thousand strong, was 
closed in on Cheat Summit, and became engaged 
with detachments of the fourteenth Indiana, 
twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth Ohio, from the 
summit, in all only about three hundred, who, 
deployed in the wood, held in check and killed 
many of the enemy, who did not at any time 
succeed in getting sufficiently near the field re- 
doubt to give Dunn’s battery an opportunity of 
firing into him. So matters rested at dark on 
the 12th, with heavy forces in front, and in plain 
sight of both posts; communication cut off, and 
the supply train for the mountain, loaded with 
provisions which were needed, waiting for an 
opportunity to pass up the road. Determined 
to force a communication with Cheat, I ordered 
the thirteenth Indiana, under Colonel Sullivan, 
to cut their way, if necessary, by the mail road, 
and the greater part of the third Ohio and sec- 
ond Virginia, under Colonels Manon and Moss, 
respectively, to do the same by the path; the 
two commands starting at three o’clock A. M,, 
on the 13th — the former from Cheat Mountain 
Pass, and the latter from Hlk Water, so as to 
fall upon the enemy, if possible, simultaneously. 
Early on the 15th, the small force of about three 
hundred from the Summit engaged the enemy, 
and with such effect, that notwithstanding his 
greatly superior numbers, he retired in great 
haste and disorder, leaving large quantities of 
clothing and equipments on the ground ; and 
our relieving forces, failing to catch the enemy, 
marched to the Summit, securing the provision 
train, and reopening our communication. While 
this was taking place on the mountain, and as 
yet unknown to us, the enemy, under Lee, ad- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


vanced on Elk Water, apparently for a general 
attack. One rifled ten-pound Parrott gun, from 
Loomis’s battery, was run to the front three 
fourths of a mile, and delivered a few shots at 
the enemy, doing fine execution, causing him to 
withdraw out of convenient range. Our rela- 
tive positions remained unchanged until near 
dark, when we learned the result of the move- 
ment on the mountain, as above stated, and the 
enemy retired somewhat for the night. 

“On the 14th, early, the enemy was again in 
position in front of Elk Water, and a few rounds, 
supported by a company of the fifteenth In- 
diana, were again administered, which caused 
him to withdraw as before. The forces that 
had been before repulsed from Cheat returned, 
and were again driven back by a comparatively 
small force from the mountain. The seven- 
teenth Indiana was ordered up the path to open 
communication, and make way for another sup- 
ply train; but, as before, found the little band 
from the Summit had already done the work. 
During the afternoon of the 14th the enemy 
withdrew from before Elk Water, and is now 
principally concentrated some ten miles from 
this post, at or near his main camp. On the 
15th he appeared in stronger force than at any 
previous time, in front of Cheat, and attempted 
a flank movement by the left, but was driven 
back by the ever-vigilant and gallant garrison 
of the field redoubt on the Summit. To-day the 
enemy has also retired from the front of Cheat, 
but to what precise position I am not yet 
informed. 

“J. J. Reynowps, 
“ Brigadier-General commanding First Brigade. 


‘«‘Grorce 8S. Rosr, Assistant ADJUTANT-GENERAL,” 


The rebel forces under Lee still threatened 
the federal lines; but their exact position and 
numbers, and their purposes, were matters of 
doubt. On the night of the 2d of October, Gen- 
eral Reynolds accordingly started from Cheat 
Mountain with about five thousand troops and 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 363 


twelve pieces of artillery, to make a recon- 
noissance of the rebel position on the Green 
Brier range, about twelve miles south, where 
they were reported to be intrenched. This 
force drove in, after a sharp skirmish, the ene- 
my’s advanced regiments, and moved directly 
upon the strong, fortified position which he held 
on Buffalo Hill, when the batteries were brought 
to bear upon the camp and works. The rebels 
returned the fire, and for some time there was 
a conflict of artillery, in which the rebels had 
several guns disabled, and apparently lost a con- 
siderable number of men, while their own shots 
were generally of little effect, owing to the 
proximity of the attacking force and the pro- 
tection of the trees. The infantry were not 
content that the artillery should alone fight the 
battle, and yielding to the request of the officers, 
General Reynolds ordered a flank movement, by 
which the infantry should make a demonstration, 
and ascertain more particularly the strength 
and location of the enemy, while the artillery 
occupied his attention in front. ‘The rebels, 
however, observed the movement, and turned 
their artillery upon the infantry, throwing one 
of the regiments into confusion, and repulsing 
them, though without much loss. In the mean 
time it was evident that the rebels were re- 
ceiving reénforcements, and General Reynolds, 
having accomplished all that he anticipated, 
by fixing the position and strength of the rebel 
forces, ordered his troops to retire; and after a 
four hours’ battle, in which the federal loss was 
eight killed and thirty-two wounded, and the 
rebel loss was admitted to be much larger, 
they returned in good order to their camp at 
Cheat Mountain. The result was claimed as a 
victory on the part of the rebels, though the 
details of the battle, and the conduct of the 
Union troops, and their orderly return to camp, 
indicate nothing like a defeat. The follow- 
ing is General Reynolds’s report of this move- 
ment : — 


‘“Heapquarters First Bricapr, 
“ARMY or Occupation, WESTERN VIRGINIA, 
“ELK WATER, Oct. 4, 1861. 


“Grorce L. Harrsurr, Assistant Apsutant-GENERAL. 


“Sir: On the night of the 2d of October, at 
twelve o’clock, I started from the summit of 
Cheat Mountain, to make an armed reconnois- 
sance of the enemy’s position on the Green Brier 
River, twelve miles in advance. Our force con- 
sisted of Howe’s battery, fourth regular artil- 
lery, Loomis’s battery, Michigan volunteer ar- 
tillery, part of Daum’s battery, Virginia volun- 
teer artillery, twenty-fourth, twenty-fifth, and 
thirty-second Ohio regiments, seventh, ninth, 
thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and seventeenth 
Indiana regiments — the last four being reduced 
by continuous hard service and sickness to about 
half regiments — parts of Robinson’s company 
of Ohio, Greenfield’s reserve, and Bracken’s 
Indiana cavalry; in all about five thousand. 
Millroy’s ninth Indiana drove in the enemy’s 
advanced pickets, and deployed to our right, 
driving the enemy on that flank into his in- 
trenchments. Kimball’s fourteenth Indiana was 
advanced directly to the enemy’s front and 
right, to drive his advanced regiments from a 
position suitable for our artillery: this was 
soon done in gallant style, and our batteries 
promptly took their positions within about 
seven hundred yards of the intrenchments, and 
opened fire. Some of the enemy’s guns were 
visible, and others concealed. We disabled three 
of his guns, made a thorough reconnoissance, 
and, after having fully and successfully accom- 
plished the object of the expedition, retired 
leisurely and in good order to Cheat Mountain, 
arriving at sundown, having marched twenty- 
four miles, and been under the enemy’s fire 
four hours. The enemy’s force was about nine 
thousand, and we distinctly saw heavy reén- 
forcements of infantry and artillery arrive, 
while we were in front of the works. 

“We took thirteen prisoners. The number 


364 


of killed and wounded could not be accurately 
ascertained ; but from those actually counted in 
the field, and estimated in the trenches which 
could be seen from the heights, it is believed 
the number reached at least three hundred. 
Our loss was surprisingly small — eight killed 
and thirty-two wounded, most of them slightly ; 
the proximity of our batteries to the intrench- 
ments causing many shots to pass over us. 
“Very respectfully, &e., 
© EV SEYNOLDS: 
“ Brigadier-General commanding. 


‘¢Grorce W. Rosz, Assistant ApsJuTANT-GENERAL.” 


Although the rebels claimed a victory in the 
affair on the Green Brier Mountain, they made 
no advance from that position, but, on the con- 
trary, withdrew, after a time, to positions farther 
east, on the Alleghany range. Here, at a point 
some eight or ten miles beyond the scene of 
the battle of Green Brier, another engagement 
took place on the 13th of December. With 
about two thousand men, General Milroy moved 
from Cheat Mountain against this position of 
the rebels. Reaching the former rebel position, 
General Milroy divided his forces, with a view 
to attack the enemy on two sides simultane- 
ously; but the road taken by one division was 


very bad, and much obstructed by fallen timber | 
thrown across it by the rebels as a defence, and | 


the march was so much impeded that this divis- 
ion did not: reach a position for attack until the 
other division was retiring. The latter, which 
was under command of General Milroy in per- 
son, having reached the summit upon which 
the rebel camp was established, found it neces- 
sary to make an attack without waiting for the 
codperation of the column that had moved to 
the right. The rebels had formed for battle 
when their pickets were driven in, and advanced 
to meet the federal force. They were speedily 


driven back, but soon rallied again, when they. 


were again compelled to retire before the fire 
of their assailants. An attempt to turn the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


flank of the small federal force also failed. But 
the ammunition of General Milroy’s troops was 
nearly exhausted, and they were obliged to re- 
tire, nothing yet being heard from the other 
division. But General Milroy’s troops had re- 
tired but a short time when this division com- 
menced an attack on the right. The rebels, 
relieved from the attack of the first body, turned 
their strength against the new comers. The 
latter, however, skirmished successfully, and, 
when a rebel force came out of their works, 
drove them back by a well-directed fire. This 
part of the engagement continued for nearly 
four hours, without any decisive result, when 
the federal forces were withdrawn, carrying 
with them their dead and wounded. Had the 
attack been made simultaneously by the two 
divisions, as intended, the result would probably 
have been a decisive victory for the federal 
As it was, the expedition failed of its 
purpose, though the federal troops were simply 
repulsed, not defeated. The rebels claimed a 
brilliant triumph, though their own accounts 
fail to make it appear. The federal loss was 
twenty killed, one hundred and seven wounded, 
and ten missing. The loss on the part of the 
rebels, according to their reports, was about 
the same. 

Besides the engagements above described, 
detached bodies of troops belonging to the 
command of General Rosecrans, were moved 
to different points in the Kanawha valley, and 
had several skirmishes with the rebels, who had 
again collected forces in the valley. The most 
important of these engagements was one at 
Chapmanville, September 25, where a body of 
rebels were routed, with heavy loss, by a Ken- 
tucky regiment, under command of Colonel 
Enyart, and an Ohio regiment, under command 
of Colonel Piatt, each of which met the enemy 
separately, and compelled him to retire. 

The troops of General Rosecrans were not 
idle, though no other important battle or move- 
ment occurred for the present. They were so- 


arms. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


disposed as to hold in check the rebel forces, 
and to press them gradually back from the slight 
advance they had made since the summer cam- 
paign. The roads were bad, and the movements 
of either side were greatly impeded by the dif- 
ficulties of transportation. The tide of success, 
however, was in favor of the federal troops. On 
the 10th of November an advance was made 
against Floyd’s forces in a strong position on 
Cotton Hill, near Gauley Bridge. General Cox’s 
brigade crossed the river, and ascended the 
heights upon which the rebels were posted. 
After a slight resistance the latter abandoned 
their position, and retreated to other strong- 
holds among the hills of that region. Prepara- 
tions were made to pursue and attack them 
again as speedily as the bad roads would per- 
mit; but the active campaign in this part of 
Virginia was suddenly brought to a close by 
the sudden retreat of Floyd, who, on the 20th 
of November, broke up his camp near the Gau- 
ley River, burned a large number of tents, 
destroyed a quantity of camp equipage, and 
abandoned several wagons of ammunition and 
arms in his flight. 

Floyd’s forces were pursued some thirty miles 
by General Benham’s troops, who had several 
skirmishes with the rear guard of the rebels. 
General Benham anticipated being able to 
entirely rout or capture the whole force at 
Raleigh; but while he was yet in pursuit, his 
brigade was transferred to General Schenck, 
and was ordered back. 

A month later General Rosecrans issued an 
address to the army of Western Virginia, con- 
gratulating them upon their triumphs during 
the campaign then finished, and urging more 
perfect preparation for future operations. Gen- 
eral Floyd, about the same time, issued an 
address to the troops under his command, ex- 
pressing his admiration at the manner in which 
they had conducted a campaign of five months, 
and baffled the enemy. The success of General 
Floyd, however, was hardly acknowledged by 


~ 


365 


the rebel government; for he was relieved of 
command, and his forces were sent to Tennes- 
see and Kentucky. 

While the rebels made demonstrations against 
Western Virginia, they also organized a cam- 
paign in the mountainous region in the north- 
ern part of the state, from the region of Cheat 
River, where General Lee’s forces moved against 
the federal forces at Cheat Mountain, to the 
vicinity of Harper’s Ferry. The object was to 
get possession of and hold the Baltimore and 
Ohio Railroad, thus cutting off the most direct 
communication between Washington and the 
west, while they might also be able to turn the 
flank of the federal army of the Potomac, and 
even threaten incursions into Pennsylvania. 
Federal troops had moved forward along the 
railroad from Western Virginia, reopening com- 
munication which had been interrupted by the 
destruction of bridges, and guarding the more 
important places along the route. Slight skir- 
mishes occurred at various points between small 
detachments of these troops and bands of dis- 
loyal inhabitants who were organized for guer- 
rilla warfare or to join the rebel army. The 
increasing numbers of the rebel troops in this 
region rendered it necessary to add to the 
federal forces posted along the extended line 
which they held; but with such numbers as 
were sent no considerable force could be col- 
lected at one point. 

The only engagements of any magnitude 
that occurred during the autumn, in this region, 
were at Romney, in Hampshire County, on the 
south branch of the Potomac. The first of these 
affairs took place on the 23d of September, 
when about one thousand men, including a 
small cavalry force, with one piece of artillery, 
advanced from New Creek towards Romney. 
At Mechanicsburg Gap, near Romney, they 
met a force of seven hundred rebels, whom 
they drove out of the gap, and then attacked 
the rebels posted in the town. The attack was 
sudden and vigorous, and the enemy, number- 


366 


ing about fourteen hundred men, retreated from 
the town to the neighboring mountains, with 
a loss of many killed and wounded. The fed- 
eral troops did not attempt to hold the place, 
but retired to their former position. 

The other engagement occurred on the 26th 
of October. General Kelley, with twenty-five 
hundred men, moved from New Creek towards 
Romney, on the west, and at the same time 
Colonel Johns, with seven hundred men, moved 
from Patterson’s Creek to the north side of the 
town, to create a diversion in favor of General 
Kelley. At Mill Creek, about five miles from 
Romney, General Kelley’s troops came upon 
the rebel outposts, and skirmishing commenced. 
The rebel force stationed here soon retreated, 
and General Kelley advanced to the Indian 
Mound Cemetery, where a larger body of the 
rebels made a stand, and opened fire with a 
rifled cannon, while at the same time other ar- 
tillery, from high grounds on the east side of 
the river commanding the road taken by the 
federal troops, also commenced throwing shot 
at them. At the east end of the bridge the 
rebels had also thrown up intrenchments, from 
which they kept up a constant, though rather 
harmless, fire of musketry. 

After responding briskly to the rebel fire 
with his three or four pieces of artillery, Gen- 
eral Kelley, having ascertained the rebel po- 
sition, ordered an assault upon battery and 
intrenchment. The cavalry dashed across the 
river, which was shallow and fordable, while the 
infantry charged rapidly over the bridge. This 
movement had hardly begun when the rebels 
abandoned their position and commenced a pre- 
cipitate retreat through the town and towards 
Winchester. They were followed by the fed- 
eral cavalry, who took many prisoners, while 
in the town General Kelley captured all their 
cannon, a quantity of small arms, many horses, 
tents, and a large amount of stores. 
on either side was small, being one killed and 
five wounded on the federal side, and eight or 


The loss} 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


ten killed and fifteen wounded on the part of 
the rebels. 
While General Kelley advanced on the west 


of the town, Colonel Johns approached through 


Springfield on the north. After a slight skir- 
mish at Springfield, this force advanced to a 
bridge leading into Romney, where its passage 
was opposed by the rebels. An attempt to 
charge across the bridge was ineffectual, because 
of the removal of the planks from a part of it, 
which was not discovered till the federal troops 
were already upon the bridge, where they were 
exposed toa galling fire from the rebels on the 
other side. Colonel Johns, finding it impracti- 
cable to cross, and as his orders were simply to 
create a diversion in favor of General Kelley, 
which he had accomplished, now withdrew his 
troops. General Kelley had already succeeded 
in routing the enemy on his side, and the rebel 
force on the north of the town soon followed 
the fugitives towards Winchester. 

The rebel forces, under General Jackson, 
continued to threaten the federal lines on the 
Upper Potomac and the forces that had ad- 
vanced from the west; but though there were 
occasional slight skirmishes, and a constant 
oppression of all loyal persons who were within 
reach of the rebel forces, regular and irregular, 
no conflict or movement of importance occurred 
during this year. 


CHAPTER XLIX. 


The Army of the Potomac. — Its Position. — Reconnoissances 
and Skirmishes. — Occupation of Lewinsville.— Movement at 
Harper’s Ferry, and successful Skirmish. — Battle of Ball’s 
Bluff. — Object of a Movement towards Leesburg. — Feint at 
Edwards’s Ferry, and Crossing at Harrison’s Island. —Ad- 
vance of the Massachusetts Fifteenth Regiment. — Skirmishing. 
—Advance of the Rebel Forces.—Severe Conflict. — Death 
of Colonel Baker. — The Federal Forces overcome. — Retreat. 
— Want of Transportation across the River. — Escape of the 
Soldiers. — Continued Attack of the Rebels. — Prisoners. — 
Colonels Lee and Coggswell. — Federal and Rebel Losses. — 
Report of General Stone. — Extracts from Report of Colonel 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Devens. — Effect of the Defeat. — Inadequate Means of Cross- 
ing the River.— Extract from the Report of Colonel Hinks. 
— Colonel Baker. 


WE now return to the army of the Potomac, 
which was posted in front of Washington from 
some distance below Alexandria to a point 
several miles beyond the chain bridge above 
Georgetown. Above that point, on the Mary- 
land side of the river, were other federal forces, 
the pickets of which extended nearly to Har- 
per’s Ferry, while the principal body of these 
troops were stationed in the vicinity of Pooles- 
ville. In front of this line the rebels had col- 
lected a large army, which was posted in strong 
positions, constantly threatening an attack, and 
making movements which required vigilant 
watching and counter-movements on the part 
of the federal forces. Frequent skirmishes 
occurred between the pickets and reconnoitring 
and foraging parties of the two armies, with 
various success and more or less loss; but no 
engagement of any magnitude until a severe 
battle at Ball’s Bluff, opposite Harrison’s Island, 
in front of Poolesville. Previous to this the 
federal troops had made some advances and 
gained some of the strong positions held by the 
rebels. One of these movements was made 
October 10, from the chain bridge, towards 
Lewinsville, which place, with the neighboring 
eminences, was occupied by a strong force, 
without resistance on the part of the rebels, 
who retired at the approach of the federal 
troops. A few days after, a large rebel force 
advanced towards Lewinsville, probably for the 
purpose of reconnoitring ; but a general attack 
was expected, and preparations were made to 
meet it, while great excitement prevailed at 
Washington in anticipation of a battle. The 
rebel force, however, after throwing a few ar- 
tillery shot at long range, withdrew, and the 
federal position was strengthened. 

On the Upper Potomac the skirmishes con- 
sisted principally of the firing of pickets and 


367 


small parties across the river; but occasionally 
parties of either army crossed the river on 
foraging expeditions. One of these expeditions, 
worthy of mention, was an expedition, on the 
15th of October, under command of Colonel 
Geary,* of Pennsylvania, who, with four hun- 
dred men, crossed the river at Harper’s Ferry, 
and captured a large quantity of wheat, stored 
ina mill near that place. The rebels did not 
occupy Harper’s Ferry, but were strongly posted 
on the neighboring heights and in the vicinity 
of Charlestown. On the return of the federal 
force the next day, an attack was made by a 
rebel force of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, 
while the batteries on the heights also com- 
menced a heavy cannonading. After some 
skirmishing, Colonel Geary’s force charged upon 
the battery on Bolivar Heights, and carried it, 
capturing one heavy piece of ordnance, and 
putting the rebels to flight. Being reénforced, 
he succeeded in compelling the whole rebel 
force to retire, and, as it appeared, with con- 
siderable loss, including several prisoners. The 
federal loss was four killed, eight wounded, 
and two taken prisoners. Having secured the 
wheat and destroyed an iron foundery used by 
the rebels for the casting of shot and shell, 
Colonel Geary’s command recrossed the river 
without further attack. 

The battle of Ball’s Bluff occurred on the 
21st of October. General McCall had occupied 
Drainesville, a village in Virginia, about midway 
between Washington and Leesburg, and Gen- 
eral Stone, who commanded the forces near 
Poolesville, was directed to codperate with re- 
connoissances from Drainesville by advancing a 
force towards Leesburg. Accordingly prepara- 
tions were made to cross at Edwards’s Ferry, in 
front of General Stone’s position, and a feint of 
carrying out the movement was made, while a 
force of about twenty-one hundred men, con- 
sisting of detachments of the fifteenth and 


* Afterwards brigadier-general. 


368 


‘twentieth Massachusetts regiments, first Cali- 
fornia, and Tammany regiments of New York, 
with sections of a Rhode Island and a regular 
battery of light artillery, were ordered to cross 
at Harrison’s Island, some miles above. The 
latter force, with very limited means of trans- 
portation, crossed on the 21st, by small detach- 
ments and slowly, the fifteenth Massachusetts 
regiment, Colonel Devens,* being in the ad- 
vance. The detachment from this regiment, 
having ascended the steep bluff which extended 
along the Virginia shore, advanced a mile or 
more towards Leesburg without meeting with 
the enemy, or seeing any signs of their presence 
in considerable numbers. While waiting here 
for reénforcements, a rebel force suddenly ap- 
peared, and skirmishing commenced, the federal 
troops retiring to a wood, and subsequently 
falling back towards the bluff Here the twen- 
tieth Massachusetts regiment, Colonel Lee, had 
arrived, and Colonel Devens again advanced. 
While in his advanced position, a strong rebel 
force made an attack upon him, and compelled 
him to retire again to the position where the 
other Massachusetts regiment, with the Cali- 
fornia and Tammany regiments, were forming 
in line of battle. Colonel Baker, of the Cali- 
fornia regiment, by orders from General Stone, 
assumed command of the entire force, and pre- 
pared to meet the enemy. The latter came in 
numbers evidently greatly exceeding the fed- 
eral troops, and advancing under the cover of 
woods, through which they threw out numer- 
ous skirmishers, they poured a heavy fire of 
artillery and musketry into the unprotected 
lines of Colonel Baker's force. The federal 
artillery responded briskly, but with some dis- 
advantage, owing to the protection afforded to 
the rebels by the woods; but two or three 
pieces were soon nearly silenced by the loss of 
officers and men, and one piece was captured 
by being drawn up the bluff at the wrong point. 


* Afterwards brigadier-general. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


The infantry returned the enemy’s volleys 
bravely, though it was soon evident that the 
rebels had in every way the advantage. Sud- 
denly a conspicuous rebel officer, riding in front 
of his troops, beckoned to the federal soldiers 
as if daring them to advance. Colonel Baker, 
believing that the rebels were about to emerge 
from their cover and meet in open fight, or- 
dered a charge, leading his own regiment him- 
self; but they were met by a tremendous fire, 
as if reénforcements had arrived to aid the 
already overwhelming numbers of the rebels, 
and in this attack Colonel Baker fell, being in- 
stantly killed by a shot through the head. .The 
federal force now wavered and fell back; but 
by the efforts of Colonel Coggswell, of the Tam- 
many regiment, upon whom the command now 
devolved, they were rallied, and an attempt to 
cut a passage through to Hdwards’s Ferry, 
where troops had now been thrown across the 
river, was contemplated. This was soon found — 
impracticable with so strong a force to oppose 
it, and the only thing that remained was to re- 
treat down the bluff and recross the river to 
Harrison’s Island. This movement was accord- 
ingly ordered, the enemy pursuing as soon as 
the retreat was evident. A few of the troops 
crossed in boats; but the large boat in which 
they had come over was too heavily laden, and 
was swamped, and a number of the men were — 
drowned. Others, throwing their arms into 
the river, swam across, the rebels in the mean 
time firing upon them from the edge of the. 
bluff, probably killing a few, or wounding them 
so that they were drowned. About five hundred 
were taken prisoners, including the wounded. 
Among the prisoners was Colonel Lee, of the 
twentieth Massachusetts, who declined to use a 
small boat which had been found, preferring to 
secure the safety of some of his wounded sol- 
diers. Being unable to find other means of 
transportation, he was captured by a party of 
rebels, together with the major, adjutant, and 
assistant surgeon of his regiment. Colonel 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINIS TRATION. 


Cogeswell, who was wounded, also fell into the 
hands of the enemy. ‘The federal loss in killed 
was about one hundred and fifty, and the 
wounded numbered at least two hundred and 
fifty. According to the report of the rebel 
commander, General Evans, he took seven hun- 
dred and ten prisoners, and his loss in killed 
and wounded was one hundred and fifty-three. 
The rebel force numbered about four thousand. 

The details of this movement and battle are 
more minutely described in the following official 
reports : — 


GENERAL STONE’S REPORT. 


« HEaApQuaRrtEerRs Corps OF OBSERVATION, 
‘* October 28, 1861. 


“Generat: On the 20th inst. being advised 
from headquarters of General McCall’s move- 
ments to Drainesville to reconnoitre and draw 
out the intentions of the enemy at Leesburg, I 
went to Edwards’s Ferry, at one o’clock P. M., with 
General Gorman’s brigade, seventh Michigan, 
two troops of the Van Alen cavalry, and the 
Putnam Rangers, while four companies of the 


fifteenth Massachusetts volunteers were sent to 


Harrison’s Island, under Colonel Devens, who 
then had one company on the island, and Colo- 
nel Lee, with a battalion of the Massachusetts 
twentieth, a section of the Rhode Island battery 
and Tammany regiment, was sent to Conrad’s 
Ferry. A section of Bunting’s New York bat- 
tery and Rickett’s battery was already on duty, 
respectively at Edwards’s and Conrad’s Ferries. 

“General McCall’s movements had evidently 
attracted the attention of the enemy, a regiment 

of infantry having appeared from the direction 

of Leesburg, and taken shelter behind a hill 
about a mile and a half from our position at 
the ferry. 

“General Gorman was ordered to deploy his 
forces in view of the enemy, and in so doing no 
movement of the enemy was excited. Three 
flat-boats were ordered, and at the same time, 
shell and spherical case-shot were thrown into 
the place of the enemy’s concealment. This 

47 


369 


was done to produce an impression that a 
crossing was to .be made. The shelling at Ed- 
wards’s Ferry, and launching of the boats, in- 
duced the quick retirement of the enemy’s 
force seen there, and three boat loads of thirty- 
five men each, from the first Minnesota, crossed 
and recrossed the river, each trip occupying 
about six or seven minutes. 

“While this was going on, the men evinced 
by their cheering that they were all ready and 
determined to fight gallantly when the op- 
portunity was presented. At dusk, General 
Gorman’s brigade and the seventh Michigan 
returned to camp, leaving the Tammany regi- 
ment and the companies of the fifteenth Mas- 
sachusetts and artillery at Conrad’s Ferry in 
position, awaiting the return of scouts. Mean- 
while, General Stone remained at Edwards’s 
Ferry. At ten o’clock P.M, Lieutenant Howe, 
quartermaster of the eat Mi 
reported that scouts, under Captain Philbrick, 
had returned to the island, having been within 
one mile of Leesburg, and there discovering in 
the edge of a wood an encampment of thirty 
tents. No pickets were out any distance, and 
he approached to within twenty-five rods with- 
out being even challenged. 

¥ ace were then instantly sent to Colonel 
Devens to cross four companies to the Virginia 
shore, and march silently, under cover of the 
night, to the position of the camp referred to, to 
attack and destroy it at daybreak; pursue the 
enemy lodged there as far as would be pru- 
dent, and return immediately to the island, his 
return to be covered by a company of the Mas- 
sachusetts twentieth, to be posted over the 
landing place. Colonel Devens was ordered to 

make close observation of the position, strength, 
and movements of the enemy, and in the event 
of there being no enemy there visible, to hold 
on, in a secure position, until he could be 
strengthened sufficiently to make a valuable 
reconnoissance. 

“At this time orders were sent to Colonel 


370 HISTORY OF THE 


Baker to send the first California regiment to 
Conrad’s Ferry, to arrive there at sunrise, and 
to have the remainder of his brigade ready to 
move early. 

“Tieutenant-Colonel Ward, of the fifteenth 
Massachusetts, was also ordered to move with a 
battalion to the river bank opposite Harrison’s 
Island by daybreak. Two mounted howitzers, 
in charge of Lieutenant French, of Rickett’s bat- 
tery, were ordered to the tow-path of the canal 
opposite Harrison’s Island. Colonel Devens, in 
pursuance of his orders, crossed and proceeded 
to the point indicated, Colonel Lee remaining 
on the bluff, with one hundred men to cover 
his return. ‘To distract attention from Colonel 
Devens’s movements, and to make a reconnois- 
sance in the direction of Leesburg from Ed- 
wards’s Ferry, I directed General Gorman to 
throw across the river at that point two com- 
panies of the first Minnesota, under cover of a 
fire from Rickett’s battery, and sent out a party 
of thirty-one Van Alen cavalry, under Major 
Mix, accompanied by Captain Charles Stewart, 
assistant adjutant-general, Captain Murphy, and 
Lieutenants Pierce and Gouraud, with orders 
to advance along the Leesburg road until they 
should come to the vicinity of a battery which 
was known to be on that road, and then turn 
to the left and examine the heights between 
that and Goose Creek, and see if any of the) 
enemy were posted in the vicinity, find out 
their numbers as nearly as possible, their dis- 
position, examine the country with reference 
to the passage of troops to the Leesburg and 
Georgetown turnpike, and return rapidly to 
cover behind the skirmishers of the Minnesota 
first. This reconnoissance was most gallantly 
conducted, and the party proceeded along the 
Leesburg road, nearly two miles from the ferry, 
and when near the position of the hidden bat- 
tery,came suddenly upon a Mississippi regiment, 
about thirty-five yards distant, received its fire, 
and returned it with their pistols. The fire of 
the enemy killed one horse; but Lieutenant 


UNITED STATES. 


Gouraud seized the dismounted man, and draw- 
ing him on his horse behind him, carried him 
unhurt from the field. One private of the 
fourth Virginia cavalry was brought off by the 
party a prisoner, who, being well mounted and 
armed, his mount replaced the one lost by the 
fire of the enemy. 

“Meantime, on the right, Colonel Devens, 
having, in pursuance of his orders, arrived at the 
position designated to him as the site of the 
enemy's camp, found that the scouts had been 
deceived by the uncertain light, and mistaken 
openings in the trees for a row of tents. Col- 
onel Devens found, however, a wood, in which he 
concealed his force, and proceeded to examine 
the space between that and Leesburg, sending 
back to report that thus far he could see no 
enemy. Immediately on receipt of this intelli- 
gence, brought me by Lieutenant Howe, who 
had accompanied both parties, I ordered a non- 
commissioned officer and ten cavalry to join 
Colonel Devens, for the purpose of scouring the 
country near him while engaged in the recon- 
noissance, and giving due notice of the approach 
of any force, and that Lieutenant-Colonel Ward, 
with his battalion of the fifteenth Massachu- 
setts, should move on to Smoot’s Mills, half a 
mile to the right of the crossing place of Col- 
onel Devens, and see where, in a strong posi- 
tion, he could watch and protect the flank of 
Colonel Devens in his return, and secure a sec- 
ond crossing more favorable than the first, and 
connected by a good road with Leesburg. Cap- 
tain Candy, assistant adjutant-general, and Gen- 
eral Lander, accompanied the cavalry to serve 
with it. For some reason, never explained to 
me, neither of these orders was carried out. 
The cavalry were transferred to the Virginia 
shore, but were sent back without having left 
the shore to go inland; and thus Colonel Devens 
was deprived of the means of obtaining warn- 
ing of any approach of the enemy. 

“The battalion under Colonel Ward was 
detained on the bluff in the rear of Colonel 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Devens, instead of being directed to the right. 
Colonel Baker, having arrived at Conrad’s Ferry 
with the first California regiment at an early 
hour, proceeded to Hdwards’s Ferry, and re- 
ported to me in person, stating that his regiment 
was at the former place, and the three other 
regiments of his brigade ready to march. I 
directed him to Harrison’s Island to assume com- 
mand, and in full conversation explained to him 
the position as it then stood. I told him that 
General McCall had advanced his troops to 
Drainesville, and that I was extremely desirous 
of ascertaining the exact position and force of 
the enemy in our front, and exploring as far as 
it was safe on the right towards Leesburg, and 
on the left towards the Leesburg and Gum 
Spring road. I also informed Colonel Baker 
that General Gorman, opposite Edwards’s Ferry, 
should be reénforced, and that I would make 


every effort to push Gorman’s troops carefully | 


forward to discover the best line from that ferry 
to the Leesburg and Gum Spring road, already 
mentioned ; and the position of the breastworks 
and hidden battery, which prevented the move- 
ment of troops directly from left to right, was 
also pointed out to him. 

“The means of transportation across, of the 
sufficiency of which he (Baker) was to be 
judge, was detailed, and authority given him to 
make use of the guns of a section each of 
Vaughan’s and Bunting’s batteries, together 
with French’s mountain howitzers, all the troops 
of his brigade and the Tammany regiment, be- 
sides the nineteenth and part of the twentieth 
regiments of Massachusetts volunteers, and I left 
it to his discretion, after viewing the ground, to 
retire from the Virginia shore under the cover 
of his guns and the fire of the large infantry 
force, or to place our reénforcements in case he 
found it practicable and the position on the 
other side favorable. Istated that I wished no 
advance made, unless the enemy were of in- 
ferior force, and under no circumstances to pass 
beyond Leesburg, or a strong position between 


371 


it and Goose Creek, on the Gum Spring road, 
i. e., the Manassas road. Colonel Baker was cau- 
tioned in reference to passing artillery across the 
river; and I begged him, if he did do s0, to see it 
well supported by good infantry. The general 
pointed out to him the position of some bluffs 
on this side of the river, from which artillery 
could act with effect on the other; and, leaving 
the matter of crossing more troops, or retiring 
what were already over, to his discretion, gave 
him entire control of operations on the right. 
This gallant and energetic officer left me about 
nine A. M., or half past nine, and galloped off 
quickly to his command.. 

“ Reénforcements were rapidly thrown to the 
Virginia side by General Gorman at Edwards’s 


Ferry, and his skirmishers and cavalry scouts 


advanced cautiously and steadily to the front 
and right, while the infantry lines were formed 
in such positions as to act rapidly and in con- 
cert, in case of an advance of the enemy, and 
shells were thrown by Lieutenant Woodruff’s 
Parrott guns into the woods beyond our lines, 
as they gradually extended, care being taken 
to annoy the vicinity of the battery on the 
right. Messengers from Harrison’s Island in- 
formed me, soon after the arrival of Colonel 
Baker opposite the island, that he was crossing 
his whole force as rapidly as possible, and that 
he had caused an additional flat-boat to be rafted 
from the canal into the river, and had provided 
a line to cross the boats more rapidly. 

“In the morning a skirmish took place be- 
tween two companies of the twentieth Massa- 
chusetts and about one hundred Mississippi 
riflemen, during which a body of the enemy’s 
cavalry appeared. Colonel Devens then fell 
back in good order on Colonel Lee’s position. 
Presently he again advanced, his men behaving 
admirably, fighting, retiring, and advancing in 
perfect order, and exhibiting every proof of 
high courage and good discipline. Had the 
cavalry scouting party, sent him in the morn- 
ing, been with him then, he could have had 


372 


timely warning of the approach of the superior 
force which afterwards overwhelmed his regi- 
ment, Thinking that Colonel Baker might be 
able to use more artillery, I despatched to him 
two additional pieces, supported by two com- 
panies of infantry, with directions to come into 
position below the place of crossing, and report 
to Colonel Baker. Colonel Baker suggested 
this himself, later in the day, just before the 
guns on their way arrived. 

« After Colonel Devens’s second advance, Col- 
onel Baker went to the field in person ; and it is 
a matter of regret to me that he left no record 
of what officers and men he charged with the 
care of the boats and insuring the regular pas- 
sage of troops. If any were charged with this 
duty, it was not performed; for the reénforce- 
ments, as they arrived, found no one in com- 
mand of the boats, and great delays were thus 
occasioned. Had one officer and a company 
remained at each landing, guarding the boats, 
their full capacity would have been made ser- 
viceable, and sufficient men would have been 
passed on to secure success. The forwarding 
of artillery before its supporting force of infan- 
try, also impeded the rapid assembling of an 
imposing force on the Virginia shore. If the 
infantry force had first crossed, a difference of 
one thousand men would have been made in 
the infantry line at the time of attack, proba- 
bly enough to have given us the victory. 

“ Between twelve and one P. M. the enemy ap- 
peared in force in front of Colonel Devens, and 
a sharp skirmish ensued, and was maintained 
for some time by the fifteenth Massachusetts, 
unsupported; and finding he would be eut- 
flanked, Colonel Devens retired a short dis- 
tance, and took up a position near the wood, 
half a mile in front of Colonel Lee, where he 
remained until two o’clock, when he again fell 
back, with the approval of Colonel Baker, and 
took his place with the portions of the twen- 
tieth Massachusetts and first California, which 
had arrived. Colonel Baker now. formed his 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


line, and waited the attack of the enemy, which 


came upon him with great vigor about three 


P. M., and was well met by our troops, who, 
though pitched against much superior num- 
bers,—three to one,— maintained their ground 
under a most destructive fire of the enemy. 
Colonel Coggswell reached the field amid the 
heaviest fire, and came gallantly into action, 
with a yell.swhich wavered the enemy’s line. 
Lieutenant Bramhall, of Bunting’s battery, had 
succeeded, after extraordinary exertions and 
labor, in bringing up a piece of the Rhode 
Island battery, and Lieutenant French his two 
howitzers; but both officers, after well directed 
firing, were soon borne away wounded, and the 
pieces were hauled to the rear, so that they 
might not fall into theenemy’s hands. At four 
P. M., Colonel Baker fell at the head of his col- 
umn, pierced by a number of bullets, while 
cheering his men, and by his own example 
sustaining the obstinate resistance they were 
making. The command then devolved upon 
Colonel Lee, who prepared to commence throw- 
ing out forces to the rear ; but it was soon found 
that Colonel Coggswell was the senior in rank, 
and he, taking the command, ordered prepara- 
tion to be made for marching to the left, and ~ 
cutting a way through to Edwards’s Ferry. But 
just as the first dispositions were being effect- 
ed, a rebel officer rode rapidly in front, and 
beckoned the Tammany regiment towards the 
enemy. Itis not clear whether or not the Tam- 
many men supposed this one of our officers; 
but they responded with a yelk and charged 
forward, carrying with them, in their advance, 
the rest of the line, which soon received a de- 
structive fire from the enemy at close distance. 
The men were quickly recalled; but their new 
position frustrated the movement designed, and 
Colonel Coggswell gave the necessary order to 
retire. The enemy pursued to the edge of the 
bluff over the landing place, and poured in 
a heavy fire as our men were endeavoring to 
cross to the island ‘The retreat was rapid, but 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


according to orders. The men formed near the 
river, maintaining for nearly half an hour the 
hopeless contest rather than surrender. The 
smaller boats had disappeared, no one knew 
where. The largest boat, rapidly and too heav- 
ily loaded, swamped some fifteen feet from the 
shore, and nothing was left to our soldiers but 
to swim, surrender, or die. 

“With a devotion worthy of the cause they 
were serving, officers and men, while quarter 
was being offered to such as would lay down 
their arms, stripped themselves of their swords 
and muskets, and hurled them out into the 
river, to prevent their falling into the hands of 
the foe, and saved themselves as they could by 
swimiming, floating on logs, and concealing them- 
selves in the bushes of the forest, and endeavor- 
ing to make their way up and down the river 
bank to the place of crossing. The instances of 
personal gallantry of the highest order were so 
many, that it would be unjust to detail particu- 
lar cases. Officers displayed for their men, 
and men for their officers, that beautiful devo- 
_ tion which is only to be found among true sol- 
diers. While these scenes were being enacted 
on the right, I was preparing on the left for a 
rapid push forward to the road by which the 
enemy would retreat if driven, and entirely 
unsuspicious of the perilous condition of our 
troops. The additional artillery had already 
been sent, and when the messenger, who did 
not leave the field until after three o’clock, was 
questioned as to Colonel Baker’s position, he 
informed me ‘that the colonel, when he left, 
seemed to feel perfectly secure, and could doubt- 
less hold his position in case he should not 
advance. The same statement was made by 
another messenger, half an hour later, and I 
watched anxiously for a sign of advance on the 
right, in order to push forward General Gor- 
man. It was, as had been explained to Colonel 
Baker, impracticable to throw General Gor- 
man’s brigade directly to the right by reason 
of the battery in the woods, between which | 


373 


we had never been able to reconnoitre. At 
four P. M,, or thereabouts, I telegraphed to Gen- 
eral Banks fora brigade of his division, intending 
it to occupy the ground on this side of the river 
near Harrison’s Island, which would be aban- 
doned in case of a rapid advance, and shortly 
after, as the fire slackened, a messenger was 
waited for, on whose tidings should be given 
orders either for the advance of General Gor- 
man to cut off the retreat of the enemy, or for 
the disposition for the night in the position 
then held. At five P.M. Captain Candy arrived 
from the field, and announced the melancholy 
tidings of Colonel Baker’s death; but with no 
intelligence of any further disaster. I imme- 
diately apprised General Banks of Colonel 
Baker’s death, and I rode quickly to the right, 
to assume command. Before arriving opposite 
the island, men who had crossed the river plainly 
gave evidence of the disaster; and on reaching 
the same, I was satisfied of it by the conduct of 
the men then landing in boats, 

“The reports made to me were, that the en- 
emy’s force was ten thousand men. This I 
considered, as it proved to be, an exaggeration. 
Orders were then given to hold the island, and 
establish a patrol on the tow-path from oppo- 
site the island to the line of pickets near the 
Monocacy, and I returned to the left, to secure 
the troops there from disaster, and make prep- 
arations for moving them as rapidly as possible. 

“Orders arrived from General McClellan to 
hold the island on the Virginia shore at Ed- 
wards’s Ferry at all risks, indicating at the same 
time that reénforcements would be sent; and 
immediately additional means of intrenching 
were forwarded, and General Gorman was fur- 
nished with particular directions to hold out 
against any and every force of the enemy. 

“During that time, General Hamilton, with 
his brigade, was on the march from Darnestown. 
Before I left to go to the right, I issued orders 
to intercept him, and instructed him to repair 
to Conrad’s Ferry, where orders awaited him to 


374 


so dispose of his force as to give protection to 
Harrison’s Island, and protect the line of the 
river. At three A. M. Major-General Banks 
arrived and took command. 

“A report of division for the following days 
will be made out speedily. I cannot conclude 
without bearing testimony to the courage, good 
discipline, and conduct of all the troops of this 
division during the day. Those in action be- 
haved like veterans, and those not brought into 
action showed that alacrity and steadiness in 
their movements which proved their anxiety 
to engage the foe in their country’s cause. We 
mourn the loss of the brave departed dead on 
the field of honor, if not of success, and we 
miss the companionship of those of our com- 
rades who have fallen into the hands of our 
enemies. But all feel that they have earned 
the title of soldier, and all await with increased 
confidence another measurement of strength 
with the foe. 

“Cras. P. Strong, 
“ Brigadier-General commanding.” 


The following is an extract from the report 
of Colonel Devens : — 

“ At about ten o’clock, Quartermaster Howe 
returned, and stated that he had reported the 
skirmish of the morning, and that Colonel 
Baker would shortly arrive with his brigade, 
and take command. Between nine and eleven 
o'clock, I was joined by Lieutenant-Colonel 
Ward with the remainder of my regiment, mak- 
ing, in all, a force of six hundred and twenty-five 
men, with twenty-eight officers from my regi- 
ment, as reported to me by the adjutant, many 
of the men of the regiment being at this time 
on other duty. About twelve o’clock it was 
reported to me a force was gathering on my 
left,and about half past twelve o’clock a strong 
attack was made on my left by a body of in- 
fantry, concealed in the woods, and upon the 
skirmishers in front, by a body of cavalry. The 
fire of the enemy was resolutely returned by 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the regiment, which maintained its ground with 
entire determination. Reénforcements not yet 
having arrived, and the attempt of the enemy 
to outflank us being very vigorous, I directed 
the regiment to retire about sixty paces into an 
open space in the wood, and prepared to receive 
any attack that might be made, while I called 
in my skirmishers. When this was done, I re- 
turned to the bluff, where Colonel Baker had 
already arrived. This was at a quarter past 
two P.M. He directed me to form my regi- 
ment at the right of the position he proposed to 
occupy — which was done by eight companies ; 
the centre and left being composed of a detach- 
ment of the twentieth Massachusetts, number- 
ing about three hundred men, under command 
of Colonel Lee. A battalion of the California 
regiment, numbering about six hundred men, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Wistar commanding; two 
howitzers, commanded by Lieutenant Pierce ; 
and a six-pounder, commanded by Lieutenant 
Bramhall, were planted in front, supported by 
company D, Captain Studley, and company F, 
Captain Sloan, of the fifteenth Massachusetts. 
The enemy soon appeared in force, and after 
sharp skirmishing on the right, directed his at- 
tack upon our whole line, but more particularly 
upon our centre and left, where it was gallantly 
met by the Massachusetts twentieth and the 
California battalion. Skirmishing during all the 
action was very severe on the right; but the 
skirmishers of the enemy were resolutely re- 
pulsed by our own, composed of companies A 
and I, Captains Rockwood and Joslin, of the 
Massachusetts fifteenth, and company —, of the 
twentieth Massachusetts, under the direction of 
Major Kimball, of the Massachusetts fifteenth. 
“The action commenced about three o’clock 
P. M., and at about four P. M. I was ordered to 
detach two companies from the left of my regi- 
ment to the support of the left of the line, and 
to draw in proportionately the right flank — 
which was done, companies G and H, Captains 
Forehand and Philbrick, being detached for 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


that purpose. By this time it had become 
painfully evident, by the volume and rapidity 
of the enemy’s fire, and the persistency of his 
attacks, that he was in much larger force than 
we. ‘The two howitzers were silent, and the 
six-pounder also. Their commanders came from 
the field wounded. Soon after I was called 
from the right of my regiment, there being at 
this time a comparative cessation of the ene- 
my’s fire to the centre of the line, and learned, 
for the first time, that Colonel Baker had been 
killed, and that Lieutenant-Colonel Ward, of the 
fifteenth Massachusetts, had been carried from 
the field severely wounded. Colonel Lee suppos- 
ing it his duty to take command, I reported my- 
self ready to execute his orders. He expressed 
his opinion that the only thing to be done was 
to retreat to the river, and that the battle was 
utterly lost. It soon appeared that Colonel 
Coggswell was entitled to the command, who ex- 
pressed his determination to make the attempt 
to cut our way to Edwards’s Ferry, and ordered 
me, as a preliminary movement, to form the 
fifteenth regiment in line towards the left. 
The fifteenth regiment accordingly moved 
across from the right to the left of the original 
line. Two or three companies of the Tammany 
New York regiment, just then arrived, formed 
also on its left: while endeavoring to make the 
necessary disposition to retreat, confusion was 
created by the appearance of an officer of the 
enemy’s force in front of the Tammany regi- 
ment, who called on them to charge on the ene- 
my, who were now in strong force along the 
wood occupied formerly by the fifteenth Mas- 
sachusetts during the former portion of the ac- 
tion. The detachment of the Tammany regi- 
ment, probably mistaking this for an order from 
their own officers, rushed forward to the charge, 
and the Massachusetts fifteenth, supposing that 
an order had been given for the advance of 
the whole line, rushed with eagerness, but 
were promptly recalled by their officers, who 
had received no such order. 


375 


of the Tammany regiment were received by 
a shower of bullets, and suffered severely; in 
the disturbance caused by their repulse, the 
line was broken, but was promptly reformed. 
After this, however, although several volleys 
were given and returned, and the troops fought 
vigorously, it seemed impossible to preserve the 

order necessary for a combined military move- 
ment, and Colonel Cogeswell reluctantly gave 
the order to retreat to the river bank. The 
troops descended the bluff, and reached the bank 
of the river, where there is a narrow plateau be- 
tween the river and the ascent of the bluff, both 
the plateau and the bluff being heavily wooded. 
As I descended upon this plateau, in company 
with Colonel Coggswell, I saw the large boat 
upon which we depended as the means of cross- 
ing the river, swamped by the number of men 
who had rushed upon it. For the purpose of re- 
tarding as much as possible the approach of the 
enemy, by direction of Colonel Coggswell, I 
ordered the fifteenth regiment to deploy as skir- 
mishers over the bank of the river, which order 
was executed, and several volleys were given 
and returned between them and others of our 
forces and the enemy, who were now pressing 
upon us in great numbers, and forcing down 
furious volleys on this plateau and into the 
river, to prevent any escape. It was impossible 
longer to continue to resist, and I should have 
had no doubt, if we had been contending with 
the troops of a foreign nation, in justice to the 
lives of men, it would have been our duty to 
surrender ; but it was impossible to do this to 
rebels and traitors, and I had no hesitation in 
advising men to escape as they could, ordering 
them, in all cases, to throw their arms into the 
river rather than give them up to the enemy. 
This order was generally obeyed, although sev- 
eral of the men swam the river with their mus- 
kets on their backs, and others have returned 
to camp, bringing with them their muskets, 
who had remained on the Virginia shore for 


The detachment ||/two nights, rather than to part with their 


376 HISTORY OF THE 


weapons, in order to facilitate their escape. 
Having passed up along the line of that portion 
of the river occupied by my regiment, I re- 
turned to the lower end of it, and at dark my- 
self swam the river by the aid of three of the 
soldiers of my regiment.” 


The sad defeat of our ‘troops at Balls Bluff 
created a deep feeling of regret, and not a little 
dismay, that the second battle upon the soil of 
Eastern Virginia should result as disastrously 
as the first. The cause of the disaster was 
freely canvassed, and it was variously attributed 
to the commanding officer of this division of 
the army and to the commander of the expe- 
dition who fell in the battle. It is perhaps 
difficult to decide upon whom the blame should 
rest; but it is evident that the want of ade- 
quate transportation across the river was the 
principal cause of the disaster, by preventing 
the rapid passage of the troops sent to support 
the advance of Colonel Devens, and especially 
by preventing the ready retreat of the defeated 
forces. Upon this point, Colonel Hinks, of the 
nineteenth Massachusetts regiment, who was in 
command at Harrison’s Island at the time of 
the defeat, in his report thus speaks : — 

“TY cannot close this report with justice to 
our troops, who fought valiantly, without com- 
menting upon the causes which led to their 
defeat and complete rout. The means of trans- 
portation, for advance in support, or for a re- 
treat, were criminally deficient — especially when 
we consider the facility for -creating proper 
means for such purposes at our disposal. The 
place for landing on the Virginia shore was 
most unfortunately selected, being at a point 
where the shore rose with great abruptness for 
a distance of some one hundred and fifty yards, 
at an angle of at least thirty-five degrees, and 
was entirely studded with trees, being perfectly 
impassable to artillery or infantry in line. At 
the summit, the surface is undulating, where 
the enemy were placed in force, out of view, and 


UNITED STATES. 


cut down our troops with a murderous fire, 
which we could not return with any effect. 
The entire island was also commanded by the 
enemy’s artillery and rifles. In fact, no more 
unfortunate position could have been forced 
upon us by the enemy for making an attack — 
much less selected by ourselves. 

“Within a half mile upon either side of the 
points selected a landing could have been ef 
fected, where we could have been placed upon 
equal terms with the enemy, if it was necessary 
to effect a landing from the island. My judg- 
ment, however, cannot approve of that policy 
which multiplies the number of river crossings 
without any compensation in securing com- 
manding positions thereby.” 

The death of Colonel Baker was a great loss 
to the country. By his ability and his surpassing 
eloquence he was just attaining to a command- 
ing position in the United States Senate, as one 
of the leaders of the administration party, and 
a most earnest supporter of the government 
against the rebellion. Born in England, he 
came at a very early age, with his parents, to 
America, and, after living some years in Phila- 
delphia, removed with them to the west. With 
a comparatively limited education, he improved 
his mind by constant study and reading, and 
early showed great talent in conversation and 
speaking. He pursued the study of the law, 
and practised in Illinois, where he first entered 
public life as a member of the legislature in 
1837. Elected to Congress in 1844, he was 
achieving some distinction there, when the 
Mexican war broke out; and with a restless 
energy which characterized his whole life, he 
raised a regiment of volunteers, and entered 
the military service. He went to Mexico, and 
showed great gallantry at Cerro Gordo and in 
other engagements. After his return he was 
again elected to Congress from another district, 
and served there with success. In 1852 he 
went to California, and having won wealth and 
distinction, he subsequently removed to Oregon, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


where he entered, with his accustomed earnest- 
ness, into political life. He was here elected to 
the Senate, and had served but a brief part of 
his term, — though long enough to take a fore- 
most place as an orator,—when his restless 
spirit and.his ardent patriotism led him to the 
more exciting service of a soldier. Declining 
the proffered appointment of brigadier-general, 
he raised a regiment in New York, called the 
“ California regiment,” in which many men who 
had sojourned in the Pacific states rallied eager- 
ly around his standard. At the head of this 
regiment, leading them in a gallant but des- 
perate charge, and impressed, it is said, with a 
foreboding of his end, he fell. With him fell 
other noble officers of less conspicuous position, 
and many brave men of the rank and file; 
while yet others were doomed to a long and 
cruel imprisonment. 


CHAPTER L. 


Operations of the Navy. — Naval Forces. — The Blockading 
Fleet.— Evasions of the Blockade. — Capture of Prizes. — 
Obstructing the Channels of Southern Harbors. — Sinking 
-Stone-laden Vessels. — Southern and Foreign Indignation. — 
Rebel Privateers and Cruisers. — Capture of Northern Ves- 
sels. — The Privateer Savannah captured.— The Crew held 
as Pirates.— Rebel Threats of Retaliation. — The Priva- 
teer Jeff. Davis.—Capture of Prizes.—The Sumter. — 
Her Success.— Prizes taken to Cuba released.— Evasion 
of Federal Cruisers.— Other Privateers. — Destruction of 
the Petrel.— Burning of the Judah, at Pensacola. — Cap- 
ture of the Beauregard. —- Other Naval Operations. — Bom- 
bardment of Galveston. — Attack by the Rebel Ram on Federal 
Vessels at the Passes of the Mississippi. 


Wate the large armies were organized, and 
various campaigns were made, as narrated in 
the preceding chapters, the navy department 
_ prepared and carried out naval operations upon 
an extended scale. ‘The objects in view were, 
to blockade and close, as much as possible, the 
ports along the coast of the rebellious states, in 
extent nearly three thousand miles, to codperate 
with land forces in expeditions against some 

48 


377 


important points, and the pursuit of the rebel 
privateers which might escape from the block- 
aded ports, or be secretly fitted out for foreign 
ports. The vessels required for this various 
and extended service were constructed or pur- 
chased and fitted out as rapidly as possible. 
Congress, at the extra session, had made most 
liberal appropriations for this branch of the 
service, and authorized the construction of a 
large number of vessels adapted for service 
upon the coast and in the shallow waters of the 
southern harbors. But before these could be 
finished and fitted out, the navy department 


j had created a large navy by fitting out all the 


available vessels belonging to the United States, 
completing those previously commenced, and 
purchasing a large number of sailing vessels 
and steamers. 

After the capture of the forts at Hatteras 
Inlet, Commodore Stringham, at his own re- 
quest, was relieved from his command of the 
Atlantic squadron, and the fleet was divided 
into two squadrons, one guarding the coast of 
Virginia and North Carolina, under the com- 
mand of Commodore Goldsborough, and the 
other guarding the remainder of the south-east- 
ern coast to the southern point of Florida, under 
the command of Commodore Dupont. In the 
Gulf was another large squadron, under the 
command of Commodore McKean, who suc- 
ceeded Commodore Mervine. _ 

Although the rebel states had little commerce 
of their own, there were numerous attempts to 
evade the blockade; and while not a few ves- 
sels succeeded in running in or out of the block- 
aded ports, probably a larger number was cap- 
tured. Before the middle of November, more 
than one hundred and fifty vessels were taken 
as prizes. Many of these were small vessels, 
running to or from the West Indies ; but some 
were large and valuable, and carried cargoes 
of contraband goods. 

Besides blockading the ports in the usual 
manner by ships of war, the secretary of the 


378 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


navy adopted another method, which it was 
hoped would be successful, and relieve the goy- 
ernment from maintaining so large a number 
of vessels at some points along the coast. This 
plan was to sink old hulks, laden with stone, in 
the channels of the harbors, so as to prevent 
the passage of vessels of considerable size. A 


number of such hulks were sunk in Ocracoke | 


Inlet, one of the numerous channels on the coast 
of North Carolina, which afforded opportunities 
for eluding the blockade and for the escape of 
privateers. A more elaborate attempt was sub- 
sequently made to effectually seal up Charles- 
ton harbor, by sinking a number of these stone- 
laden vessels upon the bar at the entrance of 
the harbor, and also to stop some of the chan- 
nels opening into the Savannah River. For a 
while these obstructions appeared to answer 
their purpose; but the current, in course of time, 
seemed to remove them, or the stone settled so 
deeply into the sand, that the depth of water 
was but little diminished. This course pro- 
duced, at first, great indignation in Charleston, 
where it was feared that the future commerce 
of the city would be essentially destroyed, and 
caused some excitement among the foreign 
sympathizers with the rebellion, who called 
upon the governments of France and England 
to protest against the unheard-of and barbarous 
mode of blockade, forgetting that an English 
admiral had practised upon this innovation 
nearly half a century before. 

The rebel government had early proposed 
to issue letters of marque, under which all who 
were disposed to engage in the work might 
prey upon the extensive commerce of the north- 
ern states. ‘There were few offers, however, to 
accept such authority from a power not recog- 
nized among the nations. But as fast as they 
were able, with few vessels and sailors at their 
command, privateers, or vessels directly in the 
service of the rebel government, were fitted out, 
not to oppose the navy of the United States, but 
to capture private property belonging to citi- 


zens of the northern states. These vessels were 
mostly of light draught, capable of running 
into harbors and inlets where the United States 
ships of war could not follow them. They suc- 
ceeded in capturing many prizes, mostly ves- 
sels trading between northern ports and the 
West Indies. 

The first. privateer which succeeded in getting 
to sea, so as to commence operations, was the 
Savannah, a small schooner, armed with a heavy 
pivot gun. This vessel sailed from Charleston 
on the 2d of June, and on the next day cap- 
tured a brig; but she had hardly made sure of 
her prize, when the United States brig Perry 
overhauled her, and after discovering her char- 
acter by her suspicious movements, opened fire 
upon her. ‘The rebel vessel returned the fire, 
but very soon, without any considerable show 
of resistance, made signals of surrender. The 
vessel was accordingly taken as a prize, and the 
rebel officers and crew were sent to New York, 
where they were subsequently tried for piracy. 
As soon as it was understood at the south that 
the rebel privateersmen were to be treated as 
pirates, Jefferson Davis sent to the President, 
under a flag of truce, a threat of retaliation 
upon an equal number of United States officers. 
As the privateersmen captured on board the 
Savannah, and others taken on board recap- 
tured prizes, were kept in close confinement, 
and some of them were convicted of piracy, the 
threat was so far carried out as to confine several 
Union officers, under the most rigorous treat- 
ment, with the purpose of reeking vengeance 
upon them should the privateersmen be exe- 
cuted. The federal government, however, re- 
laxed its policy in regard to the rebel prisoners, 
and the threatened retaliation was abandoned. 

One of the most successful of these priva- 
teers, or rebel cruisers, was the brig “Jeff: Davis,” 
supposed to‘have been the former slaver Echo, 


which had brought a load of native Africans 


to the vicinity of Savannah. This vessel, hay- 
ing eluded the blockading squadron, captured 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


a number of prizes in northern waters, taking 
two or three off Nantucket, and one even 
within two hundred miles of New York. One 
of these was retaken by the colored steward, 
who, watching his opportunity, killed the prize 
officer and two of his men, when near Charles- 
ton, and then, with the aid of a comrade, who 
was also left on board, and of two of the prize 
crew, navigated the vessel to New York. 

The Jeff. Davis continued the work of cap- 
turing and destroying the vessels belonging 
to northern parties which were fallen in with. 
Several vessels were despatched after the pirati- 
cal cruiser, and there was a chance of its being 
captured ; when, in attempting to cross the bar 
at St. Augustine, Florida, on the 18th of Au- 
gust, to escape the pursuers, the vessel was 
wrecked, and became a total loss, the crew 
escaping in their boats. 

A more formidable privateer was the steamer 
Sumter, which succeeded in running the block- 
ade at the passes of the Mississippi, and sailing 
to the West Indian waters, where she com- 
menced operations upon vessels belonging to 
northern owners. This vessel had belonged to 
the Mexican leader Miramon, and had been 
taken by a ship of war of the United States, 
near Vera Cruz, when it was considered that 
the movements of Miramon were hostile to the 
United States. Having been taken to New 
Orleans as a prize, she remained there at the 
commencement of the rebellion, and the rebel 
authorities took possession of her, and fitted her 
out to prey upon the private property of loyal 
merchants. She was commanded by Raphael 
Semmes, formerly an officer in the United States 
navy, and made her escape through the block- 
ade, after long watching an opportunity, on the 
7th of July. The United States steamer Brook- 
lyn was blockading the Pass 4 lOutre at this 
time, and a vessel having appeared in the offing, 
with the apparent purpose of running the block- 
ade, the Brooklyn went in pursuit, and,was led 
a chase of some fifteen miles away from her 


379 


station. While the Brooklyn thus left the Pass 
unguarded, the Sumter steamed out with all 
speed, and the commander of the Brooklyn — 
although the Sumter was known to be waiting 
such an opportunity — very unwisely continued 
his chase of a vessel simply suspected of an 
attempt to enter the river. When the Sumter 
was fairly out of the Pass, the Brooklyn re- 
turned from the pursuit of the suspicious ship, 
and, when too late, gave chase to the privateer. 
After a short pursuit the chase was abandoned, 
and the Sumter went on her piratical cruise. 

It was not long before the privateer reached 
the West Indies, and fell in with northern vessels, 
which were all captured, except those carrying 
cargoes on foreign account. Seven of these 
prizes were taken by the Sumter into the har 
bor of Cienfuegos, Cuba, with the view to having 
them condemned. The governor-general, how- 
ever, held the vessels, and subsequently restored 
them to their proper crews and owners, when 
they were convoyed by a United States ship of 
war till beyond all probable danger. ‘The Sum- 
ter continued to cruise about the waters of the 
West Indies, capturing other northern vessels, 
several of which were burned. War steamers 
were sent in pursuit, but did not succeed in 
finding the piratical cruiser. During the pur- 
suit the Sumter put into the Dutch ports of 
Curagoa and Surinam, the Brazilian port of 
Maranham, the French port of Martinique, and 
other places, in which she obtained coal or pro- 
visions, and her officers were treated with great 
attention and kindness. This good will was not 
extended to the officers of the United States 
vessels who came in pursuit of the pirate ; but 
they were ordered off, in most cases, within 
twenty-four hours. The Sumter was treated 
with a similar show of “neutrality” at several 
ports into which she sailed; but every where 
there were numerous friends of the rebels, and 
the orders were evaded, or the officers suc- 
ceeded in obtaining, by some means, the supplies 
and aid they wanted. 


380 


The United States steamer Powhattan had j 


pursued the Sumter from place to place with- 
out succeeding in finding her, before being 
obliged to return for repairs. The Iroquois, 
subsequently, was more fortunate in tracking 
the rebel cruiser, and finally overhauled her 
in the harbor of St. Pierre, Martinique. But 
here the French authorities interposed the rules 
of international law for the benefit of the pirate, 
and the discomfiture of the national officers. A 
French ship of war afforded protection against 
any attack in violation of French neutrality, 
and,the commander of the Iroquois was obliged, 
in order to avoid any cause of offence between 
his country and France, to sail out of the har- 
bor- before the Sumter, being determined not 
to wait twenty-four hours after the departure 
of the latter. Waiting outside the broad bay, 
beyond the jurisdiction of the French authori- 
ties, the commander of the Iroquois watched, 
as well as he could, the rebel vessel, whose 
officers were enjoying the hospitalities of the 
town. Every exertion appears to have been 
made by the officers and crew of the Iroquois 
to secure the capture of the Sumter; but in 
the darkness of the night, aided by the friendly 
authorities and people of the port, the privateer 
succeeded inescaping. The following extracts 
from the official report of the commander of the 
Troquois, Commander James 8. Palmer, show the 
difficulties attending the pursuit of the rebel 
vessel, and the sympathy and aid extended by 
the French authorities and residents at St. 
Pierre ——- 


‘‘Unitep States SteamMER Iroquois, {| 
“Orr Sr. Prerrz, Martinique, Nov. 17, Bail 


“Sm: I addressed a letter to the department 
on the 11th inst., upon my arrival at St. Thomas. 
On the day following, in the midst of coaling, a 
mail steamer arrived, bringing information that 
the Sumter had just put in, on the 9th, to Port 
Royal, Martinique, in want of coals. 

“T had been often led astray by false reports ; 
but this seemed so positive that I instantly 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


ceased coaling, got my engines together, and 
was off at two in the mid-watch for Martinique, 
arriving at St. Pierre in thirty-six hours. On 
turning into the harbor I discovered a suspicious 
steamer, which, as we approached, proved to be 
the Sumter, flying the secession flag, moored to 
the wharf, in the midst of this populous town, 
quietly coaling. The town and shipping in the 
harbor were instantly all excitement. I could 
not attack her in this position for humanity’s 
sake, even were | disposed to be regardless of 
the neutrality of the port. I did not anchor, 
but cruised around the harbor within half gun- 
shot of her during the night. . 

“Tn the morning a French man-of-war arrived 
from Port Royal, the seat of government, only 
twelve miles distant. The Sumter had been 
there for the last two days. The government, 
it is true, had refused to give her any of its 
coals, but had allowed her to come around to 
St. Pierre, where she readily obtained them 
from some merchants, (English, I believe.) 

“She evidently had been received with cour- 
tesy at the seat of government; and this farce 
of the non-recognition of the Confederate flag 
‘is played out of both France and England in 
the most flagrant manner. 

“I now addressed a letter to the governor, 
assuming him to be ignorant of the character 
of the Sumter, a copy of which I enclose. I 
also enclose a translation of his reply. The de- 
partment will observe that, from the generous 
disposition of the governor, the Sumter has the 
same privileges as this vessel. 

“The captain of the French war steamer also 
addressed me a letter, saying he was directed 
by the governor to request me no longer to 
compromise the neutrality of the French waters 


by establishing a blockade within their jurisdic- 


tion, but to anchor, when every hospitality and 
facility should be afforded me, or to take my 
Cae without the distance of a marine league 
from shore. At the same time, that, while at 
anchor weigh it was contrary to the police reg- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ulations of the port to communicate with the 
shore. 

“T consequently decided upon anchoring ; 
which I had no sooner done than the French 
commander paid me a visit, offered me every 
civility and attention, saying that he did not 
doubt that all international law would be re- 
spected by me, and, in the course of conversa- 
tion, quoting from Wheaton, reminded me that 
one belligerent could not depart until twenty- 
‘four hours after the other. I instantly got 
under weigh, with him on board, fearing that 
the Sumter should do so before me, as her 
steam was up. 

“J have now accepted the alternative, and 
established myself at the mouth of the harbor, 
without the marine league, with much anxiety, 
lest, during the darkness of the night, under 
cover of the high land, the Sumter should be 
able to get off without my being aware of it. 

“The majority of the town is in favor of the 
Sumter, and with the utmost vigilance, which 
all on board exert, she may yet escape, some 
night, for want of signals from the shore to give 
us notice of her departure. 

“P.S. November 18. I feel more and more 
convinced that the Sumter will yet escape me, 
in spite of all our vigilance and zeal, even 
admitting that I can outsteam her, which is a 
question. 

“To blockade such a bay as this, which is al- 
most an open roadstead, fifteen miles in width, 
the surrounding land very high and the water 
very bold, obliged, as we are by the neutrality 
laws, to blockade at three miles distance, it 
would require at least two more fast steamers, 
- and a vessel of war of any description in port, 
to notify us by signal of her departure, to give 
any reasonable hope of preventing her escape. 

“iven now, moonlight though it be, she may 
yet creep out under shadow of the land, and no 
one be able to perceive her, she being always 
able to observe my position, open to seawards. 
Though I have made arrangements to be in- 


381 


formed by signal of her departure from shore, 
I fear I cannot depend upon the parties, so fear- 
ful are they of the authorities and of popular 
indignation.” 
‘‘Unitep States SreAmsurp Iroquois, 
«Sr, Tuomas, W. I., Nov. 25, 1861. . 

“Sir: As I expected, I have to report the 
escape of the Sumter, to the great dejection of 
us all, for never were officers and crew more 
zealous for a capture. 

“ At eight o’clock on the night of the 23d, the 
signal was faithfully made us from the shore, 
that the Sumter had shipped to the southward. 
Instantly we were off in pursuit, soon at full 
speed, rushing down to the southern part of 
the bay; but nothing was visible on the dark 
background. 

“A small steamer, apparently one plying be- 
tween St. Pierre and Port Royal, was off the 
point making signals, doubtless for the benefit 
of the Sumter. But we could see nothing of 
her, as we proceeded on, so dark was the shadow 
thrown by the high land. Still we went on, 
all searching the darkness in vain. So soon as 
I had opened Port Royal Point, and seen noth- 
ing on the now open horizon, I concluded that 
we had passed her, or that she had doubled on 
us and gone to the northward. I then turned, 
keeping close on the shore, looking into her 
former anchorage, thinking she might possibly 
have returned. 

“No sign of her there. We continued on to 
the northward, but, when we opened the port, 
saw nothing of her this way. 

“T have the honor to be, very ey Reuaies 
your obedient servant, 

| “James S. Parmer, 
“ Commander.” 


Subsequently the Sumter made her way to 
Europe, after capturing and destroying other 
American vessels. She put into Cadiz, whither 
she was followed by a United States cruiser ; 
but under the rule of “ neutrality” she was again 


382 


permitted to escape, and went to Gibraltar. 
Here, for some months, she remained idle and 
out of repair, her commander, Semmes, having 
left her. Without funds to procure supplies, 
the privateer was unable to leave, and the 
crew gradually diminished by desertion. All 
this time she was closely watched by one or 
more United States cruisers, which were ready 
to pursue and capture her*upon any attempt to 
leave. Finding the chances of escape and fu- 
ture depredations were far from flattering, the 
parties in control of the rebel vessel, in the 
latter part of the year 1862, disposed of her, 
professedly for a more peaceful employment, 
though the honesty and legality of the transfer 
were called in question by the commander of 
the federal cruiser. 

Other rebel privateers were less successful 
than the Jeff Davis and Sumter, and, with the 
disappearance of the latter from the seas, north- 
ern commerce ceased to suffer. In the mean 
time several other vessels fitted out for such 
purposes were captured. The schooner Petrel, 
formerly a United States revenue cutter, was 
fitted out at Charleston, and upon her first ex- 
pedition, on the 7th of August, mistaking the 
frigate St. Lawrence for a large merchant ves- 
sel, fired upon the expected prize. The St. 
Lawrence responded with a broadside, which 
speedily sunk the Petrel, the crew of which, 
with the exception of a few who were killed or 
drowned, were rescued by the boats of the frig- 
ate, and sent north as prisoners. 

A more daring and brilliant exploit was the 
destruction of the privateer schooner Judah, 
at Pensacola, on the 14th of September. This 
vessel was being fitted out at the navy yard, 
evidently for privateering purposes, and Flag- 
officer Mervine, commanding the Gulf squadron, 
determined to destroy her, if possible, before 
she had an opportunity to evade the blockade. 
Accordingly, four boats, with about one hun- 
dred men, under the command of Lieutenant 
Russell, were sent into the harbor, at night, to 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


jaccomplish this purpose, and at the same time 
to spike a heavy cannon which was mounted 
|in the navy yard. The forts and batteries about 
the harbor were still heavily garrisoned by the 
rebel troops, and nearly one thousand men 
were posted in and about the navy yard, and 
the federal ships of war were lying near Fort 
Pickens, a long distance from the navy yard, 
and where they could not afford protection to 
the boats. The expedition might, therefore, be 
considered a desperate one; but its audacity 
was, probably, the reason of its success. Such 
an attempt was not anticipated by the rebels, 
who were consequently taken somewhat by 
surprise. The boats, however, were discovered 
in season to prepare the men on the schooner 
for resistance, and to alarm the forces stationed 
in the navy yard. As the boats approached, a 
heavy volley of musketry was discharged at 
them; but the gallant crews rowed rapidly to 
the side of the privateer, and boarded her. A 
desperate resistance on deck was at first at- 
tempted ; but the vessel was soon cleared of its 
rebel crew, and was then set on fire. In the mean 


time, one of the boats proceeded to a corner 
of the navy yard, where the heavy cannon was 
mounted, and the crew succeeded in spiking it 
without meeting with any resistance. When the 
boats left, the vessel was so thoroughly on fire 
that the flames could not be extinguished with 
the means at the disposal of the rebels, and 
it was burned to the water’s edge. ‘The crew, 
driven from the vessel, rallied on the wharf, 
where they were joined by a detachment of 
soldiers, and continued to fire upon the assail- 
ants; but they were kept at some distance by 
the fire of the latter. The rebels continued to 
fire at the boats as they moved away, but with 
little effect, while they received in return sev- 
eral discharges of shrapnel from the boats’ 
howitzers. The loss in this successful and gal- 
lant expedition was three killed and twelve 
wounded. 

The privateer Beauregard, a small schooner, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


armed with one rifled cannon, was captured, in 
the Bahama Channel, by the United States bark 
W. G. Anderson, on the 13th of November. 
This vessel had probably not succeeded in cap- 
turing any northern merchant vessels, although 
seven days out from Charleston. Being over- 
taken by the Anderson, the vessel was sur- 
rendered without resistance, and the crew were 
carried to Key West as prisoners. 

No other rebel privateer or cruiser ventured 
to sea during this year, though there were con- 
stant rumors that they were fitting out in sev- 
eral of the southern ports, and several steamers 
were probably armed for attack on northern 
commerce, or resistance to federal cruisers, 
should either come in their way; but their prin- 
cipal object was to run the blockade with val- 
uable cargoes, which object was, in too many 
instances, successfully accomplished. 

While the chief duties of the vessels of the 
navy were to blockade the coast, and to capture 
such privateers as might get to sea, there were 
occasional engagements, mostly of little conse- 
quence, with some of the rebel fortifications. 
Several of these occurred in Hampton Roads, 
with the battery at Sewall’s Point, and with 
other batteries up the James and York Rivers, 
as well as on the Potomac, where the rebels 
had industriously fortified commanding points 
so as at last completely to blockade the river. 
Most of these affairs, however, were without 
any practical result. On the coast of North 
Carolina there were also several engagements, 
‘of little importance, between federal gunboats 
and armed rebel steamers that occasionally 
made their appearance in the Sound. Attacks 
were also made upon several forts on this coast, 
and two or three small batteries were destroyed 
by boat expeditions from the ships of war. 
Near Hatteras Inlet the steamer Monticello 
shelled a land force of the rebels, and dispersed 
them apparently with much loss. 

In the Gulf, besides the bombardment of 
Pensacola and the neighboring forts, the federal 


* 383 


vessels had, during this year, but little to vary 
the monotony of blockading, except a slight 
engagement with a rebel steamer near Ship 
Island, the bombardment of Galveston, and the 
attack of a rebel “ram” on the ships lying in 
the Passes of the Mississippi. The bombard- 
ment of Galveston by the steamer South Caro- 
lina, Commander Alden, was induced by an 
attack from rebel batteries on a tender of the 
steamer, and subsequently on the steamer it- 
self, and evident preparations for a contest on 
the part of the rebels. In replying to the shots 
from the rebel batteries, some of the shot and 
shell from the South Carolina were thrown into 
the city, causing great alarm and excitement. 
As soon as Commander Alden saw that he was 
causing more damage to the city than to the 
rebel batteries, he ceased firing, and withdrew. 
But the unintentional bombardment of the city 
called forth a “protest” from some of the for- 
eign consuls at Galveston, which Commander 
Alden characterized as insulting, and entirely 
at variance with the facts. The commander 
made a spirited and apt reply to the interfer- 
ence of these officials in matters which belonged 
to the military authorities. ; 
The affair at the Passes of the Mississippi 
occurred early in the morning of October 12. 
There had been rumors for some time that the 
rebels were constructing a formidable iron-clad 
“ram,” with powerful engines, and a sharp iron 
beak, or prow, the purpose of which was to at- 
tack the federal vessels, and batter or cut holes 
through them below the water-line, while other 
rebel vessels joined in the conflict. The antici- 
pated exploits of this vessel, which was called 
the Manassas, were loudly boasted of in the 
New Orleans journals; but the federal officers 
were not disposed to believe that the strange 
craft would accomplish what was threatened. 
Previous to the 12th there ‘had been shots ex- 
changed between the federal vessels and one 
or two armed steamers of the rebels, but with- 
out any result on either side. LHarly on the 


384 , ’ HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


morning of the 12th the rebel fleet, consisting 
of the Manassas and several large armed steam- 
ers, came down the river towards the head of 
the Passes, where the United States steamers 
Richmond and Water Witch and the ships Pre- 
ble and Vincennes were at anchor, with a vessel 
which was supplying the steamers with coal. 
With the rebel vessels were three large fire 
rafts, which were to be fired at a certain signal, 
and set adrift in the stream, to float down 
among the federal vessels, and set them on fire. 

The night was very dark, and the approach 
of the rebel vessels was not discovered till the 
Manassas, which took the lead, steamed at a 
rapid rate down the river directly at the fed- 
eral ships. ‘The Richmond was the farthest up 
the river, and the Manassas ran at full speed 
against her bow with the sharp beak alluded 
to, cutting a hole in her bottom, though not a 
very largeone. Anattempt was made to strike 
the Richmond again farther aft; but owing to 
some derangement in the machinery of the 
rebel ram, it was unable to strike another 
formidable blow. As soon as the strange as- 
sailant was discovered, the crew of the Rich- 
mond were beat to quarters, and the blow had 
no sooner been given than a broadside was dis- 
charged at the ram as it backed off. The shot, 
however, appeared to glance or fall harmless 
from the iron sheathing, and but for the de- 
rangement of the machinery alluded to, the 
ram would probably have caused further dam- 
age to the Richmond and the other federal 
vessels. Signals were made for the squadron 
to move down the Passes, and the vessels got 
under way as soon as possible. But the other 
rebel steamers now approached, and the fire 
rafts were lighted. The Richmond and Water 
Witch continued to fire at the ram, which had 
withdrawn after its assault upon the Richmond. 
The flames of the fire rafts illumined the river, 
which had before been shrouded in darkness, 
and the federal guns were turned upon the 
steamers up the river, which could now be indis- 


tinctly seen. The length of the Richmond 
prevented her from being turned in the river 
with safety, and her broadside batteries could 
not be used advantageously. Her commander, 


Captain Pope, who was also in command of the * 


squadron, deemed it prudent, therefore, to move 
down the Pass to its mouth. This was accord- 
ingly done, the rebel steamers and the fire rafts 
following. In crossing the bar the Vincennes 
grounded, and the Richmond fared no better. 
The Vincennes, being a sailing vessel, was en- 
tirely helpless in such a condition, and her 
commander, mistaking a signal on board of the 
Richmond, abandoned his ship, lighting a slow- 
match for the purpose of blowing it up. The 
rebel steamers here opened a heavy fire upon 
the federal vessels, and a brief engagement fol- 
lowed, in which the superiority of some of the 
rebel guns was manifested, though no material 
damage was done. After this contest, in which 
the rebels claimed, in their accounts, to have 
sunk the Vincennes, the rebel steamers with- 
drew up the river. The match fired on the 
Vincennes having gone out, the officers and 
crew returned to their vessel, and she was sub- 
sequently got afloat. The Richmond, though 
considerably damaged, was not so much so as 
to endanger her safety; and the other vessels 
were unharmed. But the affair was a mortify- 
ing discomfiture for the federal ships, which 
were thus disgracefully driven down the Pass; 
and it was loudly boasted by the rebels as a 
substantial triumph. The following is Captain 
Pope’s official report : — ‘ 


‘“‘Unitep Starrs SteAmMER RicumMonpD, SoutTH-WwEsT 
Pass oF Mississippr1 Rryrr, Oct. 18, 1861. 


“Sm: I have the honor to make the follow- 


ing report: At forty-five minutes past three — 


A. M., October 12, 1861, while the watch on 
deck were employed in taking coal on board 
from the schooner Joseph H. Toone, a ram was 


discovered in close proximity to this ship. By 


the time the alarm could be given, she had 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


struck the ship abreast of the port fore-chan- | 
nels, tearing the schooner from her fastenings, 
and forcing a hole through the ship’s side. 
Passing aft, the ram endeavored to effect a 
breach in the stern, but failed. Three planks 
in the ship’s side were stove in about two feet 
below the water-line, making a hole about five 
inches in circumference. At the first alarm, 
the crew promptly and coolly repaired to their 
quarters, and as the ram passed abreast of the 
ship the entire port battery was discharged at 
her, with what effect it is impossible to discover, 
owing to the darkness. A red light was shown 
as a signal of danger, and the squadron was 
under way in a very few minutes, having 
slipped their cables. I ordered the Preble and 
Vincennes to proceed down the South-west 
Pass while I covered their retreat, which they 
did at fifty minutes past four A. M. 

“ At this time three large fire rafts, stretch- 
mg across the river, were rapidly nearing us, 
while several large steamers and a bark-rigged 
propeller were seen astern of them. 

“The squadron proceeded down the river in 
the following order: first, the Preble, second, 
the Vincennes, third, the Richmond, fourth, the 
Water Witch, with the prize schooner Frolic in 
tow. When abreast of the Pilot Settlement, the 
pilot informed me that he did not consider it 
safe to venture to turn this ship in the river, 
but that he believed he could pass over the bar. 
I accordingly attempted to pass over the bar 
with the squadron; but in the passage the Vin- 
cennes and Richmond grounded, while the 
Preble went over clear. This occurred about 
eight o’clock; and the enemy, who were now 
down the river with the fire steamers, com- 
menced firing at us, while we returned the fire 
from our port battery and rifled gun on the 
poop; our shot, however, falling short of the 
enemy, while their shell burst on all sides of 
us, and several passed directly over the ship. 


“ At half-past nine, Commander Handy of the 
- 49 


385 


Vincennes, mistaking my signal to the ships 
outside the bar to get under way, for a signal 
to him to abandon his ship, came on board the 
Richmond, with all his officers and a large num- 
ber of the crew, the remainder having gone on 
board the Water Witch. Captain Handy, before 
leaving his ship, had placed a lighted slow-match 
at the magazine. Having Waited a reasonable 
time for an explosion, I directed Commander 
Handy to return to his ship, with his crew, to 
start his water, and, if necessary, at his own 
request, to throw overboard his small guns, for 
the purpose of lightening his ship, and to carry 
out his kedge with a cable to heave off by. At 


[ten A. M. the enemy ceased firing, and withdrew 


up the river. During the engagement a.shell 
entered our quarter-port, and one of the boats 
was stove by another shell. 

“IT have succeeded in reducing the leak of 
this ship so that our small engines keep the 
ship free. This is only temporary, and the 
ship will have to go to some place and have 
three planks put in. I have received rifle guns, 
and placed the thirty-two-pounder on the fore- 
castle and the twelve-pounder on the poop. 
Could I have possibly managed this ship in any 
other way than keeping her head up and down 
the river, | would have stopped at Pilot Town 
to give battle ; but this was found too hazardous, 
owing to her extreme length. The attempt 
was made, but a broadside could not be brought 
to bear without running the ship ashore. I 
then concluded, as advised, to start for the bar, 
and trust to the chance of finding water 
enough to cross. 

“Tn narrating the affair of the river, I omitted 
to state that the ram sunk one of our large 
cutters, and a shot from the enemy stove 
the gig. 

“Tam pleased to say that the Vincennes is 
afloat, and at anchor outside on my starboard 
quarter. Very respectfully, ; 

“Joun Porn, Captain.” 


CHAPTER LI 


Naval and Military Expedition to Port Royal. — Preparations. — 
Extent of the Expedition. — Sailing of Fleet from Hampton 
Roads. — Stormy Weather. — Severe Gale. — The Fleet scat- 
tered. — Loss of Vessels. — Steamer Governor. — Critical Sit- 
uation. —Rescue of Crew and Passengers. —The Winfield 
Scott.— Damage to@Vessels. — Collection of the Fleet. — 
Arrival at the Rendezvous. — Passage over the Bar. — Port 
Royal and Beaufort.— Preparations for Attack. — Forts 
Walker and Beauregard. — The Plan of Attack. — The Battle. 
— Terrible Bombardment. — Movements of the Squadron. — 
Fort Walker evacuated.— The Union Flag raised on the 
Fort. — Fort Beauregard abandoned. — Occupation of Hilton 
Head. — Captures. — Rebel Force and Loss. — Loss on board 
the Fleet. — Results of the Victory.— Description of the 
Battle by an Eye-witness. 


Arter the capture of the forts at Hatteras 
Inlet, a more formidable combined naval and 
military expedition was contemplated, to oper- 
ate at some more important point on the south- 
ern coast. It was intended that this expedition 
should be fitted out in September ; but the great 
difficulties attending the organization of the 
military forces, preparation of transports, and 
collecting the necessary naval force, caused de- 
lays, and the expedition was not ready until 
the latter part of October. In the mean time 
a change of the destination of the expedition 
was made, and it was determined to take Port 
Royal harbor as a safe roadstead for the ships 
of war employed on the coast, and a base for 
future military operations. This, however, was 
not made known, and though it was generally 
supposed that the force was destined to some 
point in the vicinity of Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, from which it could operate upon that 
cradle of rebellion, yet the real destination was 
not known to the northern people until the an- 
nouncement of its success was-made. 

The rendezvous of the naval vessels and 
transports was at Hampton Roads, and the col- 
lection of so many vessels and such consider- 
able preparations would certainly have revealed 
to the rebels in their neighboring posts that a 
great expedition was in preparation, even if 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


there had not been, as at all times during the 
rebellion, spies who kept the enemy informed 
of all federal movements. It was reported 
that, a day or two before the sailing of the ex- 
pedition, a clerk of one of the high officers of 
the fleet had fled, taking with him the charts 
and other papers which would reveal to the 
rebels the object. of the expedition. But m 
this case the rebels did not seem to be aware 
of the exact point of attack, though they might 
reasonably have anticipated the general object 
of the expedition. 

The naval force of this expedition, consisting 
of upwards of twenty-five armed vessels, of 
various size and armament, from the steam 
frigate Wabash, the flag-ship of the squadron, 
to the small steamer armed with one or two 
guns, was under the command of Flag-officer 
S. F. Dupont. The military force which was 
embarked on hoard of various transports, many 
of them steamers and ships of the largest size, 
was under the command of Brigadier-General 
T. W. Sherman, and numbered about twelve 
thousand men. The combined fleet of naval 
vessels and transports numbered fifty vessels — 
the largest squadron that had ever been col- 
lected under the United States flag. On the 
28th of October Commodore Dupont despatched 
his coal vessels, twenty-five in number, (addi- 
tional to the fleet just mentioned,) under convoy 
of the sloop of war Vandalia, to rendezvous off 
Savannah, with the view of misleading the 
enemy as to the true destination of the expe- 
dition. On the 29th the signal was given for 
the fleet to sail; and as the vessels moved out 
of the roads in their order, the scene was the 
most magnificent and inspiriting ever viewed in 
American waters, and demonstrated the power 
and resources of the Union, no less than did 
the grand armies collected upon the banks of 
the Potomac, and organizing in the west. 

_. The weather had been unsettled, and had 
delayed several days the departure of the fleet ; 
but on this morning there was a prospect of 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


fair weather and favorable winds, which au- 
cured well for the speedy success of the expe- 
dition. But it was now the season for storms 
upon the southern coast, and off Hatteras the 
wind blew hard, and drove several vessels 
among the breakers, from which, however, 
they escaped without damage. On the Ist of 
November the wind had increased to a gale, 
and one of the: most violent storms ever expe- 
rienced upon that stormy coast succeeded. The 
fleet was utterly dispersed, and when the storm 
at last began to abate, only one vessel out of 
the whole number was visible from the deck of 
the flag-ship. At the commencement of the 
storm several of the smaller vessels had put 
back to Hampton Roads, and, probably thus 
escaped destruction. Several other's, which were 
totally unfitted for any boisterous seas, were lost, 
or so disabled as to be saved with the greatest 
difficulty, and one or two were driven ashore 
on the coast of South Carolina, where the crews 
were captured and the vessels destroyed. 
These, however, were vessels carrying ordnance 
stores and supplies, and the naval vessels and 
transports, though some of them suffered se- 
verely, and were obliged to throw overboard 
their guns and heavy cargo, succeeded in riding 
through the terrible storm, except one steamer, 
the Governor. This vessel, on board of which 
was a battalion of marines, was for a long time 
ina most critical condition, and was kept afloat 
only by the unremitting labors of the crew and 
soldiers, Several vessels that came to the re- 
lief of the Governor, in answer to the signals 
of distress which were continually made, were 
unable to render any assistance to those on 
board the ill-fated steamer owing to the violence 
of the storm. The destruction of the vessel 
and the death of all on board seemed inevi- 
table; but at last the frigate Sabine came to 
their assistance, and by the intrepid exertions 
of the officers and crew of:that ship, continued 
for a long time, the*crew and marines on the 
_ Governor were taken off, with the exception 


387 


of seven, who were lost in the attempt to board 
the Sabine. The arms of the marines were 
saved, but their equipments, clothing, and stores 
were all lost. It was but a short time after 
the living freight of the Governor was trans- 
ferred to the Sabine that the former vessel went 
down. 

The steamer Winfield Scott, an armed trans- 
port, which carried a part of the fiftieth Penn- 
sylvania regiment, was also very nearly wrecked. 
This vessel suffered severely, and it became 
necessary to throw overboard the steamer’s 
guns, the arms of the soldiers, and every thing 
except the rations, in order to keep the vessel 
from sinking. The armed steamer Bienville 
went to the assistance of the Winfield Scott, 
and as she came alongside, the engineers and a 
portion of the crew of the latter jumped on 
board, deserting their posts in the hour of 
danger. This action created a panic among 
the soldiers, and greatly increased the risk to 
the large number of persons remaining on 
board the damaged vessel. The captain of the 
Winfield Scott, however, by vigorous measures 
quieted the alarm, and having caused the rec- 
reant crew to be placed in irons, by great 
exertions, and the aid of the transport Van- 
derbilt, which also came to the rescue, the ves- 
sel was towed, in a greatly damaged condition, 
to the place of rendezvous. 

Other vessels were more or less damaged by 
the terrible storm, but they succeeded in riding 
through it without serious loss; and as the 
storm abated they came in slowly to the place 
of rendezvous. “It was a trying time for the 
commander of the fleet, who found his vessels 
thus scattered, and knew not how many were 
lost. Many of the transports were not built 
for sea-going vessels, and considering their char- 
acter and the severity of the storm, there was 
too much reason to fear that many of them 
were utterly wrecked or helpless, and that, with 
the loss of many lives, the expedition was to 
prove a failure. But when the storm had 


388 


passed, the vessels began to come in sight, and 

on the 4th of November the ‘advance part of 
the fleet, numbering about twenty-five vessels, 
arrived off Port Royal bar. The masters of 
vessels which had become entirely separated 
from the flag-ships of the naval and military 
commanders had opened the sealed orders 
which were furnished to all in case of such 
accident, and had thus first learned the desti- 
nation, or the rendezvous of the fleet. They 
came in slowly; but, as Commodore Dupont 
himself observed, there was reason for great 
thankfulness that the disasters had not. been 
more numerous and distressing. 

Finding the scattered vessels thus rejoining 
the expedition, measures were at once taken 
to carry out its object. By the aid of officers 
connected with the coast survey, the channel 
was soon surveyed, sounded, and buoyed, and 
the transports and gunboats of light draught 
passed over the bar, and anchored in the safe 
roadstead of Port Royal. This harbor or bay 
is by far the best on the Atlantic coast south 
of Hampton Roads. It is much superior to 
that of Charleston, admitting vessels of greater 
draught, and being quite as safe from the 
stormy winds; and had the people of South 
Carolina been imbued with the spirit of enter- 
prise which characterizes the north, a city 
rivalling Charleston would long ago have been 
built here. But the early settlement of Beau- 
fort,;* which lies on one side of Port Royal Isl- 
and, the largest of a group of many which are 
separated by channels of moderate breadth, 
was abandoned for various reasons, and the col- 
onists settled at Charleston, which thus became 
the chief town of the colony; and association, 
aristocracy, and lack of enterprise contributed 
to preserve Charleston from a rival within the 
limits of South Carolina. The islands about 


* Beaufort is about sixty miles by the road, and about thirty- 


five in a direct line, from Savannah, and about seventy by the’ 


road, and fifty in a direct line, from Charleston. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


Port Royal, however, were found admirably 
adapted to the production of the finest quality 
of cotton ; and they have been chiefly occupied 
for that purpose, while the town of Beaufort 
and its vicinity became a pleasant resort. for 
wealthy residents of Charleston and a portion 
of the interior during the hot season. 

Further soundings having been made, it was 
ascertained and reported that*the flag-ship Wa- 
bash could safely pass the bar ; and though some 
risk attended the passage of so large a vessel, 
it was safely accomplished on the 5th, and, fol- 
lowed by others of the larger vessels of war and 
transports, the flag-ship sailed into the road- 
stead loudly cheered by the crews and soldiers on 
board the vessels already there. Preparations 
were immediately made for an attack on the 
forts, by which the harbor or entrance to Broad 
Sound was defended. It was necessary, how- 
ever, for the safety of the vessels, to place buoys 
at certain dangerous shoals, and the day was 
spent in such preparations. The next day a 
gale prevented the attack; but on the 7th, all 
things being ready, the signals were made for 
the vessels to move according to the orders 
already issued. The transports in the mean 
time were to remain in the roadstead, the mili- 
tary part of the expedition awaiting the reduc- 
tion of the forts by the navy, it being impos- 
sible, from the position of the forts and the 
nature of the shore, to safely land a force to 
codperate with the ships of war. 

The forts to be reduced by the navy were 
two — one on Bay Point, on the north-east side 
of the entrance to Broad Sound, which was 
called Fort Beauregard, and the other on Hilton 
Head, on the south-western side, which was 
called Fort Walker. The latter was apparently 
the strongest and most important work, though 
a reconnoissance in force, which had drawn the 
fire of both, led to the belief that each mount- 
ed about twenty guns. They were well-con- 
structed works, and evidently of sufficient 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


strength to resist a formidable attack, and the 
result proved that Fort Walker contained twen- 
ty-three guns, most of them of large calibre, 
and several of them rifled, while Fort Beau- 
regard mounted, including those in the out- 
works, eighteen guns, and had also two field 
pieces. In addition to these forts for the de- 
fence of Port Royal, the rebels also had sevy- 
eral armed steamers of small size, under the 
command of Captain Tatnall, formerly of the 
United States navy. These vessels were seen 
up the Sound, but they did not invite an 
engagement, the purpose of the commander 
being apparently to watch the result, and if 
any vessel of the federal fleet should be se- 
riously damaged in the conflict with the forts, 
or become separated from the others, to join in 
the attack. = 

The plan adopted by Commodore Dupont 
was to reduce the fort on Hilton Head first, 
the distance being too great to engage both 
forts from a position midway between them. 
He formed his line of battle with vessels, of 
which the flag-ship Wabash took the lead, suc- 
ceeded by the Susquehanna, three steam sloops 
of war and several gunboats following, one of 
them towing the sailing sloop of war Vandalia. 
In addition to this a flanking squadron of five 
gunboats was formed, which was to sail up the 
sound or harbor, and remain there to engage 
the rebel gunboats if they came within reach. 
The signal to move was made at eight o’clock 
on the morning of the 7th, and the vessels were 


soon under way in the order designated, keep- | 


ing a course midway between the two forts. 
The action was commenced by a gun from 
Fort Walker, followed by another from Fort 
Beauregard. The Wabash replied with a part 
of her heavy batteries, and the Susquehanna 
immediately after responded; and as each of 
the squadron came so as to bring its guns to 
bear, they were discharged at the rebel bat- 
teries. Passing up the harbor about two miles 
and a half, the main squadron turned to the 


389 


west and south, while the flanking squadron 
passed on to its station to watch the rebel fleet. 
In going down the harbor, the main squadron 
passed nearer to Hilton Head, passing Fort 
Walker at a distance of less than six hundred 
yards. The attack now commenced in earnest. 
The Wabash poured in a tremendous and rapid 
fire from her heavy guns, and the Susquehanna 
and other vessels, as they reached the proper 
position, joined with no less spirit in the terrible 
cannonade. This attack, at so short a distance, 
and against the weakest flank of the fort, while 
at the same time a portion of the fire enfiladed 
the water faces of the work, showed the enemy 
the power with which he had to contend, while 
he did not at first succeed in bringing his guns 
to bear upon the vessels at so short a distance. 
Passing slowly down by Fort Walker with this 
severe and damaging fire, the squadron again 
turned, and, steaming nearer to Fort Beauregard 
than before, poured into that a similar storm 
of shot and shell, firmg also, as it passed, at 
longer range against Fort Walker. Twice the 
squadron had passed up and down, sending its 
countless missiles of destruction with deafening 
and continuous roar into the devoted forts, 
when there were evident signs that the fire 
of the latter, especially Fort Walker, which 
had been hitherto kept up with spirit and some 
effect, had begun to slacken. The repeated 
experience by the defenders of Fort Walker 
of that terrible bombardment at short range 
was too severe for them to endure it again. 
Their flag had already been shot away, some 
of their guns had been dismounted, shell and 
shrapnel had dealt wounds and death amongst 
them, and before the third close attack could 
be made, they hastily evacuated the fort, and 
retreated, evidently in great disorder, over the 
island. The battle with Fort Walker was 
ended. 

An officer with a flag of truce was sent on 
shore, but he found no one with whom to con- 
fer, and he soon raised the flag of the Union 


390 HISTORY OF THE 


over the captured fort. The cheers and shouts 
of victory which arose from the crews of the 
ships of war and the soldiers on board the 
transports, who had watched the magnificent 
but terrible spectacle with breathless interest, 
must have sent dismay to the garrison of Fort 
Beauregard. That fort had not yet been sub- 
jected to the bombardment at short range, 
though a steady fire at long range, as the ves- 
sels passed, had been directed against it. It 
had not suffered as much as Fort Walker, and 
its garrison had not experienced the weight of 
metal thrown by the broadsides of the Wabash 
and Susquehanna, and the continuous dis- 
charges of the huge guns of the other vessels. 
But seeing that Fort Walker was lost, and hear- 
ing the shouts of victory which forewarned 
them of the futility of resistance, they were 
not long in following the example of their 
friends, and, hauling down their flag, hastily 
evacuated the fort. A squadron of gunboats 
sent to reconnoitre more closely after the evac- 
uation of Fort Walker probably hastened their 
movements. In the mean time the rebel fleet 
that had shown itself uncertainly up the harbor 
steamed away up some of the numerous chan- 
nels that open from Broad River. 

A body of sailors and marines had been at 
once sent to take possession of the fort on Hil- 
ton Head, when its evacuation was discovered. 
They found abundant evidence of the effect of 
the bombardment, and the haste with which 
the rebels had retreated. Several of their dead 
were found in the fort, and there was reason to 
suppose that other bodies, as well as nearly or 
quite all their wounded, were carried away: 
only four prisoners were captured; large quan- 
tities of ammunition, tents, clothing, and stores, 
and some small arms, were found near the fort 
and on the road taken by the rebels in their 
retreat, and a mile from the works was a large 
camp, which the rebels had abandoned, leaving 
the tents standing, with much baggage and a 
quantity of small arms. 


UNITED STATES. 


As soon as Hilton Head was evacuated, the 
transports moved up the harbor, and before 
night a brigade of troops landed and took pos- 
session of the fort. It was not till the next 
day that possession was taken of Fort Beaure- 
gard, which afforded ample evidence that it 
was abandoned with as much haste as Fort 
Walker had been. 

The rebel forces in the two forts, and in po- 
sition near them, were supposed to number 
twenty-five hundred or three thousand men; 
and the tents, baggage, and blankets captured 
indicated that this was about the force. They 
were under the command of General Drayton, 
of South Carolina; and it is a noteworthy inci- 
dent that the steamer Pocahontas, which, hay- 
ing been delayed by the storm, came into the 
harbor in the midst of the battle and joined in 
the bombardment, was commanded by Com- 
mander Drayton, also a native of South Caro- 
lina, and brother of the rebel general. 

The victory of Port Royal, which was a bril- 
liant one for the navy, secured at once a safe 
and comfortable haven for the federal vessels 
in service along the southern coast, and a base 
for future military operations. To the rebels 
it was a severe blow and a great disappoint- 
ment, while among the loyal people of the 
north it was hailed with delight, as a token of 
future successes. 

Of the bombardment and victory, which we 
have so briefly described, the following account 
by an eye-witness will, perhaps, give the reader 
a clearer view :— 

“ At nine o’clock, the fleet was signalled from 
the Wabash to raise anchor, and in rather more 
than half an hour afterwards, all the vessels 
were in motion. ‘They moved slowly towards 
the land, cautiously feeling the way with the 
sounding line, arranged in two columns, of 
which the first was led by the flag-ship, and 
the second by the Bienville. The first column 
comprised the Wabash, Susquehanna, Mohican, 
Seminole, Pawnee, Unadilla, Ottawa, Pembina, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


and Vandalia, in tow of the Isaac Smith. The 
gunboats Penguin, Augusta, Curlew, Seneca, 
and R. B. Forbes, followed in the track of the 
Bienville. Sufficient space was given each ves- 
sel, in order that the fire from one column might 
not interfere with the operation of the other. 

“Tt was well understood that the commodore 
intended to fight at close quarters, and the fact 
intensified the interest every body felt in the 
approaching conflict. As the fleet moved ma- 
jestically on towards the foe, the few minutes 
consumed in getting within range of the bat- 
teries seemed dreadfully long to the spectators, 
who watched in deep suspense for the com- 
mencement of the fight. At length, precisely 
at five minutes before ten o’clock, the Bay Point 
battery opened its fire upon the Wabash, and 
that at Hilton Head followed almost within a 
second. The ships were then nearly midway 
between the hostile guns, and scarcely within 
range. For a minute they made no reply; but 
presently the Wabash began. Then grandly 
she poured from both her massive sides a ter- 
rible rain of metal, which fell with frightful 
rapidity upon either shore. The other vessels 
were not slow in following her example, and 
the battle was fairly begun. 

“From my point of observation on board the 
Atlantic, which had been taken as close to the 
combatants as was consistent with safety, in 
order that General Sherman might witness the 
proceedings, it was apparent that few of the 
shells, which at first were the only projectiles 
used, burst within the fortifications. The guns 
had too great an elevation, and their iron mes- 
sengers went crashing among the tree-tops a 
mile or two beyond the batteries. The same 
was the case with the rebels, whose shot passed 
between the masts and above our vessels. The 
frigates and gunboats, each having delivered 
their fire, which mainly in this round was di- 
rected against Bay Point, passed within the bay, 
indifferent alike to the bursting shells, hamming 
projectiles, and hot round shot which the rebels 


391 


furiously discharged, breaking the water into 
foaming columns every where around them. 

“It was, I believe, part of the plan of battle 
to engage the batteries alternately, and the 
vessels, preserving their relative positions, were 
to move in circles before the foe. This mode 
of procedure was decided upon, because the 
current sets swiftly in the straits between the 
fortifications, which are about two miles and 
three quarters apart, and it was impossible, even 
had it been desirable, for the vessels to remain 
stationary lohg enough to silence one battery 
before attacking the other. Something oc- 
curred, however, to change these arrangements 
a little. It is true the larger vessels followed 
the Wabash, from first to last, in the prescribed 
way, and the Bienville, leading the second di- 
vision, gallantly maintained the position which 
had been assigned to her throughout the entire 
action; but the gunboats, finding that they 
could bring a destructive enfilading fire to bear 
upon Hilton Head, by stationing themselves in 
a cove about a mile’s distance to the left of 
the fortification, took that position, and per- 
formed most efficient service. The commo- 
dore, perceiving the good result of the manceu- 
vre, permitted them to remain. 

“The Wabash was brought as near Hilton 
Head battery as the depth of water permitted ; 
while soundings were given and signals made 
during the whole time the ship was in action, 
as regularly as upon ordinary occasions. 

“Within a distance of nine hundred yards 
from the rebel guns, the Wabash threw in her 
fiery messengers, while the other frigates, no 
farther away, participated in the deadly strife ; 
and the gunboats, from their sheltered nook, 
raked the ramparts frightfully. Thus the fire 
of about: fifty guns was concentrated every 
moment upon the enemy, who worked hero- 
ically, never wavering in his reply, except when 
the Wabash was using her batteries directly in 
front of him. Then it was too hot for flesh 
and blood to endure. Shells fell almost as 


392 


rapidly as hail-drops within, and for a mile and 
a half beyond, the battery. As they struck 
and ploughed into the earth, a dense pillar of 
sand would shoot upward, totally obscuring the 
fortification, and driving the blinded gunners 
from their pieces. 

“In describing their circuit and delivering 
their fire, the vessels consumed rather more 
than an hour for each round. Little more 
than half of this time, however, was spent in 
getting into position ; for gliding slowly around, 
perhaps entering the bay beyond the fort half 
a mile, just far enough to permit the safe 
turning of his immense ship, the commodore 
brought her back, and repeated from his star- 
board battery, until the guns became too hot 
to handle, that devastating fire. What is true 
respecting the firmg of the Wabash is also true 
respecting the Susquehanna, Bienville, Paw- 
nee, Mohican, and the rest. Each vessel dis- 
charged her broadside at the shortest possible 
range, loading and firing again and again, with 
all the coolness and precision exercised in tar- 
get practice, before she passed the battery. 

“But the enemy was by no means inactive. 
He offered a stubborn and heroic resistance. 
Looking through a powerful telescope belong- 
ing to the engineer officers of the expedition, 
I saw, when the ships were approaching the 
battery the second time, two men wearing red 
shirts. ‘They had heen particularly active, and 
now sat at the muzzle of a gun, apparently 
exhausted, and waiting for more ammunition. 
This terrible fire from the fleet was falling all 
around them; but they moved not, and I doubt- 
ed if they were alive. Finally they sprang up 
and loaded their piece—a shell at that instant 
burst near them, and they disappeared, doubtless 
blown into atoms. J heard frequently, during 
the hottest of the fight, most unqualified ex- 
pressions of approval of the manner in which 
the rebels served their guns. That their marks- 


manship was good, the torn hulls and cut rig- || 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


ging of our vessels, rather than the number of 
killed on board, furnish full evidence. 

“ After the second round had been brilliantly 
fought on both sides, the Wabash gave a signal 
to the vessels which had been most actively 
engaged, to cease firing, and give refreshments 
to their men. Accordingly the steamers re- 
paired toa point beyond reach of the batteries, 
and the poor sailors — nearly exhausted with 
their work — satisfied their hunger, and grate- 
fully accepted a few moments’ repose. ‘Then 
it was that the gunboats did their most efficient 
cannonading. Their shell and round shot flew 
straight across the parapet of the fortification, 
driving the men from their guns, and making 
dreadful havoc. The little steam-tug Mercury, 
Master Commanding Martin, gallantly steamed 
into a shallow bay to the left of the fort, not 
more than half a mile distant, and presentmg 
her diminutive figure to the rebel guns, opened 
upon them with her thirty-pounder Parrott, 
which was fired rapidly and with good. effect. 
From her proximity to the fort, Captain Martin 
was probably the first to see that the rebels were 
preparing to evacuate the place. 
the fortification, extending about three fourths 
of a mile, is a broad meadow bounded by dense 
woods. Across this open space the enemy 
was carrying his dead and wounded, and wag- 
ons were hurriedly removing the equipage of 
the camp. 

“The Mercury, steaming closer to the shore, 
found that the battery had been deserted, and 
immediately took the news to the flag-ship, 
which, by this time, with her sister vessels, was 
coming up like a destroying angel to renew 
the conflict. The commodore almost ,simul- 
taneously received confirmation of the tidings 
from other sources, and, even while listening to 
the words of the messenger, the rebels struck 
their flag. 

“The signal to cease firing was at once hoist- 
ed; and it being precisely a quarter to three 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


o'clock, the bombardment had been nearly five 
hours in progress. 

“The flag-ship lowered a boat and sent it 
ashore, carrying a flag of truce in the bow, and 
our own proud banner at the stern. Its mission 
was to inquire if the enemy had surrendered. 
Commander John Rodgers, a passenger on the 
Wabash, who had come down to join his ves- 
sel, the Flag, now blockading off Charleston, 
and had been acting during the fight as aid to 
Commodore Dupont, was assigned the duty of 
taking the-flag ashore. Himself and crew were 
unarmed, but they found no one to receive 
them. He planted the American ensign upon 
the deserted ramparts, and took possession of 
the rebel soil of South Carolina in the majesty 
of the United States. Another and larger star- 
spangled banner was afterwards displayed upon 
the flag-staff of a building a few rods to the left, 
where the rebel standard had waved during the 
eombat, and whence it had just been taken down. 

“Commodore Tatnall and his gunboats dis- 
appeared in the early part of the engagement. 
He sent a few shots towards the fleet, but, as 
usual, his boats were not near enough to do us 
injury. Much regret was felt that neither of 
our fast steamers pursued and captured the 
commodore. He would have been an interest- 
ing prisoner. Among the papers found in the 
secessionist garrison was one from Mr. Tatnall, 
in which he promised emphatically to General 
Drayton, who commanded the rebel forces, that 
his gunboats should be brought down from 
Savannah, and that they should share the fate 
of the forts. The promise was kept, and the 
fate was shared — the latter much earlier than 
was necessary. ; 

“Ten thousand eager eyes beheld our flag as 
it was planted upon the parapet; and who shall 
describe the enthusiasm with which the sight 
was greeted? Cheer followed cheer from the 
men-of-war, and were echoed by the transports 
in the distance. Tears of joyful pride filled 
many an eye; hands were cordially shaken, 
50 


393 


heartfelt congratulations for the glorious vic- 
tory were expressed. Some, in the exuberance 
of their exultation, danced wildly, and clapped 
their hands, until it seemed doubtful whether 
they would ever cease their antics. Nor was 
the ebullition of patriotic fervor at all decreased 
when the regimental bands, with earnest feel- 
ing, as if by a spontaneous impulse, all struck 
up ‘The Star-Spangled Banner, the majesty 
of which had been so signally vindicated.” 


CHAPTER -LII. 


Expedition to Port Royal, continued. — Official Reports. — De- 
spatches of Commodore Dupont. — General Order, congratu- 
lating the Officers and Men of the Fleet. — Federal Loss and 

' Damage of Vessels. — Report of General Sherman. — Procla- 
mation of General Sherman to the People of South Carolina. 
—Occupation of Beaufort. — Advantages gained by the 
Expedition. 


Tue following are the despatches of Com 
modore Dupont, announcing the success of 
the expedition in gaining possession of Port 
Royal : — 

‘‘FLaGg-sHip WaBAsH, orF Hinton Huan, 
“Port Royar Harsgor, Nov. 6, 1861. ‘ 

“Sm: The government having determined 
to seize and occupy one or more’ important 
points upon our southern coast, where our 
squadrons might find shelter, possess a depot, 
and afford protection to loyal citizens, com- 
mitted to my discretion the selection from 
among those places which it thought available 
and desirable for these purposes. 

“After mature deliberations, aided by the 
professional knowledge and great intelligence 
of the assistant secretary, Mr. Fox, and upon 
taking into consideration the magnitude to 
which the joint naval and military expedition 
had been extended, to which you have called 
my attention, I came to the conclusion that the 
original intentions of the department, if carried 
out, would fall short of the expectations of the 
country and of the capabilities of the fleet; 


394 HISTORY OF 


while Port Royal, I thought, would meet both 
in a high degree. 

“T therefore submitted to General Sherman, 
commanding the military part of the expedition, 
this modification of our earliest matured plans, 
and had the satisfaction to receive his full con- 
currence; though he and the commanders of 
brigades very justly laid great stress on the 
necessity, if possible, of getting this frigate mto 
the harbor of Port Royal. 

“On Tuesday, the 29th of October, the fleet 
under my command left Hampton Roads, and, 
with the army transports, numbered fifty ves- 
sels. On the day previous I had despatched the 
coal vessels, twenty-five in all, under convoy 
of the Vandalia, Commander Haggerty, to ren- 
dezvous off Savannah, not wishing to give indi- 
cations of the true point. 

“The weather had been unsettled in Hamp- 
ton. Roads, though it promised well when we 
sailed. But off Cape Hatteras the wind blew 
hard; some ships got into the breakers, and 
two struck, without injury. 

“On Friday, November 1, the rough weather 
soon increased into a gale, and we had to 
encounter one of great violence from the south- 
east, a portion of which approached to a hurri- 
cane. The fleet was utterly dispersed; and on 
Saturday morning one sail only was in sight 
from the deck of the Wabash. On the follow- 
ing day the weather moderated, and the steam- 
ers and ships began to reappear. Orders (not 
to be opened except in case of separation) were 
furnished to all the men-of-war by myself, and 
to the transports by Brigadier-General Sher- 
man. 

“ As the vessels rejoined, reports came in of 
disasters. I expected to hear of many; but 
when the severity of the gale and the character 
of the vessels are considered, we have only cause 
for great thankfulness. 

“In reference to the men-of-war, the Isaac 
Smith, a most efficient, well-armed vessel for 


the class, purchased, but not intended to en-| 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


counter such a sea and wind, had to throw 
her formidable battery overboard to keep from 
foundering ; but, thus relieved, Lieutenant Com- 
manding Nicholson was enabled to go to the 


assistance of the chartered steamer Governor, 


then in a very dangerous condition, and on 
board of which was our fine battalion of ma- 
rines, under Major Reynolds. They were finally 
rescued by Captain Ringold, of the frigate Sa- 
bine, under difficult circumstances; soon after 
which the Governor went down. I believe that 
seven of the marines were drowned by their 
own imprudence. Lieutenant Commanding 
Nicholson’s conduct in the Isaac Smith has met 
my warmest commendations. 

“The Peerless, transport, in a sinking con- 
dition, was met by the Mohican, Commander 
Gordon, and all the people on board — twenty- 
six in number — were saved, under very pecu- 
liar circumstances, in which service Lieutenant 
W. H. Miller was very favorably noticed by his 
commander. 

“On passing Charleston, I sent in the Seneca, 
Lieutenant-Commanding Ammen, to direct Cap- 
tain Lardner to join me with the Susquehanna, 
off Port Royal, without delay. On Monday, at 
eight o’clock in the morning, I anchored off the 
bar, with some twenty-five vessels in aie 
and many heaving in sight. 

“ The Nbpertmnent- is aware that all the aids 
to navigation had been removed, and the bar 
lies ten miles seaward, with no features on the 
shore line with sufficient prominence to make 
any bearings reliable. But to the skill of Com- 
mander Davis, the fleet captain, and Mr. Bou- 
telle, the able assistant of the coast survey, in — 
charge of the steamer Vixen, the channel was 
immediately found, sounded out, and buoyed. 
By three o’clock I received assurances from Cap- 
tain Davis that I could send forward the lighter 
transports, — those under eighteen feet, — with 
all the gunboats, which was immediately done; 
and before dark they were securely anchored 
in the roadstead of Port Royal, South Carolina. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


The gunboats almost immediately opened their 
batteries upon two or three rebel steamers, 
under Commodore Tatnall, instantly chasing 
him under the shelter of the batteries. 

“In the morning, Commander John Rodgers, 
of the United States steamer Flag, temporarily 
on board this ship and acting on my staff, ac- 
companied Brigadier-General Wright in the 
gunboat Ottawa, Lieutenant Commanding Ste- 


vens, and supported by the Seneca, Lieutenant. 


Commanding Ammen, the Curlew, Acting Lieu- 
tenant Commanding Watmough, and the Isaac 
Smith, Lieutenant Commanding Nicholson, made 


a reconnoissance in force, which drew the fire || 


of the batteries on Hilton Head and Bay Point, 
sufficiently to show that the fortifications were 
works of strength and scientifically constructed. 

“In the evening of Monday, Captain Davis 
and Mr. Boutelle reported water enough for 
the Wabash to venture in. The responsibility 
of hazarding so noble a frigate was not a light 
one. Over a prolonged bar of more than two 
miles, there was but a foot or two of water to 
spare, and the fall and rise of the tide are such 
that if she had grounded she would have sus- 
tained mostserious injury from straining, perhaps 
total loss. Too much, however, was at stake to 
hesitate, and the result was entirely successful. 

“On the morning of Tuesday the Wabash 
crossed the bar, followed closely by the frigate 
Susquehanna, the Atlantic, Vanderbilt, and oth- 
er transports of deep draught— and on run- 
ning through that portion of the fleet already 
in, the safe passage of this great ship over the 
bar was hailed with gratifying cheers from the 
crowded vessels. 

“We anchored, and immediately commenced 
preparing the ship for action; but the delay of 
planting the buoys, particularly on the Fishing 
Rip,—a dangerous shoal we had to avoid, — 
rendered the hour late before it was possible 
to move with the attacking squadron. In our 
anxiety to get the outline of the forts before 
dark, we stood in too near those shoals, and the 


395 


ship grounded. By the time she was gotten 
off it was too late, in my judgment, to proceed, 
and I made signals for the squadron to anchor 
out of gun shot from the enemy. 

“To-day the wind blows a gale from the 
southward and westward, and the attack is 
unavoidably postponed. 

“I have the honor to be, sir, respectfully, 


your obedient servant, 
“S$. F. Dupont, 


“ Flag-officer commanding South Atlantic 
“Blockading Squadron.” 


‘* FLaG-sHIP WaBASH, OFF Hinron Hazan, 
“Port Royat Harsor, Nov. 8, 1861. 


‘‘Hon. Grpron Weiss, SecrETARY oF THE Navy. 

“Sm: I have the honor to inform you that 
yesterday I attacked the enemy’s batteries on 
Bay Point and Hilton Head, (Forts Walker and 
Beauregard,) and succeeded in silencing them, 
after an engagement of four hours’ duration, 
and driving away the squadron of rebel steam- 
ers under Commodore Tatnall. The reconnois- 
sance of yesterday made us satisfied with the 
superiority of Fort Walker, and to that I direct- 
ed my special efforts, engaging it at a distance 
of eight hundred, and afterwards at six hundred 
yards. But the plan of the attack brought the 
squadron sufficiently near Fort Beauregard to re- 
ceive its fire, and the ships were frequently fight- 
ing the batteries on both sides at the same time. 

“The action was begun, on my part, at twen- 
ty-six minutes after nine, and at half past two 
the American ensign was hoisted on the flag- 
staff of Fort Walker, and this morning at sun- 
rise on that of Fort Beauregard. 

“The defeat of the enemy terminated in 
utter rout and confusion. Their quarters and 
encampments were abandoned without an at- 
tempt to carry away either public or private 
property. The ground over which they fled 
was strewn with the arms of private soldiers, 
and the officers retired in too much haste to 
submit to the encumbrance of their swords. 

“Landing my marines and a company of sea- 


396 


men, I took possession of the deserted ground, 
and held the fort on Hilton Head until the ar- 
rival of General Sherman, to whom I had the 
honor to transfer its occupation. 

“ We have captured forty-three pieces of can- 
non, most of them of the heaviest calibre and 
of the most improved design. The bearer of 
these despatches will have the honor to carry 
with him the captured flags, and two small 
brass field pieces, lately belonging t6 the state 
of South Carolina, which are sent home as suita- 
ble trophies of the success of the day. I enclose 
herewith a copy of the general order which is 
to be read in the field to-morrow morning at 
muster. <A detailed account of this battle will 
be submitted hereafter. 

“TY have the honor to be, very respectfully, 


your obedient servant, 
“S. F. Dupont, 


“ Flag-officer commanding South Atlantic 
“ Blockading Squadron.” 


“PS. The bearer of despatches will also carry 
with him the first American ensign raised upon 
the soil of South Carolina since the rebellion 
broke out. hed ae a bp 

“GENERAL ORDER No. 2. 


‘¢Frac-sH1p Wasasu, Hinton Hrap, 
‘¢Port Royat Bay, Nov. 8, 1861. 


“Tt is the gratifying duty of the commander- 
in-chief to make a public acknowledgment of 
his entire commendation of the coolness, disci- 
pline, skill, and gallantry displayed by the 
officers and men under his command in the 
capture of the batteries at Hilton Head and 
Bay Point, after an action of four hours’ dura- 
tion. The flag-officer fully sympathizes with 
the officers and men of his squadron in the sat- 
isfaction they must feel at seeing the ensign 
of the United States flying once more in the 
state of South Carolina, which has been the chief 
promoter of the wicked and unprovoked rebel- 
lion they have been called upon to suppress. 

“S. F. Dupont, 
“ Flag-officer conummanding South Atlantic 
“ Blockading Squadron.” 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


Commodore Dupont subsequently made a 
more detailed report, which did not contain any 
material facts not given in the foregoing de- 
spatches and the account in the preceding chap- 
ter. By other official reports it appeared that 
the loss on board the fleet was eight killed and 
twenty-three wounded. Most of the vessels 
directly engaged in the bombardment were 
more or less damaged by shot from the forts, 
but none of them received any serious injury. 
The loss of the rebels was unknown. Six of 
their dead were found in Fort Walker, and it 
was supposed that many others, as well as all 
their wounded, were removed. Notwithstand- 
ing the protection of their works, itis probable 
that the throwing of nearly two thousand shells 
and many solid shot into and about the forts, 
caused a considerable loss of men, as well as 
damage to their works, ; 

After landing his troops and taking posses- 
sion of the forts, General Sherman issued the 
following proclamation, which was conveyed, as 
best it could be, to such inhabitants as remained 
on Port Royal Island and the neighboring 
islands : — 


“To THE PEOPLE oF SoutH CAROLINA: — 


“Jn obedience to the orders of the President 
of these United States of America, I have land- 
ed on your shores with a small force of national 
troops. The dictates of a duty, which, under 
the constitution, I owe to a great sovereign 
state and to a proud and hospitable people, 
among whom I have passed some of the pleas- 
antest days of my life, prompt me to proclaim 
that we have come among you with no feelings 
of personal animosity; no desire to harm your 
citizens, destroy your property, or interfere 
with any of your lawful laws, rights, or your 
social and local institutions, beyond what the 
causes herein briefly alluded to may render 
unavoidable. 

“Citizens of South Carolina, the civilized 
world stands appalled at the course you are 
pursuing —appalled at the crime you are com- 


ye 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


mitting against your own mother — the best, | power. 


397 


But be not deceived. The obligation 


the most enlightened, and heretofore the most || of suppressing armed combinations against the 


prosperous of nations. 
active rebellion against the laws of your coun- 
try. You have lawlessly seized upon the forts, 
arsenals, and other property belonging to our 
common country, and within your borders with 
this property you are in arms and waging a 
ruthless war against your constitutional gov- 
ernment, and thus threatening the existence 
of a government which you are bound by the 
terms of the solemn compact to live under and 
faithfully support. 


“Tn doing this you are not only undermining | 
and preparing the way for totally ignoring your’ 


own political and social existence, but you are 
threatening the civilized world with the odious 
sentiment that self-government is impossible 
with civilized man. 

“ Fellow-citizens, I implore you to pause and 
reflect upon the tenor and consequences of 
your acts; of the awful sacrifices made by the 
devastation of your property ; the shedding of 
fraternal blood in battle. The mourning and 
wailing of widows and orphans throughout our 
land are sufficient to deter you from further 
pursuing this unholy war. Then ponder, I 
beseech you, upon the ultimate but not less 
certain result which its farther progress must 
necessarily and naturally entail upon your once 
happy and prosperous state. Indeed, can you 
pursue this fratricidal war, and continue to im- 
brue your hands in the loyal blood of your 
countrymen, your friends, your kinsmen, for 
no other object than to unlawfully disrupt the 
confederacy of a great people — a confederacy 
established by your own hands— in order to 
set up, were it possible, an independent gov- 
ernment, under which you can never live in 
peace, prosperity, or quietness ? 

“Carolinians, we have come among you as loy- 
al men, fully impressed with our constitutional 
obligations to the citizens of your state. These 
obligations shall be performed as far as in our 


You are in a state of || constitutional authorities is paramount to all 


others. 

“Tf, in the performance of this duty, other 
minor but important obligations should be in 
any way neglected, it must be attributed to the 
necessities of the case, because rights dependent 
on the laws of the state must be necessarily 
subordinate to military exigencies created by 
insurrection and rebellion. 

“'T’. W. SHERMAN, 
“ Brigader-General commanding. 


‘+s HrapquarteRs, G. C., Port Royrat, 8. C., Nov. 8.” 


General Sherman, the commander of the 
land forces, which had acted the part of spee- 
tators rather than participants in the battle and 
the victory, sent the following despatch : — 


“Port Rovyat, S. C., Nov. 8, 1861. 
‘¢ ADJUTANT-GENERAL UnitTep Stares Army, WASHINGTON. 


“Sm: I have the honor’ to report that the 
force under my command embarked at Annapo- 
lis, Maryland, at Hampton Roads, Virginia, on 
the 22d ult. In consequence of the delay in 
the arrival of some of our transports and the 
unfavorable state of the weather, the fleet was 
unable to set out for the southern coast until 
the 29th, when, under the convoy of a naval 
squadron in command of Commodore Dupont, 
and after the most mature consideration of the 
objects of the expedition by that flag-officer and 
myself, it was agreed to reduce any works that 
might be found at Port Royal, South Carolina, 
and thus open the finest harbor on the coast 
that exists south of Hatteras. It was calcu- 
lated to reach Port Royal in five days at most ; 
but in consequence of adverse winds and a 
perilous storm on the day and night of the first 
of November, the fleet arrived at Port Royal 
bar not until the 4th, and then but in part, for 
it had been almost entirely dispersed by the 
gale, and the vessels have been straggling in up 
to this date. The transport steamers Union, 


‘«Heapauarters Exprpition Corps, , 


398 


Belvidere, Osceola, and Peerless have not ar- 
rived. Two of them are known to be lost, and 
it is probable all are. It is gratifying, however, 
to say that none of the troop transports con- 
nected with the land forces were lost, though 
the Winfield Scott had to sacrifice her whole 
cargo, and the Roanoke a portion of her cargo, 
to save the lives of the regiments on board. 
The former will again be put to sea. The ves- 
sels connected with the naval portion of the 
fleet have also suffered much, and some have 
been lost. After a careful reconnoissance of 
Port Royal Bay, it was ascertained that the 
rebels had three field works of remarkable 
strength, strongly garrisoned, and covered by 
a fleet of three gunboats, under Captain Tat- 
nall, late of the United States navy, besides 
strong land forces, which the rebels were con- 
centrating from Charleston and Savannah. The 
troops of the rebels were afterwards ascertained 
to have been commanded by General Drayton. 

“ One of the first,and probably the strongest 
fort, was situated on Hilton Head, and the other 
two on Phillips’ Island. It was deemed proper 
to first reduce the fort on Hilton Head, though 
to do this a greater or less fire might have to 
be met from the batteries on Bay Point. At 
the same time our original plan of codperation 
of the land forces in this attack had to be set 
aside, in consequence of the loss during the 
voyage of a greater portion of our means of 
disembarkment, together with the fact that the 
only point where our troops should have landed 
was from five to six miles, measuring around 
the intervening shoal, from the anchoring place 
of our transports — altogether too great a dis- 
tance for a successful debarkation, with our 
limited means. It was, therefore, agreed that 
the place should be reduced by the naval force 
alone. In consequence of the shattered con- 
dition of the fleet, and the delay in the arrival 
of vessels that were indispensable for the attack, 
it had to be postponed until the 7th instant. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


. “IT was a mere spectator of the combat, and 
it is not my intention to render any report of 
this action. I deem it an imperative duty to 
say that the firmg and manoeuvring of our 
fleet against that of the rebels and their formi- 
dable land batteries, was a masterpiece of ac- 
tivity and professional skill that must have 
elicited the applause of the rebels themselves, 
as a tactical operation. I think that too much 
praise cannot be awarded to the science and 
skill exhibited by the flag-officer of the naval 
squadron and the officers connected with his 
ship. I deem the performance a masterly one, 
which ought to have been seen to be fully 
appreciated. 

“ After the works were reduced, I took pos- 
session of them with the land forces. The 
beautifully constructed work on Hilton Head 
was severely crippled, and many of the guns 
dismounted. Much slaughter had evidently 
been made there, many bodies having been 
buried in the fort, and some twenty or thirty 
were found some half a mile distant. The 
island, for many miles, was found strewed with 
army accoutrements and baggage of the rebels, 
which they threw away in their hasty retreat. 
We have also come into possession of about 
forty pieces of ordnance, most of which is of 
the heaviest calibre and the most approved 
models, and a large quantity of ammunition 
and camp equipage. 

“It is my duty to report the valuable ser- 
vices of Mr. Boutelle, assistant in the coast 
survey, assisting with his accurate and exten- 
sive knowledge of this country. His services 
are invaluable to the army as well as to the 
navy, and I earnestly recommend that notice 
be taken of this very able and scientific officer 
by the war department. 

“JT am, very respectfully, 
“ Your obedient servant, 
“'T. W. SHERMAN, 
“ Brigadier-General commanding.” 


« 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


The day after the capture of the forts, Com- 
modore Dupont despatched two or three gun- 
boats up the river to Beaufort, for the purpose 
of taking the light-boats, which had been re- 
moved by the rebels from the entrance to Port 
Royal Sound. These light-boats, however, were 
destroyed immediately after the evacuation of 
the forts. The islands on either side of the 
river, and the town of Beaufort, appeared to 
be abandoned by all except the negroes who 
had evaded the orders of their masters to leave 
when the forts were captured. Only one white 
person was found in Beaufort, and he seemed 
overcome with fear either of the federal forces 
or of the negroes. The negroes were wild with 
delight at the federal success, and were free- 
ly appropriating the property of the fugitive 
masters, and destroying much valuable furni- 
ture which was of no use to them. They seemed 
to feel that the day of their servitude was past, 
and that the victory of the Union fleet had at 
once driven off the rebel masters, and given 
them freedom and ownership in the abandoned 
property. Measures were taken, however, to 
prevent excesses; and in a short time the blacks 
settled down into quiet idleness, their wants 


' for the present being amply supplied by what 


was left on the plantations and in the town. 
What was to be done with the large number 
of blacks who remained on Port Royal and the 
neighboring islands, and who came within the 
military lines of the army, soon became a ques- 
tion of much importance. 

The possession of Port Royal harbor was a 
very great advantage gained, on account of the 
safe haven it afforded to vessels engaged in 
blockading the coast, and of its convenience 
for a depot of supplies. At the same time it 
gave to the government one of the ports the 
blockade of which had been evaded. It also 
afforded a base of future military operations, 
from which movements could be made towards 
the more important cities of Charleston and 
Savannah. Hilton Head soon became a great 
military post and naval station, full of activity 


399 


and business; and without doubt the military 


occupation of this point was the foundation of 


a port which should soon completely over- 
shadow the more ancient town of Beaufort. 
The islands upon which the troops were 
landed, and the others of which they afterwards 
took possession, were mostly devoted to the 
culture of cotton, of which the finest quality, 
the “sea island,” taking its name from these 
islands, has long been raised in large quantities. 
Considerable quantities of this cotton were found 
upon the plantations, though a great deal was 
destroyed upon the arrival of the federal force. 
The plantations were all deserted by their 
owners, who were, generally, among the most 
aristocratic of slaveholders and bitterest of se- 
cessionists. To make this valuable property 
useful to the government, and to give employ- 
ment to the negroes abandoned by their mas- 
ters, and now becoming dependent upon the 
military authorities, was a matter of much con- 
sequence; and measures, somewhat tardy and 
ill managed, were taken to secure a continu- 
ance of the culture of cotton, and at the same 
time to make the negroes support themselves. 


CHAPTER LIIL 


Important Naval Exploit. — Rebel Agents in Europe. — Mission 
of Messrs. Mason and Slidell. — They evade the Blockade, 
and arrive at Havana. — Their Reception. — They take Pas- 
sage in the Trent for Europe. — Movements of Captain 
Wilkes in the San Jacinto. — Determination to capture the 
Rebel Envoys. — The Trent stopped and boarded. — Capture 
of Mason and Slidell, and their Secretaries. — Official Reports 
of Captain Wilkes and his Officers. — Prisoners carried to 
Fort Warren. — Excitement caused by the Act of Captain 
Wilkes. — Discussion, and Variety of Opinions. — Resent- 
ment towards England. — Excitement in England. — War 
threatened. — More moderate Action of the Government. — 
The Result. — Mr. Seward’s Letter. — The Prisoners released. 
— Despatch of the French Government. — Mr. Seward’s Re- 
ply. — The Question in Congress. —The Effects of the Set- 
tlement of the Question. — Delivery of the Prisoners on 
board an- English Ship. 


A naval exploit, of a different character, fol- 
lowed not long after the capture of Port Royal, 
and created an intense excitement, not only 


400 


among the people of the loyal states and the 
rebels, but in England, whose neutral rights 
were affected, and in a less degree among the 
other nations of Europe. The rebels had early 
sent commissioners, or agents, to Europe, to 
procure arms, awaken sympathy, and secure 
recognition and encouragement from the lead- 
ing governments. These commissioners were 
not, however, clothed with full powers as from 
an established government, and were not in any 
way Officially recognized, though they may have 
received, unofficially, the notice and good wishes 
of those high in authority. The rebel govern- 
ment, soon after the meeting of the Congress 
of the seceded states, determined to send to 
France and England, as agents, men of more 
consideration, and clothed with greater powers, 
who, if they could secure a reception as such, 
should act as ministers plenipotentiary at the 
courts of those countries. Accordingly, John 
Slidell, of Louisiana, formerly United States 
senator fiom that state, was appointed envoy 
to France, and James M. Mason, of Virginia, 
who had also been United States senator, was 
appointed envoy to England. These men were 
well selected for their errands, being among 
the ablest and most earnest of the secessionists, 
while each was peculiarly adapted for his par- 
ticular mission. The character and bearing, 
as well as the ability, of Mr. Mason, were gen- 
erally considered such as would recommend 
him to the governing class in England, while 
great results were expected from the diplo- 
macy of the wily and scheming Mr. Slidell at 
the French court. 

It was known to the United States govern- 
ment that these agents were appointed, and 
awaited an opportunity of getting out of the 
blockaded states on their missions ; and perhaps 
renewed vigilance was urged upon officers of 
the blockading fleet to prevent.their escape. 
But after many rumors respecting them, the 
envoys, with their suites, succeeded in evading 
' the blockade, and, escaping from Charleston in 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the small steamer Theodora, sailed to Havana, 
where they arrived in the latter part of Octo- 
ber. There they were received with marked 
attention by those who sympathized with the 
rebel cause, not the least prominent of whom 
was the British consul, who was officious in his 
attentions, though he undoubtedly represented 
his own feelings rather than the government 
whose agent he was. At Havana Messrs. Mason 
and Slidell took passage in the British mail 
steamer Trent for England, on the 7th of 
November. 

Just after the arrival of the rebel envoys at 
Havana, the United States steamer San Jacinto, 
Captain Charles Wilkes, which had recently 
arrived in West India waters from the coast 
of Africa, and was in pursuit of the privateer 
Sumter, put into Cienfuegos, on the southern 
coast of Cuba, for coal. Learning that they 
had arrived at Havana in the Theodora, Captain 
Wilkes sailed as soon as possible for Havana, 
with the purpose of intercepting the Theodora 
on her return. For this, however, he was too 
late, the rebel steamer having already sailed. 
While at Havana Captain Wilkes learned that 
Messrs. Mason and Slidell, with their suites, had 
engaged passage on board the Trent,and he then 
determined that he would at least attempt the 
capture of these parties, who were going abroad 
on an errand so mischievous and traitorous to 
his country. In so doing, he believed that this 
act would be justified by international law, 
while he would be rendering an important ser- 
vice to his government. He accordingly left 
Havana on the 2d of November, and after run- 
ning to Key West, proceeded to the “old Ba- 
hama Channel,” and, at a point where it narrows 
to the width of about fifteen miles, he awaited 
the passage of the Trent on her way to St. 
Thomas. 

On the 8th the Trent came in sight, and as 
she approached Captain Wilkes made the ne- 
cessary preparations to carry out his purpose. 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the San Jacinto across hegbows; but the com- 
mander of the Trent, seeming to think that the 
display of the British flag was a sufficient an- 
swer to any demands of an American cruiser, 
kept his vessel on her course. A shell was then 
fired from the San Jacinto, which exploded at 
some distance ahead of the Trent. This had 
the effect of stopping the steamer in her course, 
and, hailing the commander, Captain Wilkes 
informed him that he would send an officer on 
board. Lieutenant Fairfax was accordingly 
sent with a boat’s crew, armed, to ascertain if 
Messrs. Mason and Slidell were passengers on 
board the Trent, and, if so, to take them pris- 
oners, and carry them to the San Jacinto. 
Lieutenant Fairfax went on board the Trent, 
and demanded the papers and list of passen- 
gers. The captain refused to show them, when 
Lieutenant Fairfax said that he had informa- 
tion that Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell, and Mr. 
McFarland and Mr. Eustis, their secretaries, 
were on board the Trent, and he must be satis- 
fied on that point before he suffered the steamer 
to proceed. ‘The parties named soon made 
their appearance ; but they protested against 
going on board the San Jacinto, and the cap- 
tain of the vessel interposed every possible 
obstacle to the execution of his orders by Lieu- 
tenant Fairfax. There were noisy demonstra- 
tions on the part of the officers of the Trent 
and many of the passengers. Not the least 
obnoxious of the persons who loudly opposed 
the United States officer, was the British mail 
officer, a retired officer of the English navy. 
Lieutenant Fairfax, finding that there was likely 
to be resistance, sent his boat back to the San 
Jacinto, to announce to Captain Wilkes that the 
rebel envoys were on board the steamer, but 
would not leave except by force. Another 
boat, with a small guard of marines and an 
armed crew, was accordingly sent to the sup- 
port of Lieutenant Fairfax. The marines and 
armed sailors being brought on board the 
Trent, after some parley and violent protesta- 
ol 


*. 


401 


tions on the part of the principal parties sought, 
and of those who sympathized with them, the 
show of force by the United States offices 
induced a reluctant compliance with their de- 
mands. By applying nominal force to Mr. 
Mason, that gentleman was made a prisoner, 
and placed in one of the San Jacinto’s boats. 
Mr. Slidell would not yield to so moderate a 
force ; but after some further protests, in which 
Mr. Slidell’s family —who were with him — 
joined, he was arrested, and conducted by two 
or three officers to the boat. The secretaries 
of the rebel emissaries followed their principals 
without resistance, and, the luggage of the 
whole party being also placed in one of the 
boats, they were taken on board the San Ja- 
cinto, and the Trent was permitted to resume 
her voyage. 

While the American officers were performing 
their duty, — which, under the circumstances, 
was not a very agreeable one in the execution, 
however gratifying it might be in the result, — 
they were subjected to the insolence of a great 
part of the passengers and crew of the Trent. 
They were threatened with vengeance upon 
themselves and their country, and assailed with 
sneers and taunts. But they paid no attention 
to these attacks, and conducted with a for- 
bearance and self-respect that could but elicit 
the respect of the petty assailants themselves. 
They entered into no altercations or angry dis- 
putes, to which they were tempted by the lan- 
guage and conduct of those on board the Trent ; 
but, acting in a firm but dignified manner, they 
performed their duty successfully, and captured 
two of the most mischievous enemies of their 
country. 

The following despatches of Captain Wilkes, 
with the reports of Lieutenant Fairfax and 
assistant-engineer Houston, describe more in 
detail this important capture, and the grounds 
upon which Captain Wilkes acted, in assuming 
the responsibility of so bold and important a 
transaction : — 


HISTORY OF 


«UniTED STATES STEAMER SAN JACINTO, 
November 15, 1861. 


“Sm: I have written to you, relative to the 
movements of this ship, from Cienfuegos, on 
the south coast of Cuba. There I learned that 
Messrs. Slidell and Mason had landed on Cuba, 
and had reached the Havana from Charleston. 
J took in some sixty tons of coal, and left with 
all despatch, on the 26th of October, to inter- 
cept the return of the Theodora; but on my 
arrival at the Havana, on the 31st, I found she 
had departed on her return, and that Messrs. 
Slidell and Mason, with their secretaries and 
families, were there, and would depart on the 
7th of the month, in the English steamer Trent, 
for St. Thomas, on their way to England. 

“JT made up my mind to fill up with coal and 
leave the port as soon as possible, to await at a 
suitable position on the route of the steamer 
to St. Thomas, to intercept her and take them 
out. 

“On the afternoon of the 2d I left the Ha- 
vana, in continuation of my cruise after the 
Sumter on the north side of Cuba. The next 
day, when about to board a French brig, she 
ran into us on the starboard side at the main- 
chains, and carried away her bowsprit and fore- 
topmast, and suffered other damages. I enclose 
you herewith the reports of the officers who 
witnessed the accident. I do not feel that any 


blame is due to the officer in charge of this/. 


ship at the time the ship was run into; and 
the brig was so close when it was seen she 
would probably do so, that even with the power 
of steam, lying motionless as we were, we could 
not avoid it — it seemed as if designed. 

“J at once took her in tow, and put an officer 
on board, with a party to repair her damages: 
this was effected before night; but I kept her 
in tow until we were up with the Havana, and 
ran within about eight miles of the light, the 
wind blowing directly fair for her to reach port. 

“] then went over to Key West, in hopes of 
finding the Powhatan or some other steamer to 


THE UNITED STATES. 


accompany me to the Bahama Channel, to make 
it impossible for the steamer in which Messrs. 
Slidell and Mason were to embark to escape 
either in the night or day. The Powhatan had 
left but the day before, and I was therefore dis- 
appointed, and obliged to rely upon the vigi- 
lance of the officers and crew of this ship, and 
proceeded the next morning to the north side 
of the Island of Cuba, communicated with the 
Sagua la Grande on the 4th, hoping to receive 
a telegraphic communication from Mr. Shufelt, 
our consul general, giving me the time of the 
departure of the steamer. 

“Tn this also I was disappointed, and ran to 
the eastward some ninety miles, where the old 
Bahama Channel contracts to the width of fif 
teen miles, some two hundred and forty miles 
from the Havana, and in sight of the Paredon 
del Grande lighthouse. There we cruised until 
the morning of the 8th, awaiting the steamer, 
believing that, if she left at the usual time, she 
must pass us about noon of the 8th, and we 
could not possibly miss her. At forty minutes 
past eleven A. M. on the 8th, her smoke was 
first seen; at twelve M. our position was to the 
westward of the entrance into the narrowest 
part of the channel, and about nine miles 
north-east from the lighthouse of Paredon del 
Grande, the nearest point of Cuba to us. We 
were all prepared for her, beat to quarters, and 
orders were given to Lieutenant D. M. Fairfax 
to have two boats manned and armed to board 
her and make Messrs. Slidell, Mason, Eustis, and 
McFarland prisoners, and send them imme- 
diately on board. The steamer approached 
and hoisted English colors; our ensign was 
hoisted, and a shot was fired across her bow; 
she maintained her speed, and.showed no dis- 
position to heave to; then a shell was fired 
across her bow, which brought her to. I hailed 
that [intended to send a boat on board, and 
Lieutenant Fairfax, with the second cutter of 
this ship, was despatched. He met with some 
difficulty, and remaining on board the steamer 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


403 


with a part of the boat’s crew, sent her back||Cuba and those on board the Trent, in doing 


to request more assistance; the captain of the 
steamer having declined to show his papers and 
passenger list, a force became necessary to 
search her. Lieutenant James A. Greer was at 
once despatched in the third cutter, also tiesmaed 
and armed. 

“Messrs. Slidell, Mason, Eustis, and McFar- 
land were recognized and told they were re- 
quired to go on board this ship. This they 
objected to until an overpowerimg force com- 
pelled them ; much persuasion was used, and a 
little force, and at about two o’clock they were 
brought on board this ship and received by 
me. ‘Two other boats were then sent to expe- 
dite the removal of their baggage and some 
stores, when the-steamer, which proved to be 
the Trent, was suffered to proceed on her route 
to the eastward, and at half past three P. M. 
we bore away to the northward and westward. 
The whole time employed was two hours and 
thirteen minutes. 

“T enclose you the statements of such off- 
cers who boarded the Trent, relative to the 
facts, and also an extract from the log-book of 
this ship. 

“It was my determination to have taken 
possession of the Trent, and sent her to Key 
West as a prize, for resisting the search and 
carrying these passengers, whose character and 
objects were well known to the captain; but 
the reduced number of my officers and crew, 
and the large number of passengers on board, 
bound to Europe, who would be put to great 
inconvenience, decided me to allow them to 
proceed. ‘ 

“ Winding the families of Messrs. Slidell and 
Eustis on board, I tendered them the offer of 
my cabin for their accommodation to accom- 
pany their husbands; this they declined, how- 
ever, and proceeded in the Trent. 

“ Before closing this despatch I would bring 
to your notice the notorious action of her Brit- 
ish Majesty’s subjects, the consul general of 


every thing to aid and abet the escape of these 
four persons, and endeavoring to conceal their 
persons on board. No passports or papers of 
any description were in possession of them 
from the federal government; and for this and 
other reasons which will readily occur to you, 
I made them my prisoners, and shall retain 
them on board here until I hear from you what 
disposition is to be made of them. 

“JT cannot close this report without bearing 
testimony to the admirable manner in which 
all the officers and men of this ship performed 
their duties, and the cordial manner in which 
they carried out my orders. 

“To Lieutenant Fairfax I beg leave to call 
your particular attention for the praiseworthy 
manner in which he executed the delicate 
duties with which he was intrusted: it met 
and has received my warmest thanks. 

“ After leaving the north side of Cuba, I ran 
through the Santaren passage, and up the coast 
from off St. Augustine to Charleston, and re- 
gretted being too late to take a part in the 
expedition to Port Royal. 

“T have the honor to be, very relspesttully, 
your obedient servant, 


“CHaRLes WILKES, Captain. 
‘‘Hon. Gipron WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.” 


‘s UNITED STATES STEAMER SAN JACINTO, | 
At Sra, November 12, 1861. 


“Sir: At twenty minutes past one P. M,, on 
the 8th instant, I repaired alongside of the 
British mail packet in an armed cutter, accom- 
panied by Mr. Houston, second assistant engi- 
neer, and Mr. Grace, the boatswain. 

“T went on board the Trent alone, leaving 
the two officers in the boat with orders to 
await until it became necessary to show some 
force. 

“JT was shown up by the first officer to the 
quarter deck, where I met the captain, and 
informed him who I was, asking to see the pas- 
senger list. He declined letting me see it. I 


404 HISTORY OF 


THE UNITED STATES. 


then told him that I had information of Mr. || cabin, where these four gentlemen had gone to 


Mason, Mr. Slidell, Mr. Eustis, and Mr. McFar- 
land having taken their passage at Havana in 
the packet to St. Thomas, and would satisfy 
myself whether they were on board before al- 
lowing the steamer to proceed. Mr. Slidell, 
evidently hearing his name mentioned, came 
up to me, and asked if I wanted to see him. 
Mr. Mason soon joined us, and then Mr. Eustis 
and Mr. McFarland, when I made known the 
object of my visit. The captain of the Trent 
opposed any thing like the search of his vessel, 
nor would he consent to show papers or pas- 
senger list. The four gentlemen above men- 
tioned protested also against my arresting and 
sending them to the United States steamer 
near by. ‘There was considerable noise among 
the passengers just about this time, and that 
led Mr. Houston and Mr. Grace to repair on 
board with some six or eight ‘men, all armed. 
After several unsuccessful efforts to persuade 
Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell to go with me peace- 
ably, I called to Mr. Houston, and ordered him 
to return to the ship with the information that 
the four gentlemen named in your order of 
the 8th instant were on board, and force must 
be applied to take them out of the packet. 
“About three minutes after there was still 


greater excitement on the quarter deck, which. 


brought Mr. Grace with his armed party. I, 
however, deemed the presence of any armed 
men unnecessary, and only calculated to alarm 
the ladies present, and directed Mr. Grace to 
return to the lower deck, where he had been 
since first coming on board. It must have 
been less than half an hour after I boarded the 
Trent when the second armed cutter, under 
Lieutenant Green, came alongside, (only two 
armed boats being used.) He brought in the 
third cutter eight marines and four machinists, 
in addition to a crew of some twelve men. 
When the marines and some armed men had 
been formed just outside of the main deck 


pack up their baggage, I renewed my efforts 
to induce them to accompany me on board — 
still refusing to accompany me unless force was 
applied. I called in to my assistance four or 
five officers, and first taking hold of Mr. Mason’s 
shoulder, with another officer on the opposite 
side, I went as far as the gangway of the steam- 
er, and delivered him over to Lieutenant Greer, 
to be placed in the boat. I then returned for 
Mr. Slidell, who insisted that I must apply con- 
siderable force to get him to go with me; call- 
ing in at last three officers, he also was taken 
in charge, and handed over to Mr. Greer. Mr. 
McFarland and Mr. Eustis, after protesting, 
went quietly into the boat. They had been 
permitted to collect their baggage, but were 
sent in advance of it under charge of Lieu- 
tenant Greer. I gave my personal attention 
to the luggage, saw it put in a boat and sent 
in charge of an officer to the San Jacinto. 
“When Mr. Slidell was taken prisoner, a great 
deal of noise was made by some of the passen- 
gers, Which caused Lieutenant Greer to send 
the marines into the cabin. They were imme- 
diately ordered to return to their former posi- 
tion outside. I carried out my purpose with- 
out using any force beyond what appears in 
this report. The mail agent, who is a retired 
commander in the British navy, seemed to 
have a great deal to say as to the propriety 
of my course; but I purposely avoided all offi- — 
cial intercourse with him. When I finally was 
leaving the steamer, he made some apology for 
his rude conduct, and expressed personally his 
approval of the manner in which I had carried 
out my orders. We parted company from the 
Trent at twenty minutes past three P. M. 
“Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
“DPD. M. Famrax, 


“ Lieutenant and Executive Officer. 


‘‘Captain Cuartes Wiixgs, U.S. N., 
“‘ Commanding San Jacinto.” 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


‘«‘Unirep States STEAMER SAN JACINTO, 
“Ar Sua, November 13, 1861. 


“Sim: In obedience to your order of the 11th 
instant, I respectfully report, — 

“That upon going alongside of the English 
steamer Trent, on the 7th of this month, Lieu- 
tenant Fairfax went on board, ordering the 
boatswain and myself to remain in the boat. 
A few minutes after this my attention was 
attracted by persons speaking in a loud and 
excited manner upon the steamer’s upper deck. 
While considering its meaning the noise was 
repeated, which decided me to join Lieutenant 
Fairfax immediately on board, and I found him 
surrounded by the officers of the ship and pas- 
sengers, among whom I recognized Messrs. 
Mason, Slidell, and Eustis. The confusion at 
this time passes description. So soon, however, 
as he could be heard, the mail agent (who was 
a retired lieutenant or commander in the Brit- 
ish navy) protested against the act of removing 
passengers from an English steamer. Lieuten- 
ant Fairfax requested Mr. Mason to go quietly 
to the San Jacinto; but that gentleman replied 
that he would “yield only to force ;” where- 
upon I was ordered to our ship to report the 
presence of the above-named gentlemen, to- 
gether with Mr. McFarland, and ask that the 
remainder of our force be sent to the Trent; 
after which I returned to her, and, entering the 
cabin, saw Mr. Fairfax endeavoring to enter Mr. 
Slidell’s room, which was then prevented ina 
measure by the excitement which prevailed in 
and around that gentleman’s quarters. The 
passengers (not including Mr. Mason, Slidell, 
Eustis, or McFarland) were disposed to give 
trouble: some of them went so far as to 


threaten, and, upon Lieutenant Greer being 


informed by me of this fact, he ordered the 
marines to clear the passage-way of the cabin: 
but as Mr. Slidell had now come out of his state 
room through the window, where we could get 
to him, the order to the marines was counter- 
-manded by Lieutenant Fairfax. Mr. Slidell 


—+ 


405 


was removed to the boat by Mr. Grace and 
myself, and no more force was used than would 
show what would be done in case of necessity. 
Mr. Mason was taken in charge by Lieuten- 
ant Fairfax and Third Assistant Engineer Hall. 
The two secretaries walked into the boat by 
themselves. 

“ While we were on board the Trent many 
remarks were made reflecting discreditably 
upon us and the government of the United 
States. No one was more abusive than the 
mail agent, who took pains at the same time 
to inform us that he was the only person on 
‘board officially connected with her Britannic 
Majesty’s government, who, he said, would, in 
consequence of this act, break the blockade of 
the Southern United States ports. Another 
person, supposed to be a passenger, was so vio- 


lent that the captain ordered him to be locked 


up. A short time before leaving the steamer 
I was informed by one of her crew that the 
mail agent was advising the captain to arm the 
crew and passengers of his ship, which I imme- 
diately communicated to Lieutenant Greer. 
About half past three P. M. we returned to the 
San Jacinto. 
“Tam, respectfully, your obedient servant, 
“ J. B. Houston, 
“ Second Assistant Engineer 
“ U. 8. Steamer San Jacinto, 


‘‘Captain Cuartes WitKkEs, Commanding.” 


“Sir: In my despatch by Commander Taylor 
I confined myself to the reports of the move- 
ments of this ship, and the facts connected with 
the capture of Messrs. Mason, Slidell, Eustis, 
and McFarland, as I intended to write you par- 
ticularly relative to the reasons which induced 
my action in making these prisoners. 

“When I heard at Cienfuegos, on the south 
side of Cuba, of these commissioners having 
landed on the island of Cuba, and that they 
were at the Havana, and would depart in the 


‘‘UNITED STATES STEAMER SAN JACINTO, 
«© At Sra, November 16, 1861. 


406 HISTORY OF THE 


English steamer of the 7th November, I deter- 
mined to intercept them, and carefully exam- 
ined all the authorities on international law to 
which I had access, viz.: Kent, Wheaton, and 
Vattel, besides various decisions of Sir William 
Scott, and other judges of the Admiralty Court 
of Great Britain, which bore upon the rights 
of neutrals, and their responsibilities. 

“The governments of Great Britain, France, 
and Spain, having issued proclamations that 
the Confederate States were viewed, considered, 
and treated as belligerents, and knowing that 
the ports of Great Britain, France, Spain, and 
Holland, in the West Indies, were open to their 
vessels, and that they were admitted to all the 
courtesies and protection vessels of the United 


States received, every aid and attention being” 


given them, proved clearly that they acted 
upon this view and decision, and brought them 
within the international law of search, and 
under the responsibilities. I therefore felt no 
hesitation in boarding and seayching all vessels 
of whatever nation I fell in with, and have 
done so. 
. “The question arose in my mind whether I 
had the right to capture the persons of these 
commissioners— whether ¢hey were amenable to 
capture. ‘There was no doubt I had the right 
to capture vessels with writen despatches ; they 
are expressly referred to in all authorities, sub- 
jecting the vessel to seizure and condemnation 
if the captain of the vessel had the knowledge 
of their being on board; but these gentlemen 
were not despatches in the literal sense, and 
did not seem to come under that designation ; 
and nowhere could I find a case in point, 
“That they were commissioners I had ample 
proof from their own avowal, and bent on mis- 
chievous and traitorous errands against our 
country, to overthrow its institutions, and enter 
into treaties and alliances’ with foreign states, 
expressly forbidden by the constitution. 
“They had been presented to the captain 
general of Cuba by her Britannic Majesty’s 


UNITED STATES. 


consul general; but the captain general told me 
that he had not received them in that capacity, 
but as distinguished gentlemen and strangers. 

“J then considered them as the embodiment 
of despatches ; and as they had openly declared 
themselves as charged with all authority from 
the Confederate government to form treaties 
and alliances tending to the establishment of 
their independence, I became satisfied that their 
mission was adverse and criminal to the Union, 
and it therefore became my duty to arrest their 
progress and capture them if they had no pass- 
ports or papers from the federal government, 
as provided for under the law of nations, viz.: 
‘That foreign ministers of a belligerent on 
board of neutral ships are required to possess 
papers from the other belligerent to permit 
them to pass free.’ 

“Report and assumption gave them the title 
of ministers to France and England; but inas- 
much as they had not been received by either 
of these powers, I did not conceive they had 
fimmunity attached to their persons, and were 
but escaped conspirators, plotting and contriv- 
ing to overthrow the government of the United 
States, and they were therefore not to be con- 
sidered as having any claim to the immunities 
attached to the character they thought fit to 
assume. 

“ As respects the steamer in which they em- 
barked, I ascertained in the Havana that she 
was a merchant vessel plying between Vera 
Cruz, the Havana, and St. Thomas, carrying the 
mail by contract. 

“The agent of the vessel, the son of the 
British consul at Havana, was well aware of 
the character of these persons; that they en- 
gaged their passage and did embark in the 
vessel; his father had visited them, and intro- 
duced them as ministers of the’ Confederate 
States on their way to England and France. 

“They went in the steamer with the knowl- 
edge and by the consent of the captain, who 
endeavored afterwards to conceal them by 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


refusing to exhibit the passenger list and the 
papers of the vessel. There can be no doubt 
he knew they were carrying highly important 
despatches, and were endowed with instruc- 
tions inimical to the United States. This ren- 
dered his vessel (a neutral) a good prize, and I 
determined to take possession of her, and, as I 
mentioned in my report, send her to Key ‘West 
for adjudication, where, I am well satisfied, she 
would have been condemned for carrying these 
persons, and for resisting to be searched. The 
cargo was also liable, as all the shippers were 
knowing to the embarkation of these dive de- 
spatches, and their traitorous motives and ac- 
tions to the Union of the United States. 

“TI forbore to seize her, however, in conse- 
quence of my being so reduced in officers and 
crew, and the derangement it would cause inno- 
cent persons, there being a large number of 
passengers who would have been put to great 
loss and -inconvenience, as well as disappoint- 
ment, from the interruption it would have 
caused them in not being able to join the 
steamer from St. Thomas to Europe. I there- 
fore concluded to sacrifice the interests of my 
officers and crew in the prize, and suffered the 
steamer to proceed, after the necessary deten- 
tion to effect the transfer of these commission- 
ers, considering I had obtained the important 
end I had in view, and which affected the in- 
terests of our country and interrupted the 
action of that of the confederates. 

“J would add, that the conduct of her Bri- 
tannic Majesty’s subjects, both official and 
others, showed but little regard or obedience 
to her proclamation, by aiding and abetting the 
views, and endeavoring to conceal the persons, 
of these commissioners. 

“T have pointed out sufficient reasons to 
show you that my action in this case was de- 
rived from a firm conviction that it became my 
duty to make these parties prisoners, and to 
bring them to the United States. 

“Although, in my giving up this valuable 


407 


prize, I have deprived the officers and crew of 
a well-earned reward, I am assured they are 
quite content to forego any advantages which 
might have accrued to them under the cir- 
cumstances. 
“T may add that, having assumed the re- 
sponsibility, I am willing to abide the result. 
“T am, very respectfully, 
“Your obedient servant, 
“CHARLES Witkes, Captain. 


‘‘Hon. GipEon WELLES, SECRETARY OF THE Navy.” 


Captain Wilkes proceeded at once to Hamp- 
ton Roads with his prisoners, whom he treated 
with a courtesy which they freely acknowl- 
edged, and reported his action to the gov- 
ernment. After a very brief delay, the San 
Jacinto was ordered to the Charlestown navy 
yard, and the rebel envoys were placed in Fort 
Warren, in Boston harbor, to await the action 
of the government. 

The announcement of the capture of Messrs. 
Mason and Slidell, with their secretaries, pro- 
duced an intense excitement through the loyal 
states; and although there were some misgivings 
as to the right of Captain Wilkes to make the 
capture as he did on board a neutral vessel, 
there was a general feeling of satisfaction at 
the result. In the popular mind this satisfac- 
tion was by no means diminished by the fact 
that the capture was made on board an English 
vessel and under the flag of England, whose 
professed neutrality had been constantly dis- 
regarded by English subjects. And when pro- 
vincial threats were uttered, the people were 
ready to sustain Captain Wilkes and the gov- 
ernment. The government, however, refrained 
from committing itself at once to an approval 
of the act, except that the secretary of the navy 
commended the prompt and decisive action of 
Captain Wilkes, which was a matter between 
the head of the department and a subordinate 
officer, for the encouragement of promptness 
and efficiency, rather than the assumption and 


408 


ratification of the act. In the mean time in- 
ternational law applicable to such cases was 
thoroughly examined, and the question was 
fully discussed in the papers, until the public 
seemed perfectly content that the question 
which must arise between the British govern- 
ment and that of the United States should be 
settled upon the established principles of inter- 
national law, whatever might be the result. 
There were, of course, many hasty and indis- 
ereet opinions expressed, and in some instances 
the public press was not inclined to let the 
people forget England’s shortcomings in her 
proclaimed neutrality, and the aid and comfort 
notoriously afforded to the rebels under the 
English flag. These did not allay the animosi- 
ty excited by the taunts of the press and the 
public, which were freely hurled at the United 
States from England and all her provinces; and 
had not the people felt that the rebellion was 
taxing all the energies and resources of the 
north, a very decided war feeling would have 
been shown towards England. 

But the feeling shown in the United States 
was by no means so great as that manifested 
in England and in some of the North American 
provinces, when the news of the seizure of the 
rebel envoys arrived there. Indignation meet- 
ings were held, belligerent resolutions were 
adopted, the public press— always too ready to 
complain of the north—denounced the act of 
Captain Wilkes as an insult to the British flag 
that must receive a summary punishment. The 
government was urged to send at once an over- 


whelming naval force to New York or Wash- 


ington, to demand immediate reparation, and to 
summarily destroy those cities if refused. .'The 
friends and agents of rebellion fanned the flame 
which seemed to sweep through the people of 
England so suddenly, and for a time they had 
reason to hope, from the language of the people 
and the press, and the reported action of the 
British governinent, that they would soon have 
the powerful alliance which they most desired. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


But in England, as in the United States, a calm- 
er discussion followed, in some quarters, the first 
outbreak, and the blind rage of many English- 
men at the mere fact of the stopping a British 
vessel on the seas was soon seen to be quarrel- 
ling with one of the rights of a belligerent 
which Great Britain had asserted more fre- 
quently and strenuously than any other power. 
There was, however, but too much evidence 
that a large proportion of the ruling classes in 
England desired to humiliate the United States, 
and for that end were ready to take advantage 
of the unfortunate condition of the government 
of this country, which was using its whole power 
to suppress rebellion. 

The British government did not accede to 
the demands of those most hostile to the United 
States; but, taking decided grounds that the 
act of Captain Wilkes was unwarranted by 
international law, it demanded, in moderate 
terms, the release of the captives, and their 
restoration to British protection. The charac- 
ter of this demand, the views of the United 
States government upon the question, and the 
grounds upon which the demand was acceded 
to, are fully set forth in the following reply 
from Mr. Seward to Lord Lyons. The previous 
policy of the United States, which England had 


| hitherto in some measure combated, is also 


shown in Mr. Seward’s able letter; and it will 
be seen that this demand on the part of Great 
Britain, and the release on the part of the United 
States, really committed the former to the prin- 
ciples for which the latter had long contended, 
and established a precedent in opposition to 
what had often been the practice of the British 
authorities. 


Mr. Seward to Lord Lyons. 


‘¢ DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 
«“WasHiIneton, December 26, 1861. 


“My Lorp: Earl Russell’s despatch of Novem- 
ber the 30th, a copy of which you have left with 
me at my request, iss of the following effect, 
namely : | 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“That a letter of Commander Williams, dated 
Royal Mail Contract Packet-boat Trent, at sea, 
November 9th, states that that vessel left Ha- 
vana on the 7th of November, with her Majesty’s 
mails for England, having on board numerous 
passengers. Shortly after noon, on the 8th of 
November, the United States war steamer San 
Jacinto, Captain Wilkes, not showing colors, was 
observed ahead. That steamer, on being neared 
by the Trent, at a quarter past one o’clock in 
the afternoon, fired a round shot from a pivot 
gun across her bows, and showed American 
colors. While the Trent was approaching 
slowly towards the San Jacinto, she discharged 
a shell across the Trent’s bows, which exploded 
at half a cable’s length before her. The Trent 
then stopped, and an officer, with a large armed 
guard of marines, boarded her. ‘The officer said 
he had orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, Slidell, 
McFarland, and Eustis, and had sure information 
that they were passengers in the Trent. While 
some parley was going on upon this matter, 
Mr. Slidell stepped forward, and said to the 
American officer that the four persons he had 
named were standing before him. The com- 
mander of the Trent and Commander Williams 
protested against the act of taking those four 
passengers out of the Trent, they then being 
under the protection of the British flag. But 
the San Jacinto was at this time only two hun- 
dred yards distant, her ship’s company at quar- 
ters, her ports open and tompions out, and so 
resistance was out of the question. The four 
persons before named were then forcibly taken 
out of the ship. A further demand was made 
that the commander of the Trent should pro- 
ceed on board the San Jacinto; but he said he 
would not go unless forcibly compelled like- 
wise, and this demand was not insisted upon. 

“Upon this statement Earl Russell remarks, 
that it thus appears that certain individuals have 
been forcibly taken from on board a British 
vessel, the ship of a neutral power, while that 
vessel was pursuing a lawful and innocent voy- 

o2 


409 


age —an act of violence which was an affront 
to the British flag, and a violation of inter- 
national law. | 

“Karl Russell next says, that her Majesty’s 
government, bearing in mind the friendly rela- 
tions which have long subsisted between Great 
Britain and the United States, are willing to 
believe that the naval officer who committed 
this aggression was not acting in compliance 
with any authority from his government; or 
that, if he conceived himself to be so authorized, 
he greatly misunderstood the instructions which 
he had received. 

“Karl Russell argues that the United States 
must be fully aware that the British govern- 
ment could not-allow such an affront to the 
national honor to pass without full reparation ; 
and they are willing to believe that it could not 
be the deliberate intention of the government 
of the United States unnecessarily to force into 
discussion between the two governments a ques- 
tion of so grave a character, and with regard ta 
which the whole British nation would be sure 
to entertain such unanimity of feeling. 

“Harl Russell, resting upon the statement 
and the argument which I have thus recited, 
closes with saying that her Majesty’s govern- 
ment trust that when this matter shall have 
been brought under the consideration of the 
government of the United States, it will, of its 
own accord, offer to the British government 
such redress as alone could satisfy the British 
nation, namely, the liberation of the four pris- 
oners taken from the Trent, and their delivery 
to your lordship, in order that they may again 
be placed under British protection, and a suit- 
able apology for the aggression which has been 
committed. Karl Russell finally instructs you 
to propose those terms to me, if I should not 
first offer them on the part of the government. 

“This despatch has been submitted to the 
President. 

“The British government has rightly con- 
jectured, what it is now my duty to state, that 


410 


Captain Wilkes, in conceiving and executing 
the proceeding in question, acted upon his own 
suggestions of duty, without any direction or 


instruction, or even foreknowledge of it, on the. 


part of this government. No directions had 
been given to him, or any other naval officer, to 
arrest the four persons named, or any of them, 
on the Trent or on any other British vessel, or 
on any other neutral vessel, at the place where 
it occurred or elsewhere. The British govern- 
ment will justly infer from these facts, that the 
United States not only have had no purpose, 
but even no thought, of forcing into discussion 
the question which has arisen, or any other 
which could affect in any way the sensibilities 
of the British nation. 

“Tt is true that a round shot was fired by the 
San Jacinto from her pivot gun when the Trent 
was distantly approaching. But, as the facts 
have been reported to this government, the shot 
was, nevertheless, intentionally fired in a direc- 
tion so obviously divergent from the course of 
the Trent, as to be quite as harmless as a blank 
shot, while it should be regarded as a signal. 

“So, also, we learn that the Trent was not 
approaching the San Jacinto slowly when the 
shell was fired across her bows; but, on the 
contrary, the Trent was, or seemed to be, mov- 
ing under a full head of steam, as if with a pur- 
pose to pass the San Jacinto. 

“We are informed also that the boarding 
officer (Lieutenant Fairfax) did not board the 
Trent with a large armed guard, but he left his 
marines in his boat when he entered the Trent. 
He stated his instructions from Captain Wilkes 
to search for the four persons named, in a re- 
spectful and courteous, though decided manner, 
and he asked the captain of the Trent to show 
his passenger list, which was refused. The lieu- 
tenant, as we are informed, did not employ ab- 
solute force in transferring the passengers ; but 
he used just so much as was necessary to satisfy 
the parties concerned that refusal or resistance 
would be unavailing. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


“So, also, we are informed that the captain 
of the Trent was not at any time, or in any 
way, required to go on board the San Jacinto. 

“These modifications of the case, as pre- 
sented by Commander Williams, are based upon 
our official reports. 

“] have now toremind your lordship of some 
facts, which doubtlessly were omitted by Karl 
Russell, with the very proper and becoming 
motive of allowing them to be brought into the 
case, on the part of the United States, in the way 
most satisfactory to this government. ‘These 
facts are, that at the time the transaction oc- 
curred an insurrection was existing in the United 
States, which this government was engaged in 
suppressing, by the employment of land and 
naval forces; that in regard to this domestic 
strife the United States considered Great Britain 
as a friendly power, while she had assumed for 
herself the attitude of a neutral; and that Spain 
was considered in the same light, and had as- 
sumed the same attitude as Great Britain. 

“Tt had been settled by correspondence that 
the United States and Great Britain mutually 
recognized as applicable to this local strife these 
two articles of the declaration made by the 
congress of Paris in 1856, namely, that the 
neutral or friendly flag should cover enemy’s 
goods not contraband of war, and that neutral 
goods not contraband of war are not liable to 
capture under an enemy’s flag. These excep- 
tions of contraband from favor were a negative 
acceptance by the parties of the rule hitherto 
every where recognized as a part of the law of 
nations, that whatever is contraband is liable to 
capture and confiscation in all cases. 

“James M. Mason and E. J. McFarland are 
citizens of the United States, and residents of 
Virginia. John Slidell and George Eustis are 
citizens of the United States, and residents of 
Louisiana. It was well known at Havana, when 
these parties embarked in the Trent, that James 
M. Mason was proceeding to England in the 
affected character of a minister plenipotentiary 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to the court of St. James, under a pretended 
commission from Jefferson Davis, who had as- 
sumed to. be president of the insurrectionary 
party in the United States, and KE. J. McFarland 
was going with him ina like unreal character of 
secretary of legation to the pretended mission. 
John Slidell, in similar circumstances, was going 
to Paris as a pretended minister to the Em- 
peror of the French, and George Eustis was the 
chosen secretary of legation for that simulated 
mission. The fact that these persons had as- 
sumed such characters has been since avowed 
by the same Jefferson Davis, in a pretended 
message to an unlawful and insurrectionary 
congress. It was, as we think, rightly pre- 
sumed that these ministers bore pretended 
credentials and instructions, and such papers 
‘are in the law known as despatches. We are 
informed by our consul at Paris that these 
despatches, having escaped the search of the 
Trent, were actually conveyed and delivered 
' to emissaries of the insurrection in England. 
Although it is not essential, yet it is proper to 
state, as I do also upon information and belief, 
that the owner and agent, and all the officers 
of the Trent, including Commander Williams, 
had knowledge of the assumed characters and 
purposes of the persons before named when 
they embarked on that vessel. 

“Your lordship will now perceive that the 
case before us, instead of presenting a merely 
flagrant act of violence on the part of Captain 
Wilkes, as might well be inferred from the in- 
complete statement of it that went up to the 
British government, was undertaken as a simple 
legal and customary belligerent proceeding by 

- Captain Wilkes to arrest and capture a neutral 
vessel engaged in carrying contraband of war 
for the use and benefit of the insurgents. 

“The question before us is, whether this pro- 
ceeding was authorized by, and conducted ac- 
cording to, the law of nations. It involves the 
following inquiries :— 


411 


“1. Were the persons named, and their sup- 
posed despatches, contraband of war? 

“2. Might Captain Wilkes lawfully stop and 
search the Trent for these contraband persons 
and despatches ? 

“3. Did he exercise that right in a lawful 
and proper manner? 

“4. Having found the contraband persons 


on board and in presumed possession of the 


contraband despatches, had he a right to cap- 
ture the persons ? 

“5, Did he exercise that right of capture 
in the manner allowed and recognized by the 
law of nations ? 

“Tf all these inquiries shall be resolved in 


| the affirmative, the British govenment will have 


no claim for reparation. 

“TY address myself to the first inquiry, name- 
ly: Were the four persons mentioned, and their 
supposed despatches, contraband ? 

“Maritime law so generally deals, as its pro- 
fessors say, a rem, that is, with property, and so 
seldom with persons, that it seems a straining 
of the term ‘contraband’ to apply it to them. 
But persons, as well as property, may become 
contraband, sinee the word means broadly, 
‘contrary to proclamation, prohibited, illegal, 
unlawful.’ 

“ All writers and judges pronounce naval or 
military persons in the service of the enemy 
contraband. Vattel says, war allows us to cut 
off from an enemy all his resources, and to 
hinder him from sending ministers to solicit as- 
sistance. And Sir William Scott says, you may 
stop the ambassador of your enemy on his 
passage. Despatches are not less clearly con- 
traband, and the bearers, or couriers, who un- 
dertake to carry them, fall under the .same 
condemnation. . 

“A subtlety might be raised whether pre- 
tended ministers of a usurping power, not rec- 
ognized as legal’ by either the belligerent or 
the neutral, could be held to be contraband. 


412 


But it would disappear on being subjected to 
what is the true test in all cases, namely, the 
spirit of the law. Sir William Scott, speaking 
of civil magistrates who are arrested andgde- 
tained as contraband, says, — 

“<Tt appears to me on principle to be but rea- 
sonable that when it is of sufficient importance 
to the enemy that such persons shall be sent out 
on the public service at the public expense, it 
should afford equal ground of forfeiture against 
the vessel that may be let out for a purpose 
so intimately connected with the hostile oper- 
ations.’ 

“JT trust that I have shown that the four per- 
sons who were taken from the Trent by Captain 
Wilkes, and their despatches, were contraband 
of war. 

“The second inquiry is, whether Captain 
Wilkes had a right, by the law of nations, to 
detain and search the Trent. J 

“The Trent, though she carried mails, was a 
contract or merchant vessel—a common carrier 
for hire. Maritime law knows only three classes 
of vessels — vessels of war, revenue vessels, and 
merchant vessels. The Trent falls within the 
latter class. Whatever disputes have existed 
concerning a right of visitation or search in 
time of peace, none, it 1s supposed, has existed 
in modern times about the right of a belligerent 
in time of war to capture contraband in neutral 
and even friendly merchant vessels, and of the 
right of visitation and search, in order to de- 
termine whether they are neutral, and are 
documented as such according to the law of 
nations. | 

“T assume in the present case what, as I read 
British authorities, is regarded by Great Britain 
herself as true maritime law: That the circum- 
stance that the Trent was proceeding from a 
neutral port to another neutral port does not 
modify the right of the belligerent captor. 

“The third question is, whether Captain 
Wilkes exercised the right of search in a law- 
ful and proper manner. © 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


“Tf any doubt hung over this point, as the 
case was presented in the statement of it 
adopted by the British government, I think it 
must have already passed away before the 
modifications of that statement which I have 
already submitted. 

“T proceed to the fourth inquiry, namely : 
Having found the suspected contraband of war 
on board the Trent, had Captain Wilkes a right 
to capture the same ? 

“Such a capture is the chief, if not the only 
recognized, object of the permitted visitation 
and search. The principle of the law is, that 
the belligerent exposed to danger may prevent 
the contraband persons or things from apply- 
ing themselves, or being applied, to the hostile 
uses or purposes designed. The law is so very 
liberal in this respect, that when contraband 
found on board a neutral vessel, not only is the 
contraband forfeited, but the vessel which is 
the vehicle of its passage or transportation, 
being tainted, also becomes contraband, and is 
subjected to capture and confiscation. 

“Only the fifth question remains, namely: 
Did Captain Wilkes exercise the right of cap- 
turing the contraband in conformity with the 
law of nations ? 

“It is just here that the difficulties of the 
case begin. What is the manner which the law 
of nations prescribes for disposing of the con- 
traband when you have found and seized it on 
board of the neutral vessel? The answer would - 
be easily found if the question were what you 
shall do with the contraband vessel. You 
must take or send her into a convenient port, 
and subject her to a judicial prosecution there 
in admiralty, which will try and decide the ques- 
tions of belligerency, neutrality, contraband, 
and capture. So, again, you would promptly 
find the same answer if the question were, 
What is the manner of proceeding prescribed 
by the law of nations in regard to the contra- 
band, if it be property, or things of material or 
pecuniary value? | 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“ But the question here concerns the mode of 
procedure in regard, not to the vessel that was 
carrying the contraband, nor yet to contraband 
things which worked the forfeiture of the ves- 
sel, but to contraband persons. 

“The books of law aredumb. Yet the ques- 
tion is as important as it is difficult. First, the 
belligerent captor has a right to prevent the 
contraband officer, soldier, sailor, minister, mes- 
senger, or courier from proceeding in his un- 
lawful voyage and reaching the destined scene 
of his injurious service. But, on the other 
hand, the person captured may be innocent — 
that is, he may not be contraband. He, there- 
fore, has a right to a fair trial of the accusation 
against him. The neutral state that has taken 
him under its flag is bound to protect him if he 
is not contraband, and is, therefore, entitled to 
be satisfied upon that important question. The 
faith of that state is pledged to his safety, if 

innocent, as its justice is pledged to his sur- 
render if he is really contraband. Here are 
conflicting claims, involving personal liberty, 
life, honor, and duty. Here are conflicting na- 
tional claims, involving welfare, safety, honor, 
and empire. They require a tribunal and a 
trial. The captors and the captured are equals ; 
the neutral and the belligerent state are equals. 

“ While the law authorities were found silent, 
it was suggested at an early day by this gov- 
ernment that you should take the captured 
persons into a convenient port, and institute 
judicial proceedings there to try the contro- 
versy. But onty courts of admiralty have juris- 
diction in maritime cases, and these courts have 
formulas to try only claims to contraband chat- 

_tels, but none to try claims concerning contra- 
band persons. The courts can entertain no 
proceedings and render no judgment in favor 
of or against the alleged contraband men. 

“Jt was replied, all this was true; but you 
can reach in those courts a decision which will 
have the moral weight of a judicial one by a 
circuitous proceeding. Convey the suspected 


415 


men, together with the suspected vessel, into 
port, and try there the question whether the 
vessel is contraband. You can prove it to be 
so by proving the suspected men to be contra- 
band, and the court must then determine the 
vessel to be contraband. If the men are not 
contraband the vessel will escape condemnation. 
Still, there is no judgment for or against the 
captured persons. But it was assumed that 
there would result from the determination of 
the court concerning the vessel a legal certain- 
ty concerning the character of the men. 

“This course of proceeding seemed open to 
many objections. It elevates the incidental in- 
ferior private interest into the proper place of 
the main paramount public one, and possibly it 
may make the fortunes, the safety, or the ex- 
istence of a nation depend on the accidents 
of a merely personal and pecuniary litigation. 
Moreover, when the judgment of the prize court 
upon the lawfulness of the capture of the ves- 
sel is rendered, it really concludes nothing, and 
binds neither the belligerent state nor the neu- 
tral upon the great question of the disposition 
to be made of the captured contraband persons. 
That question is still to be really determined, 
if at all, by diplomatic arrangement or by war. 

“One may well express his surprise when 
told that the law of nations has furnished no 
more reasonable, practical, and perfect mode 
than this of determining questions of such grave 
import between sovereign powers. The regret 
we may feel on the occasion is, nevertheless, 
modified by the reflection that the difficulty is 
not altogether anomalous. Similar and equal 
deficiencies are found in every system of muni- 
cipal law, especially in the system which exists 
in the greater portions of Great Britain and the 
United States. The title to personal property 
can hardly ever be resolved by a court, with- 
out resorting to the fiction that the claimant 
has lost and the possessor has found it, and the 
title to real estate is disputed by real litigants 
under the names of imaginary persons. It must 


414 


be confessed, however, that while all aggrieved 
nations demand, and all impartial ones concede, 
the need of some form of judicial process in 
determining the characters of contraband per- 
sons, no other form than the illogical and cir- 
cuitous one thus described exists, nor has any 
other yet been suggested. Practically, there- 
fore, the choice is between that judicial remedy 
or no judicial remedy whatever. 

“If there be no judicial remedy, the result is, 
that the question must be determined by the 
captor himself, on the deck of the prize vessel. 
Very grave objections arise against such a 
course. The captor is armed, the neutral is 
unarmed. The captor is interested, prejudiced, 
and perhaps violent; the neutral, if truly neu- 
tral, is disinterested, subdued, and helpless. The 
tribunal is irresponsible, while its judgment is 
carried into instant execution. The captured 
party is compelled to submit, though bound by 
no legal, moral, or treaty obligation to acquiesce. 
Reparation is distant and problematical, and 
depends at last on the justice, magnanimity, or 
weakness of the state in whose behalf and by 
whose authority the capture was made. Out 
of these disputes reprisals and wars necessarily 
arise, and these are so frequent and destructive 
that it may well be doubted whether this form 
of remedy is not a greater social evil than all 
that could follow if the belligerent right of 
search were universally renounced and abolished 
forever. But carry the case one step: farther. 
What if the state that has made the capture 
unreasonably refuse to hear the complaint of 
the neutral, or to redress it? In that case, the 
very act of capture would be an act of war — 
of war begun without notice, and possibly en- 
tirely without provocation. 

“} think all unprejudiced minds will agree 
that, imperfect as the existing judicial remedy 
may be supposed to be, it would be, as a general 
practice, better to follow it than to adopt the 
summary one of leaving the decision with the 
captor, and relying upon diplomatic debates to 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


review his decision. Practically, it is a question 
of choice between law, with its imperfections 
and delays, and war, with its evils and desola- 
tions. Nor is it ever to be forgotten that neu- 
trality, honestly and justly preserved, is always 
the harbinger of peace, and therefore is the 
common interest of nations, which is only say- 
ing that it is the interest of humanity itself. 

“ At the same time it is not to be denied that 
it may sometimes happen that the judicial 
remedy will become impossible, as by the ship- 
wreck of the prize vessel, or other circumstances 
which excuse the captor from sending or taking 
her into port for confiscation. In such a case, 
the right of the captor to the custody of the 
captured persons, and to dispose of them, if they 
are really contraband, so as to defeat their un- 
lawful purposes, cannot reasonably be denied. 
What rule shall be applied in such a case? 
Clearly, the captor ought to be required to show 
that the failure of the judicial remedy results 
from circumstances beyond his control, and 
without his fault. Otherwise, he would be al- 
lowed to derive advantage from a wrongful act 
of his own. 

“In the present case, Captain Wilkes, aftér 
capturing the contraband persons and making 
prize of the Trent in what seems to be a per- 
fectly lawful manner, instead of sending her 
into port, released her from the capture, and 
permitted her to proceed with her whole cargo 
upon her voyage. He thus effectually pre- 
vented the judicial examination which might 
otherwise have occurred. 

“Tf, now, the capture of the contraband per- 
sons and the capture of the contraband vessel 
are to be regarded, not as two separate or dis- 
tinct transactions under the law of nations, but 
as one transaction, one capture only, then it 
follows that the capture in this case was left 
unfinished, or was abandoned. Whether the 
United States have a right to retain the chief 
public benefits of it, namely, the custody of the 
captured persons on proving them to be con- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


traband, will depend upon the preliminary 
question whether the leaving of the transaction 
unfinished was necessary, or whether it was 
unnecessary, and therefore voluntary. If it 
was necessary, Great Britain, as we suppose, 
must, of course, waive the defect, and the con- 
sequent failure of the judicial remedy. On the 
other hand, it is not seen how the United States 
can insist upon her waiver of that judicial rem- 
edy, if the defect of the capture resulted from 
an act of Captain Wilkes, which would be a 
fault on their own side. 
“Captain Wilkes has presented to this goy- 
ernment his reasons for releasing the Trent. 
I forbore to seize her, he says, ‘in consequence 
of my being so reduced in officers and crew, 
and the derangement it would cause innocent 
persons, there being a large number of passen- 
gers who would have been put to great loss 
and inconvenience, as well as disappointment, 
from the interruption it would have caused 
them in not being able to join the steamer 
from St. Thomas to Europe. I therefore con- 
cluded to sacrifice the interest of my officers 
and crew in the prize, and suffered her to pro- 
ceed after the detention necessary to effect the 
transfer of those commissioners, considering I 
had obtained the important end I had in view, 
and which affected the interest of our country 


and interrupted the action of that of the Con- 


federates,’ 

“JT shall consider, first, how these reasons 
ought to affect the action of this government ; 
and, secondly, how they ought to be expected 
to affect the action of Great Britain. 

- “The reasons are satisfactory to this govern- 
ment, so far as Captain Wilkes is concerned. 
It could not desire that the San Jacinto, her 
officers and crew, should be exposed to danger 
and loss by weakening their number to detach 
a prize crew to go on board the Trent. Still 
less could it disavow the humane motive of 
preventing inconveniences, losses, and perhaps 


disasters, to the several hundred innocent pas- 


415 


sengers found on board the prize vessel. Nor 
could this government perceive any ground for 
questioning the fact that these reasons, though 
apparently incongruous, did operate in the 
mind of Captain Wilkes, and determine him to 
release the Trent. Human actions generally 
proceed upon mingled, and sometimes conflict- 
ing motives. He measured the sacrifices which 
this decision would cost. It manifestly, how- 
ever, did not occur to him that beyond the sac- 
rifice of the private interests (as he calls them) 
of his officers and crew, there might also pos- 
sibly be a sacrifice even of the chief and public 
object of his capture, namely, the right of his 
government to the custody and disposition of 
the captured persons. This government can- 
not censure him for this oversight. It confesses 


that the whole subject came unforeseen upon 


the government, as doubtless it did upon him. 
Its present convictions on the point in question 
are the result of deliberate examination and 
deduction now made, and not of any impres- 
sions previously formed. 

“Nevertheless, the question now is, not 
whether Captain Wilkes is justified to his gov- 
ernment in what he did, but what is the pres- 
ent view of the government as to the effect of 
what he has done. Assuming now, for argu- 
ment’s sake only, that the release of the Trent, 
if voluntary, involved a waiver of the claim of 
the government to hold the captured persons, 
the United States could in that case have no 
hesitation in saying that the act which has 
thus already been approved by the government 
must be allowed to draw its legal consequence 
after it. It is of the very nature of a gift or a 
charity that the giver cannot, after the exer- 
cise of his benevolence is. past, recall or modify 
its benefits. 

“We are thus brought directly to the ques- 
tion whether we are entitled to regard the re- 
lease of the Trent as involuntary, or whether 
we are obliged to consider that it was volun- 
tary. Clearly the release would have been 


416 


involuntary had it been made solely upon the 
first ground assigned for it by Captain Wilkes, 
namely, a want of a sufficient force to send the 
prize vessel into port for adjudication. It is 
not the duty of a captor to hazard his own 
vessel in order to secure a judicial examination 
to the captured party. No large prize crew, 
however, is legally necessary, for it is the duty 
of the captured party to acquiesce, and go 
willingly before the tribunal to whose jurisdic- 
tion it appeals. If the captured party indicate 
purposes to employ means of resistance which 
the captor cannot with probable safety to him- 
self overcome, he may properly leave the ves- 
sel to go forward; and neither she nor the 
state she represents can ever afterwards justly 
object that the captor deprived her of the judi- 
cial remedy to which she was entitled. 

“But the second reason assigned by Captain 
Wilkes for releasing the Trent differs from the 
first. At best, therefore, it must be held that 
Captain Wilkes, as he explains himself, acted 
from combined sentiments of prudence and 
generosity, and so that the release of the prize 
vessel was not strictly necessary or involuntary. 

“Secondly. How ought we to expect these 
explanations by Captain Wilkes of his reasons 
for leaving the capture incomplete to affect the 
action of the British government ? 

“The observation upon this point which first 
occurs is, that Captain Wilkes’s explanations were 
not made to the authorities of the captured 
vessel. If made known to them, they might 
have approved and taken the release upon the 
condition of waiving a judicial investigation 
of the whole transaction, or they might have 
refused to accept the release upon that con- 
dition. 

“ But the case is one not with them, but with 
the British government. If we claim that 
Great Britain ought not to insist that a judicial 
trial has been lost because we voluntarily re- 
leased the offending vessel out of consideration 
for her innocent passengers, I do not see how 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


she is to be bound to acquiesce in the decision 
which was thus made by us without necessity 
on our part, and without knowledge of condi- 
tions or consent on her own. The question 
between Great Britain and ourselves thus stated 
would be a question not of right and of law, 


but of favor to be conceded by her to us in 


return for favors shown by us to her, of the 
value of which favors on both sides we our- 
selves shall be the judge. Of course the United 
States could have no thought of raising such a 
question in any case. 

“J trust that I have shown to the satisfaction 
of the British government, by a very simple 
and natural statement of the facts, and analysis 
of the law applicable to them, that this goy- 
ernment has neither meditated, nor practised, 
nor approved any deliberate wrong in the 
transaction to which they have called its atten- 
tion; and, on the contrary, that what has hap- 
pened has been simply an inadvertency, con- 
sisting in a departure, by the naval officer, free 
from any wrongful motive, from a rule uncer- 
tainly established, and probably by the several 
parties concerned either imperfectly understood 
or entirely unknown. For this error the Brit- 
ish government has a right to expect the same 
reparation that we, as an independent state, 
should expect from Great Britain or from any 
other friendly nation in a similar case. 

“T have not been unaware that, in examining 
this question, | have fallen into an argument 
for what seems to be the British side of it 
against my own country. But I am relieved 
from all embarrassment on that subject. I had 
hardly fallen into that line of argument when 
I discovered that I was really defending and 


maintaining, not an exclusively British interest, 


but an old, honored, and cherished American 
cause, not upon British authorities, but upon 
principles that constitute a large portion of the 
distinctive policy by which the United States 
have developed the resources of a continent, 
and thus becoming a considerable maritime 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


power, have won the respect and confidence 
of many nations. - These principles were laid 
down for us in 1804, by James Madison, when 
secretary of state in the administration of 
Thomas Jefferson, in instructions given to James 
Monroe, our minister to England. Although 
the case before him concerned a description of 
persons different from those who are inciden- 
tally the subjects of the present discussion, the 
ground, he assumed then was the same I now 
occupy, and the arguments by which he sus- 
tained himself upon it, have been an inspira- 
tion to me in preparing this reply. 

“¢Whenever, he says, ‘ property found in a 

neutral vessel is supposed to be liable, on any 
ground, to capture and condemnation, the rule 
in all cases is, that the question shall not be 
decided by the captor, but be carried before a 
legal tribunal, where a regular trial may be 
had, and where the captor himself is liable to 
damages for an abuse of his power. Can it be 
‘reasonable, then, or just, that a belligerent com- 
mander who is thus restricted, and thus respon- 
sible in a case of mere property of trivial 
amount, should be permitted, without recurring 
to any tribunal whatever, to examine the crew 
of a neutral vessel, to decide the important 
question of their respective allegiances, and to 
carry that decision into execution by forcing 
every individual he may choose into a service 
abhorrent to his feelings, cutting him off from 
his most tender connections, exposing his mind 
and his person to the most humiliating disci- 
pline, and his life itself to the greatest danger? 
Reason, justice, and humanity unite in protest- 
ing against so extravagant a proceeding. 

“If I decide this case in favor of my own 
government, I must disavow its most cherished 
principles, and reverse and forever abandon its 
essential policy. The country cannot afford the 
sacrifice. If ] maintain those principles, and 
adhere to that policy, I must surrender the case 
itself. It will be seen, therefore, that this gov- 
ernment could not deny the justice of the claim 

53 


417 


presented to us in this respect upon its merits. 
We are asked to do to the British nation just 
what we have always insisted all nations ought 
to do to us. 

“The claim of the British government is not 
made in a discourteous manner. This govern- 
ment, since its first organization, has never used 
more guarded language in a similar case. 

“In coming to my conclusion I have not 
forgotten that, if the safety of this Union re- 
quired the detention of the captured persons, 
it would be the right and duty of this govern- 
ment to detain them. But the effectual check 
and waning proportions of the existing insur- 
rection, as well as the comparative unimpor- 
tance of the captured persons themselves, when 
dispassionately weighed, happily forbid me from 
resorting to that defence. 

“Nor am I unaware that American citizens 
are not in any case to be unnecessarily surren- 
dered for any purpose into the keeping of a 
foreign state. Only the captured persons, how- 
ever, or others who are interested in them, 
could justly raise a question on that ground. 

“Nor have I been tempted at all by sugges- 
tions that cases might be found in history 
where Great Britain refused to yield to other 
nations, and even to ourselves, claims like that 
which is now before us. Those cases occurred 
when Great Britain, as well as the United 
States, was the home of generations, which, 
with all their peculiar interests and passions, 
have passed away. She could in no other way 
so effectually disavow any such injury as we 
think she does by assuming now as her own 
the ground upon which we then stood. It 
would tell little for our own claims to the char- 
acter of a just and magnanimous people if we 
should so far consent to be guided by the law 
of retaliation as to lift up buried injuries from 
their graves to oppose against what national 
consistency and the national conscience compel 
us to regard as a claim intrinsically right. 

“Putting behind me all suggestions of this 


418 HISTORY OF THE 


kind, I prefer to express my satisfaction that, by 
the adjustment of the present case upon prin- 
ciples confessedly American, and yet, as | trust, 
mutually satisfactory to both of the nations 
concerned, a question is finally and rightly 
settled between them, which, heretofore ex- 
hausting not only all forms of peaceful discus- 
sion, but also the arbitrament of war itself, for 
more than half a century alienated the two 
countries from each other, and perplexed with 
fears and apprehensions all other nations. 

“The four persons in question are now held 
in military custody at Fort Warren, in the 
state of Massachusetts. They will be cheer- 
fully liberated. Your lordship will please indi- 
cate a time and place for receiving them. 

“JT avail myself of this occasion to offer to 
your lordship a renewed assurance of my very 
high consideration. ) 
«Wiiam H. Sewarp. 
‘‘The Right Hon. Lorp Lyons, &c., &c., &c.” 


The French government also interposed its 
advice in the question by a despatch from M. 
Thouvenel, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
M. Mercier, the French, Minister at Washing- 
ton, which was communicated to the federal 
government. In that despatch M. Thouvenel 
wrote :— 

“The Trent was not destined to a point be- 
longing to one of the belligerents. She was 
carrying to a neutral country her cargo and 
‘her passengers; and, moreover, it was in a 
neutral port that they were taken. If it were 
admissible that, under such conditions, the neu- 
tral flag does not completely cover the persons 
and merchandise it carries, its immunity would 
be nothing more than an idle word; at any 
moment the commerce and the navigation of 
third powers would have to suffer from their 
innocent and even their indirect relations with 
the one or the other of the belligerents. These 
last would no longer find themselves as having 
only the right to exact from the neutral entire 


UNITED STATES. 


impartiality, and to interdict all mtermeddling 
on his part in acts of hostility. They would 
impose on his freedom of commerce and navi- 
gation restrictions which modern international 
law has refused to admit as legitimate ; and we 
should, in a word, fall back upon vexatious 
practices, against which, in other epochs, no 
power has more earnestly protested than the 
United States. 

“If the cabinet of Washington would only 
look on the two persons arrested as rebels, 
whom it is always lawful to seize, the question, 
to place it on other ground, could not be solved, 
however, in a sense in favor of the commander 
of the San Jacinto. There would be, in such 
case, misapprehension of the principle which 
makes a vessel a portion of the territory of 
the nation whose flag it bears, and violation of 
that immunity which prohibits a foreign sover- 
eign, by consequence, from the exercise of his 
jurisdiction. It certainly is not necessary to 
recall to mind with what energy, under every 
circumstance, the government of the United 
States has maintained this immunity, and the 
right of asylum which is the consequence of it.” 

To this Mr. Seward replied, that “M. Thou 
venel has not been in error in supposing, first, 
that the government of the United States has 
not acted in any spirit of disregard of the 
rights or of the sensibilities of the British na- 
tion, and that he is equally just in assuming 
that the United States would consistently vin- 
dicate, by their practice on this occasion, the 
character they have so long maintained as an 
advocate of the most liberal principles con- 
cerning the rights of neutral states in maritime 
war.” 

The capture of the rebel envoys, and the 
questions which arose in consequence, gave rise 
to much debate in Congress. Some very bel- 
ligerent speeches were made, and a determina- 
tion was generally expressed not to submit to 
any arrogant demands on the part of England, 
nor yet to precipitate a war with that power. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


As usual in such assemblies, some opinions were 
expressed hastily, evincing patriotism rather 
than a thorough understanding of the case and 
of international law. Among those, however, 
who spoke with a full appreciation of the facts, 
and a thorough knowledge of international law 
and the principles upon which the American 
government had hitherto insisted, was Senator 
Sumner, of Massachusetts, who was chairman of 
the committee on foreign affairs in the Senate. 
Mr. Sumner made anable and exhaustive speech, 
taking the ground which Mr. Seward maintained 
in his reply to Lord Lyons, but supporting it 
with convincing argument and precedents drawn 
from the history of the government, and show- 
ing conclusively that the release of the prison- 
ers was but maintaining the principles for which 
the United States had always contended. 

The settlement of this question was a great 
relief to those who believed the relations be- 
tween England and the United States.to be in 
a very critical condition, and to many, also, who, 
perhaps inconsiderately, were disposed to resist, 
at any cost, an arrogant demand on the part 
of England. The English government had 
presented the demand in as moderate and in- 
offensive a way as it could well be made and 
be ademand. By this course American pride 
was not touched, nor the bitter resentment and 
hostility kindled which would have followed 
any arrogant or threatening course. That a 
more imperious demand would have followed, 
if the question had not been settled as it was, 
is altogether probable, and hostile feelings in 
both countries would then have become so in- 
flamed that war might but too easily have been 
the result. But, fortunately, the governments 
acted with more moderation and wisdom than 
were shown by portions of the people of either 
country. 

It was, indeed, distasteful to the people of 
the United States, and in some degree humil- 
lating, ta give up these rebel emissaries, who 
had been so opportunely captured at the com; 


— 


419 


mencement of their voyage ; but it was a source 
of satisfaction to know that the question was 
settled upon principles of public law for which 
the United States had always contended, and 
that, throwing out of the case the particular 
individuals concerned, the conclusion was a tri- 
umph for the government of the United States. 
To the rebels, and to those of the English who 
were really unfriendly to the United States, 
the settlement of the question was a disap- 
pointment, as it destroyed their hopes of a war 
between the United States and England, in 
which they were confident that against such 
odds the former would be overwhelmed. 

Messrs. Mason and Slidell, with their secre- 
taries, were released ; but their disappointment 
and detention from their missions, in which 
they would by this time have been indus- 
triously aiding the rebellion, received no other 
compensation. For more than a month they 
were confined in Fort Warren, not deprived of 
comforts, but under military guard, and expe- 
riencing the inclemency of a New England 
winter rather than the pleasures of London 
and Paris. The arrangements for their release 
were made by Mr. Seward and Lord Lyons, 
and it was agreed that the released prisoners 
should be put on board her Majesty’s ship 
Rinaldo, in Provincetown harbor, at the ex- 
tremity of Cape Cod. They were accordingly 
transported to that point in a small steamer, 
and were duly placed, without ceremony, or, 
as far as appeared, any special mark of respect, 
once more under “the protection of the Brit- 
ish flag.” 

It was feared that the capture and imprison- 
ment of the rebel emissaries might add to their 
influence when they at last arrived at their 
destination; but while there were parties in 
England and France who perhaps extended to 
them a more cordial sympathy on account of 
their alleged misfortunes, the question be- 
tween the governments had been so promptly 
and gracefully settled, that there was all the 


420 


more reason on the part of the English or 
French governments for not recognizing or 
receiving them in any official capacity. 


CHAPTER LIV. 


Fort Pickens. — Rebel Preparations to reduce it.— Long Delay 
of the Attack. — Reénforcement and Strengthening of the 
Fort. — Wilson’s Zouaves. — Federal Operations. — Destruc- 
tion of the Dry Dock. — Night Attack upon the Island of 
Santa Rosa. — Sudden Assault upon the Zouaves. — Burning 
of their Tents. — Resistance to the Rebels. — Disorder among 
the Assailants.—Their Retreat and Loss. — Official Report 
of Colonel Brown. — Results of the Attack.— Bombardment 
of the Rebel Fortifications by Fort Pickens and Ships of war. 
— Response of the Rebels. — Effects of their Fire. — Action 
by the Ships of War. — The Rebel Batteries silenced. — Cessa- 
tion of the Cannonade for the Night. — The Conflict renewed. 
— The Town of Warrington destroyed by Fire. — Results of 
the Bombardment. — Casualties. — Official Report of Colonel 
Brown. 

In the early stages of the rebellion, Fort 
Pickens, which was the only southern fort com- 
manding the entrance to a port, except Sumter, 
that had not been taken possession of by the 
secessionists without opposition, was an object 
of solicitude on the part of the government, 
and its possession was considered a matter of 
paramount importance by the rebels. The 
unsuccessful measures taken to secure it, and 
which were foiled by the prompt action of 
Lieutenant Slemmer, have been narrated in a 
former chapter. As soon as Sumter had fallen, 
and the war had thus been commenced, a de- 
termination was avowed by the rebels to take! 
Fort Pickens in like manner. Large numbers of 
troops were collected at Pensacola and vicinity. 
Forts Barrancas and McRae, old fortifications 


belonging to the United States, were strength-| 
ened and furnished with heavy armaments, and | 
new batteries were constricted at different. 
points along the shore of the main land, to. 


command the harbor and bear upon Fort Pick- 
ens.* These operations were under the com- 


* Fort Pickens is on the western end of Santa Rosa Island, a 


long and narrow sandy island, that extends along the front of 
Pensacola Bay. It commands the entrance to the bay, and on 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


mand of General Bragg, formerly an officer of 
the United States, and great confidence was 
expressed by the rebels that they would be 
able to reduce Fort Pickens and compel its 
surrender. For months the preparations con- 
tinued, and the rebel troops began to grow dis- 
contented at the long delay of the promised 
attack. But, unlike Sumter, Fort Pickens 
could not be almost surrounded by batteries, 
and none were sufficiently near to insure a 
breach. 

Meanwhile Fort Pickens was also strength- 
ened. The garrison had been largely reén- 
forced by regular troops, under the command 
of Colonel Harvey Brown. The guns were all 
mounted, and large quantities of ammunition 
supplied. ‘The interior of the fort was so pre- 
pared as to afford protection from shells that 
might be thrown into it, and the barbette guns 
were protected by sand bags. Outside of the 
fort some new batteries were constructed, and 
all the works were put into a complete state 
for defence. In addition to the garrison of the 
fort, the sixth regiment of New York volunteers, 
—a regiment raised in the city of New York 
under peculiar auspices,* and containing many 
lawless and desperate men — was sent to the 
Island of Santa Rosa, on which Fort Pickens is 
constructed, and encamped about a mile from 
the fort, where they held a position protected, 
in part, by intrenchments. A naval force of 
several vessels was, most of the time, at hand, 


|| the opposite side of the entrance, on a point connected with the 


main land, is Fort McRae. Above the entrance the main shore 
curves, and extends towards the east for several miles. On this 
shore, facing the channel, is the old Spanish fort Barrancas. 
Farther east, near the point where the shore runs again to the 
north, is the navy yard. From the navy yard to Fort McRae, — 
a distance of about four miles, —the rebels constructed numerous 
batteries, distant from Fort Pickens from about a mile and a 
quarter to a mile and three quarters, and embracing about one 
third of a circle. 

* This regiment was enlisted immediately after the attack on 
the Massachusetts troops in Baltimore, April 19, 1861, and with 
the avowed purpose of marching through Baltimore. It was re- 
cruited among the “roughs” and men of desperate habits and 
character, and probably on account of its composition was sent 
to this distant post. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


to aid in the defence of the fort or in an attack 
upon the rebel works. 


The attack on Fort Pickens, so long expected, 


by its garrison, and so earnestly desired by the 
over-confident rebels, was still delayed, General 
Bragg evidently not sharing in the confidence 
of success which was expressed by the rebel 
journals. In the mean time two or three enter- 
prises were successfully carried out by the fed- 
eral forces, which, though of no great impor- 
tance in themselves, annoyed the enemy, and 
encouraged the garrison and naval forces.. One 
of these — the destruction of the privateer Ju- 


dah, at the navy yard wharf, by an expedition 


from the Colorado —has been mentioned in a 
previous chapter. Another, which was accom- 
plished by a few men from the garrison of Fort 
Pickens, was the destruction of the floating dry 
dock belonging to the navy yard. 


This dock, which was a large and costly work, | 


had, early in the summer, been removed from 
the navy yard and sunk in the channel oppo- 
site. Subsequently,a plan was formed to raise it, 
and, floating it down to a position opposite Fort 
McRae, to sink it in the channel, where it would 
completely obstruct the entrance of large ves- 
sels into the bay. Colonel Brown, having re- 
ceived information of the intentions of the reb- 
els, and observing the preparations, determined 
to prevent the movement. Accordingly, on the 
night of the 2d of September, he sent Lieuten- 
ant Shipley, with a few picked men, in a boat, 
to destroy the dock, which was now afloat. 
Reaching the dock without being discovered, 
they at once boarded it, finding, to their sur- 
prise, no sentinels upon it. They soon disposed 
of the combustible materials which they had 
brought, and placed shells in the boilers, and 
then, applying the torch, rowed safely back to 
the fort. The flames soon spread over the 
structure; the shells exploded, destroying the 
boilers and the adjacent parts of the work ; and 
to save the dock from entire destruction was 


beyond the ability of the rebels. It burned 


421 


through the night, and was so far destroyed as 
to be utterly useless even for obstructing the 
channel. It was supposed that the burning of 
the dry dock would be the signal for a general 
attack from the rebel batteries upon the fort, 
and preparations were made to respond to 
the bombardment. But, though there was an 
alarm in the rebel forts and camps, not a gun 
was discharged, and the expected and even 
much desired attack was not made. 

The monotonous quiet which prevailed about 
the fort was not again disturbed, except by the 
destruction of the privateer Judah by the naval 
expedition, until the 9th of October, when the 
rebels made a night attack upon the forces on 
the island outside of the fort. A force of twelve 
or fifteen hundred* rebels, under the command 
of General Anderson, landed on the island of 
Santa Rosa, about four miles from Fort Pick- 
ens, and three miles from the camp of the New 
York sixth regiment, or “ Wilson’s Zouaves,” as 
they were more familiarly called. Approach- 
ing the federal position cautiously, the rebel 
force killed several of the picket guards, and 
drove in the others. They.then made a sudden 
attack upon the Zouaves, who were hastily 
drawn up to meet them, and threw them into 
confusion, in the midst of which the assailants 
succeeded in setting fire to a part of the tents. 
The Zouaves were soon rallied, and, with a small 
force of regulars who were stationed nearer 
the fort, successfully resisted the attack of what 
was evidently a superior force. The rebels soon 
fell into disorder, and failed to carry out the 
plan which they had apparently contemplated. 
Their disorder soon led to a retreat, which was 
hastened by the more determined attack of the 
federal troops, who soon began to press after 
them. They reached their boats, in which they 
embarked, under a brisk fire of the Zouaves 
and regulars, leaving fourteen killed and seven 
wounded upon the island, and twenty-seven 


* Variously stated in their own accounts from twelve hundred 
to eighteen hundred men. 


422 


others prisoners. Many others were supposed 
to be killed or wounded while in the boats, 
exposed to the fire of the federal troops, and a 
number of the wounded were safely taken from 
the island. The federal loss was fourteen killed, 
twenty-nine wounded, and twenty-four taken 
prisoners. The rebel accounts of the affair, while 
claiming that the expedition was completely 
successful, admitted that their retreat was hasty, 
and that their loss was severe. 

The following official report of Colonel Brown 
describes more particularly the attack and its 
results : — 


‘¢ HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF FLORIDA, 
‘«‘Fort Pickens, October 11, 1861. 


“CotoneL: I briefly reported to you on the 
9th instant that the rebels had landed on this 
island, partially destroyed the camp of the 
sixth regiment New York volunteers, and had 
been driven off by our troops. I now report 
in more detail the results of the attack. For 
the better understanding of the several move- 
ments, it may be well to state that the enemy 
landed about four miles from this fort. The 
place may be recognized on the map by three 
ponds and a mound — that the island there is 
about three fourths of a mile wide; that a 
short distance below it narrows to some two 
hundred yards, then widens again, and at the 
camp the distance across is about five eighths 
of a mile; that a succession of three or four 
sand ridges run on the sea: side, parallel to 
the coast, along the island; and low, swampy 
ground, interspersed with sand hillocks, some 
bushes, and a few trees, extend along the har- 
bor side, both shores being sandy beach. Wil- 
son’s camp is near the sea-coast, and a short 
mile from the fort. The two batteries spoken 
of in this report, and to which he retreated, — 
batteries Lincoln and Totten,—are, the first on 
the harbor, and the other on the Gulf side, about 
four hundred yards from Fort Pickens. 

“ About two o’clock on the morning of the 
9th instant I was awakened by the officer of 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


the day, who reported that a picket, driven in, 
had reported the landing of sixty men on the 
point. Having little confidence in the cor- 
rectness of the report, I directed that no alarm 
should be made; and shortly after he reported 
that the alarm was false. 

“About half past three o’clock he again re- 
ported that volleys of musketry were heard at 
the camp of the sixth New York volunteers. I 
immediately ordered the roll to be beaten, Ma- 
jor Vogdes to take two companies and proceed 
to the spot, and Major Arnold to man the guns 
on the ramparts on the space. About half an 
hour after this time the firing was heavy, and 
the light of the burning camp was seen; and I 
sent a staffofficer to communicate with Major 
Vogdes, who returned very soon, and said that 
he had fallen in with a large body of the ene- 
my on the inside shore, and could not find the 
major. 

“JT immediately ordered Major Arnold to pro- 
ceed to support Major Vogdes with two com- 
panies, and at the same time sent an order to 
Colonel Wilson to advance and attack the ene- 
my. I also despatched a staff officer on board 
the steamer McClellan, with orders for him to 
take position opposite the landing place and 
open on the enemy; unfortunately at the same 
tinre directing him to go to the Potomac, lying 
near, and ask for some men to assist him, in 
case landing was necessary. Captain Powell © 
directed him to tow his ship to the scene of ac- 
tion, which so delayed him that he did not ar- 
rive until after the enemy had vacated. Cap- 
tain Powell acted from the best motives, and, 
under ordinary circumstances, from correct 
principles. But the result was unfortunate ; 
as the McClellan could have driven the rebel 
steamers away, and we must have made prison- 
ers of most of the invaders. 

“ At the request of Major Arnold, late in the 
morning, I sent forward a light field gun, which, 
however, did not reach him until the affair was 
over. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“As I propose only briefly to allude to the 
volunteers, I respectfully refer you to the off- 
cial report of the colonel of the regiment. The 
picket of this regiment and the guards sustained 
its principal, if not entire loss, and behaved 
well. Captain Daly’s company, on duty with 
the regulars, did good service, and the captain 
is spoken of by Major Arnold in terms of high 
approbation. He had twomen killed. Captain 
Bailey’s company was at a battery, and not 
called out. He was performing his appropriate 
duty during the fight. 

“Major Vogdes, with companies A, first ar- 
tillery, and E, third infantry, proceeded beyond 
the Spanish fort, about a mile from this fort, 
when, from the obscurity of the night, he found 
himself and command completely intermingled 
with the enemy. He was immediately recog- 
nized, and made prisoner; the command de- 
volving on Captain Hildt, of the third infantry, 
who disengaged his command from their peril- 
ous position, and opened a heavy fire on the 
enemy, and finally, with great gallantry, forced 
them to retreat, (he being ably supported by 
Lieutenant Seely, my assistant adjutant-gen- 
eral, who volunteered for the occasion,) with a 
loss of eleven killed. 

“ Major Arnold at this moment came up, and, 
the enemy retreating, followed on. During 
this time Major Tower and Lieutenant Jackson, 
whom I had successively sent on to push for- 
ward the Zouaves, succeeded in. getting some 
collected ; and Colonel Wilson also advanced, 
the enemy precipitately retreating. Major Ar- 
nold, with Captain Robertson and Lieutenant 
Shipley’s companies, promptly followed, and 
attacked, as they were embarking, the other 
companies arriving up successively. Captain 
Robertson opened a heavy fire, at short musket 
range, on the crowded masses, and Lieutenant 
Shipley, some fifteen minutes later, joined him, 
and their fire must have been very effective. 

“This was continued so long as they were 
within range. When they had got beyond it, 


423 


the gallant major ordered them to cease firing, 
and to give them three cheers, to which no re- 
sponse was made. During the time of this oc- 
currence, Major Tower came up with two small 
companies of Zouaves, and subsequently Colo- 
nel Wilson with a portion of his regiment. 

“When it is considered that less than two 
hundred regulars, with some fifty volunteers, 
pursued five times their number four miles, 
and expelled them, under a heavy fire, from the 
island they had desecrated, it will, I trust, be 
considered an evidence of their having gal- 
lantly performed their duty. 

“The plan of attack of the enemy was judi 
cious, and, if executed with ordinary ability, 
might have been attended with serious loss. 
But he failed in all save the burning of one half 
of the tents-of the sixth regiment, which, being 
covered with bushes, were very combustible, 
and in rifling the trunks of the officers. He 
did not reach within five hundred yards of 
either of the batteries, the guns of which he 
was to spike; nor within a mile of the fort he 
was to enter pell-mell with the fugitives re- 
treating before his victorious arms. I have 
now in my possession nine spikes taken from 
the bodies of the dead, designed for our guns. 

“ Our loss is — of regulars, four killed, twenty 
wounded, most very slightly, and eight missing, 
among whom is Major Vogdes; of the sixth 
regiment New York volunteers, ten killed, nine 
wounded, and sixteen missing. The enemy 
lost, as known to us, fourteen killed; includ- 
ing one captain ; seven wounded, including one 
lieutenant, (two since dead ;) and five officers 
and twenty-two enlisted men prisoners; and 
as he was known to have carried off some of 
his dead, and probably most of his wounded, 
those in our hands being all severely so, and 
unable to be removed, and as the heaviest loss 
is supposed to have been in the boats, at the 
reémbarkation, it was probably three times 
as great, in killed and wounded, as I have 
named. ) 


424 


“T estimated the force of the enemy at. twelve 
or fifteen hundred, having closely observed 
them through a fine telescope as they retreat- 
ed. Their two large steamers, and a large 
barge of equal size, and five or six launches, 
were all crowded with troops; and the almost 
unanimous estimate of the officers is fifteen 
hundred, from personal observation. 

“T am, colonel, very respectfully, yours, 
“ Harvey Brown, 
“ Colonel commanding. 
s¢Colonel E. D. TownsEenp, A. A. G. 

«“P.S. I have seen a Pensacola paper, which 
gives their loss as follows: killed, twenty-one ; 
wounded, thirty-eight; prisoners, twenty-one ; 
which, probably, is not one fourth their actual 
loss. General Anderson is severely wounded.” 


The report of Colonel Wilson, alluded to in 
Colonel Brown’s report, gave a detailed, and, 
probably, a somewhat exaggerated account of 
the part taken by the regiment of Zouaves in 
the affair, which, according to this report, was 
a very sanguinary conflict. After they recov- 
ered from their surprise, the Zouaves appear to 
have behaved with bravery, though some of 
them fought without much regard to order and 
discipline. The combined force of regulars 
and Zouaves was very much inferior to the 
enemy in numbers, and in the end succeeded 
in driving off the rebels, who failed to accom- 
plish much, except the destruction of a part of 
the camp of the volunteers. Had the steamer 
McClellan proceeded to a position opposite the 
landing place of the rebels, as ordered, instead 
of stopping to tow the Potomac, the rout of 
the enemy would have been complete, and 
probably a large number of prisoners would 
have been taken. But the delay prevented 
the accomplishment of Colonel Brown’s pur- 
pose, and the rebels succeeded in escaping with- 
out a very serious loss. 

After the night attack on Santa Rosa Island, 
affairs at Fort Pickens again resumed the quiet 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


that had previously prevailed. The rebels still 
delayed the attack so long threatened, and no 
event of importance occurred until the 22d of 
November, when Colonel Brown, who was now 
fully prepared for such an attack, opened fire, 
with the codperation of the naval force, upon 
the rebel forts and the navy yard, and initiated 
a general bombardment. 

Having made the necessary arrangements 
with Flag-officer McKean, Colonel Brown com- 
menced the attack at about ten o’clock on the 
morning of the 22d. Two or three steamers, 
which had run daily between Pensacola and 
the navy yard, had already run down, to the 
latter place, and were there exposed to the 
guns of Fort Pickens at long range. The first 
fire was directed at these and the batteries at 
the navy yard, and one of the boats was soon 
seriously damaged ; but another succeeded in 
steaming away with but slight injury. Imme- 
diately after the first gun from Fort Pickens, 
the other batteries on the island also opened 
fire, and all the guns of the fort that bore upon 
the rebel fortifications and the navy yard soon 
joined in the roar, and sent their shot and shell 
in quick succession against those positions of 
the enemy. 

In half an hour the rebel batteries began to 
reply, and very soon they were nearly all in 
play, from the navy yard to the extreme point 
south of Fort McRae; several batteries, which 
had previously been masked, joining in the 
bombardment, and the whole numbering four- 
teen, besides Forts McRae and Barrancas. But 
though the rebels had some very heavy guns, 
a portion of which were rifled, their mability 
speedily to reduce the fort by means of their 
batteries, so deliberately erected, was soon man- 
ifest. Their shot and shell had but little 
damaging effect upon the solid walls, though 
battering them in many places; and such pre- 
cautions had been taken to protect the interior 
of the fort and the men from injury by the 
explosion of shells, that but one man was killed 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


and four others were wounded during the whole 
bombardment. The barbette guns were also 
well protected; only one gun—and that a 
casemate gun — was partially dismounted dur- 
ing the whole bombardment, and the same shot 
which effected this occasioned the casualties just 
mentioned. 

The first gun from the fort was a signal for 
the ships of war to sail in towards the entrance 
of the bay, and join inthe bombardment. The 
only vessels that were available for the purpose 
were the Niagara and the Richmond. These 
vessels steamed in as near to Fort McRae as 
the depth of water would apparently admit, 
and opened their guns upon that fort and the 
neighboring batteries. The distance was too 
great for the guns of the ships to have their 
full effect, and only the shots from their heav- 
iest and rifled guns caused certain damage. 
But, sending out a boat to sound, Captain 
McKean found that he could lay his ships 
somewhat nearer, and he accordingly advanced 
to a position where the depth of water under 
the keel of the Niagara was but little more 
than a foot. The Richmond, which was of less 
draught and lighter armament, went farther in 
towards Fort McRae. Here the vessels con- 
tinued the bombardment with more effect, and 
received a full share of attention from the 
enemy. The latter, however, did not succeed 
in striking either of the ships until the bom- 
bardment had continued several hours, when 
the Richmond was struck by a solid shot, which 
killed one man and wounded several, and dam- 
aged the vessel considerably. The Niagara 
was afterwards struck several times, but sus- 
tained no damage to impair the efficiency of 
the vessel, and lost none of the crew. 

The continued fire from the ships of war and 
Fort Pickens, with its auxiliary batteries, appar- 
ently had more effect upon the rebel works, 
and, long before it was suspended by the ap- 
proach of night, the guns of Fort McRae and 
adjacent batteries had ceased to reply. This 

54 


425 


result might not have been altogether the effect 
of the bombardment, though the fort and gar- 
rison, without doubt, suffered from it; but the 
caving in of a magazine at Fort McRae occa- 
sioned a loss of life and limb, and probably 
temporarily limited the supply of ammunition. 
Whatever may have been the cause, the fire 
of all the rebel fortifications, long before the fed- 
eral batteries were silent, had begun to slacken, 
and at last almost entirely ceased. At night- 
fall the ships of war steamed out to a safe 
anchorage, and the thunders of the bombard- 
ment were succeeded by the stillness of an 
undisturbed night at Fort Pickens, and on the 
main land by the steady labor of the rebels to 
repair and extend their works. 

The next morning Colonel Brown resumed 
the bombardment, firing with more deliberation, 
and probably more effect, than the first day. 
During the night the wind had changed to the 
north, and, blowing freshly down the bay and 
off shore, reduced the depth of the water, and 
made it so rough that it was impossible for the 
ships of war to approach as near the rebel 
works as on the previous day. The Richmond, 
the guns of which were of too short range, did 
not attempt to join in the attack. The Niagara 
steamed in as far as possible, and for some time 
continued to fire at Fort McRae and the nearer 
batteries; but it was found that most of her 
shots fell short, while the rebels returned the 
fire from a heavy rifled gun of long range, 
which threatened serious damage without any 
prospect of silencing it. The Niagara was ac- 
cordingly withdrawn, and the bombardment 
was continued by Fort Pickens and the bat- 
teries on Santa Rosa. Fort McRae did not 
respond to the fire this day, and the rebel guns 
were distributed along the shore in small bat- 
teries, some of which were protected by woods, 
rendering it more difficult to disable’or silence 
them. ‘The steady fire of the federal force was 
not without effect upon these rebel batteries, 
and the hot shot and shell, thrown at the navy 


426 HISTORY 


OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


yard and adjacent buildings occupied by the fered. Colonel Brown had ordered all the shot 
rebels, at last set fire to some of the houses in || and shell which had been thrown into the fort 


the town of Warrington. 


The flames spread || to be collected, in order that the men might not 


from building to building until the greater part | tamper with the shells that had not exploded. 
of the town was destroyed, and some of the |) This work was being performed, when one of 


structures in the navy yard were materially 
injured. The cannonading continued occasion- 
ally until midnight, when Colonel Brown ceased 
firing, and the rebel batteries also became silent. 
The following day was Sunday, and its quiet 
was not disturbed, Colonel Brown having de- 
termined not to renew the conflict unless com- 
pelled to do so by a rebel attack. He had 
damaged the enemy’s works and destroyed a 
large amount of property, while he had at the 
same time drawn the fire of the rebel batteries, 
and tested the strength of his own position. 
While he felt assured that the enemy could not 
easily take or damage Fort Pickens, he had no 
inducement to continue the bombardment; for, 
however successful he might be, with the codp- 
eration of the navy, in silencing the guns, or 
destroying the works of the rebels, he had no 
force with which to maintain the advantage 
thus gained. Nor were the rebels disposed to 
renew a contest which was more damaging to 
them than to the beleaguered fort, and, what- 
ever further preparations they projected with 
reference to a future attack, they did not pros- 
ecute the work with much vigor. 

The rebels claimed that their works suffered 
but little. It was evident, however, that the 
damage was greater than they admitted. The 
loss of life was, probably, small; being but seven 
or eight killed, and ten or twelve wounded, the 
greater part of whom were killed or wounded 
by the falling in of a magazine at Fort McRae. 
The federal loss in the fort was one killed and 
four wounded; on board the ships of war, one 


man was killed and seven slightly wounded. || 


After the bombardment, during which the gar- 
rison had so wonderfully ope greater injury 
from the missiles of the enemy, an accident oc- 
curred by which a much greater loss was suf. 


| the men attempted to empty a shell by knock- 


ing it against another, while a number of his 
comrades were standing about him. This care- 
less act caused an explosion of the shell, which 
was followed by another, instantly killing five 
men and wounding seven others. In the bat- 
teries outside the fort the enemy’s shot caused 
little damage, and no loss of life. 

Colonel Brown’s official report of the bom- 
bardment is as follows : — 

‘HeapquaRters DEPARTMENT OF FLORIDA, 
‘‘Fort Pickens, November 25, 1861. : 

“GeneRAL: That Fort Pickens has been be- 
leaguered by the rebels for the last nine months, 
and that it was daily threatened with the fate 
of Sumter, is a fact notorious to the whole 
world. Since its occupancy by Lieutenant 
Slemmer, the rebels have been surrounding it 
with batteries, and daily arming them with the 
heaviest and most efficient guns known to our 
service,—guns stolen from the United States, — 
until they considered this fort as virtually their 
own, its occupancy being only a beets of 
time. 

“JT have been in command since the 16th of 
April, and during the whole of that time their 
force has averaged, so far as I can learn, from 
eight to ten times the number of mine. The 
position in which I have thus been placed has 


‘been sufficiently trying, and I have, at three 


separate times, intended to free myself from it, 
by opening my batteries on them; but imperi- 


ous circumstances, over which I had no control, 


has, unexpectedly, in each instance, prevented. 
“ Affairs were in this state on the morning 
of the 9th of October, when the enemy, fifteen 
hundred strong, attacked by surprise a portion 
of my command, on an intensely dark night. 
They were defeated, and driven from the island 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


with great loss, by less than two hundred regu- 
lars and fifty volunteers — all the efficient force 
I had disposable for the purpose. An insult so 
gross to the flag of my country could not by 
me be passed unnoticed, and I designed im- 
mediately to take appropriate notice of it; 
but, as I said before, circumstances over which 
I had no control prevented. I make these 
prefatory remarks to explain why I have now 
opened my batteries on the enemy, when, from 
the smallness of my forces,—about one sixth 
of his, thirteen hundred to eight thousand, — I 
have not the means of producing any decisive 
results, and as evidence of my having accom- 
plished what I designed—the punishing the 
perpetrators of an insult on my country’s flag. 

“Having invited Flag-officer McKean to co- 
operate with me in attacking the rebels, and to 
which he gave a ready and cordial assent, I, 
on the morning of the 22d, opened my batteries 
on the enemy; to which, in the course of half 
an hour, he responded from his numerous forts 
and batteries, extending from the navy yard 
to Fort McRae, a distance of about four miles, 
the whole nearly equidistant from this fort, and 
on which line he has two forts, — McRae and 
Barrancas, — and fourteen separate batteries, 
containing from one to four guns, many of them 
being ten inch columbiads, and some twelve and 
thirteen inch sea-coast mortars, the distance 
varying from two thousand one hundred to 
two thousand nine hundred yards from this 
fort. At the same time of my opening, Flag- 
officer McKean, in the Niagara, and Captain 
Ellison, in the Richmond, took position as near 
to Fort McRae as the depth of water would 
permit; but which, unfortunately, was not suf- 
ficiently deep to give full effect to their power- 
ful batteries. They, however, kept up a spirited 
fire on the fort and adjacent batteries during 
the whole day. My fire was incessant from the 
time of opening until it was too dark to see, at 
the rate of a shot for each gun every fifteen or 
twenty minutes, the fire of the enemy being 


. 


427 


somewhat slower. By noon, the guns of Fort 
McRae were all silenced but one, and three 
hours before sunset this fort and the adjoining 
battery ceased fire. I directed the guns of bat- 
teries Lincoln, Cameron, and Totten principally 
on the batteries adjacent to the navy yard, 
those of battery Scott to Fort McRae and the 
lighthouse batteries, and those of the fort to all. 
We reduced very perceptibly the fire of Bar- 
rancas, entirely silenced that in the navy yard, 
and in one or two of the other batteries, the 
efficiency of our fire, at the close of the day, 
not being the least impaired. 

“The next morning I again opened about the 
same hour, the navy, unfortunately, owing to 
a reduction in the depth of water, caused by a 
change of wind, not being able to get so near 
as yesterday; consequently the distance was too 
great to be effectual. My fire this day was 
less rapid, and I think more efficient, than 
that of yesterday. Fort McRae, so effectually 
silenced yesterday, did not fire again to-day. 
We silenced entirely one or two guns, and had 
one of ours disabled by a shot coming through 
the embrasure. 

“ About three o’clock fire was communicated 
to one of the houses in Warrington, and shortly 
afterwards to the church steeple, the church 
and the whole village being immediately in 
rear of some of the rebel batteries, they appar- 
ently having placed them purposely directly 
in front of the largest and most valuable build- 
ings. The fire rapidly communicated to other 
buildings along the street, until probably two 
thirds of it was consumed; and about the same 
time fire was discovered issuing from the back 
part of the navy yard, probably in Wolcott, a 
village to the north and immediately adjoin- 
ing the yard, as Warrington does on the west. 
Finally, it penetrated to the yard, and as it con- 
tinued to burn brightly all night, I concluded 
that either in it or in Wolcott many buildings 
were destroyed. Very heavy damage was also 


done to the buildings of the yard by the ava- 


428 


lanche of shot, shell, and splinters showered un- 
ceasingly on them for two days; and being nearly 
fire-proof, being built of brick and covered with 
slate, I could not succeed in firing them, my 
hot shot nor shells not having any power of 
igniting them. 

“The steamer Time, which was at the wharf 
at the time, was abandoned on the first day, 
and exposed to our fire, which probably entirely 
disabled her. The fire was again continued till 
dark, and with mortars occasionally, until two 
o'clock the next morning, when the combat 
ceased. 

“This fort, at its conclusion, though it has 
received a great many shot and shell, is in every 
respect, save the disabling of one gun-carriage 
and the loss of service of six men, as efficient 
as it was at the commencement of the combat; 
but the ends I proposed in commencing having 
been attained, except one, which I find to be 
impracticable with my present means, I do not 
deem it advisable further to continue it, unless 
the enemy think it proper to do so, when I 
shall meet him with alacrity. 

“The attack on ‘Billy Wilson’s’ camp, the 
attempted attack on my batteries, and the in- 
sult to our glorious flag, have been fully and 
fearfully avenged. I have no means of know- 
ing the loss of the enemy, and have no dispo- 
sition to guess atit. ‘The firing on his batteries 
was very heavy, well directed, and continuous 
for two days, and could hardly fail of having 
important results. 

“ Our loss would have been heavy, but for the 
foresight which, with great labor, caused us to 
erect elaborate means of protection, and which 
saved many lives. I lost one private killed, one 
sergeant, one corporal, and four men (privates) 
wounded, only one severely. . . . 

“In closing, I tender to Flag-officer McKean 
and Captain Ellison, of the navy, and to their 
officers and crews, my best. thanks for their able 
codperation, which would have had the happiest 
results but for the unfortunate fact that great 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


draught of water prevented their sufficiently 
near approach to the works of the rebels. 

“Tam, general, very respectfully, your obedi- 
ent servant, Harvey Brown, 


“ Colonel commanding. 
“ Brigadier-General L. Tuomas, 
‘‘ Adjutant-General U. S. Army, Washington, D. C.” 


CHAPTER LYV. 


Retirement of General Scott. — Confidence of the People in his 
Military Knowledge and Experience. — Letter to the Secre- 
tary of War. — Action of the Cabinet.— Order of the Presi- 
dent. — Reply of the Secretary of War. — Effect of the Retire- 
ment upon the People. — Visit to Europe. 


In closing our record of the campaigns of 
1861, we should not pass unnoticed the retire- 
ment of Lieutenent-General Scott from his 
position as general-in-chief of the army of the 
United States. Long the most distinguished 
soldier of the country, the loyal people had 
naturally regarded him with great respect and 
admiration, and they reposed the highest con- 
fidence in his military knowledge and skill to 
conduct the war into which the country was 
plunged by secession. The safety of the cap- 
ital and the peaceful inauguration of President 
Lincoln were generally attributed, in a great 
measure, to his prudence and foresight, and his 
loyal determination to maintain the constitu- 
tional government. Upon his experience both 
the government and the country had relied for 
the organization into armies of the immense 
numbers of troops which had. been called from 
among the people, and for the planning and 
conduct of campaigns against the rebels. 

But General Scott was now advanced in 
years, and had become too infirm for active 
military duties; and though his mind was un- 
dimmed, and he gave all its energies to his 
duties, so far as they could be performed in his 
office, when the army increased and the duties 
became more arduous, it was evident that a 
younger and more active man was necessary to 


* 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


have the immediate command. For this rea- 
son, General McClellan had been called to the 
command of the army of the Potomac, after 
the disaster at Bull Run. General Scott, how- 
ever, still remained general-in-chief of the en- 
tire army, and, while relieved ofa part of his 
burdens, continued to supervise the general 
organization of the army and the plans of the 
several campaigns. In this position he con- 
tinued to serve the country until the last of 
October, when he asked to be placed upon the 
retired list, in the following letter: — 
‘¢s HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, 
«¢Wasuineton, D.C., October 31, 1861. ‘ 

“Sime: For more than three years I have been 
unable, from a hurt, to-mount a horse or walk 
more than a few paces at a time, and that with 
much pain. Other and new infirmities, dropsy 
and vertigo, admonish me that a repose of mind 
and body, with the appliances of surgery and 
medicine, are necessary to add a little more to 
a life already protracted much beyond the usual 
span of man. 

“Tt is under such circumstances, made doubly 
painful by the unnatural and unjust rebellion 
now raging in the southern states of our so 
late prosperous and happy Union, that I am 
compelled to request that my name be placed 
on the list of army officers retired from active 
service. 

“As this request is founded on an absolute 
right granted by a recent act of Congress, I am 
entirely at liberty to say that it is with deep 
regret that I withdraw myself, in these mo- 
mentous times, from the orders of a President 
who has treated me with distinguished kind- 
ness and courtesy — whom I know, upon much 
personal intercourse, to be patriotic without 
sectional partialities or prejudices, to be highly 
conscientious in the performance of every duty, 
and of unrivalled activity and perseverance. 

“And to you, Mr. Secretary, whom I now 
officially address for the last time, I beg to 
acknowledge my many obligations for the uni- 


429 


form high consideration I have received at your 
hands, and have the honor to remain, sir, 
“With high respect, your obedient servant, 


“ WINFIELD Scott. 
‘‘Hon. S. Camron, Secretary of War.” 


A special cabinet council was held to con- 
sider this resignation of General Scott, and it 
was determined, in consideration of his reasons 
for tendering it, that it should be accepted. 
The President, with his cabinet, waited upon 
the old soldier, and announced to him that his 
request to be placed upon the retired list was 
acceded to, in the following order, which was 
also promulgated to the army and to the coun- 
try se— 


“On the Ist day of November, A. D. 1861, 
upon his own application to the President of 
the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General 
Winfield Scott is ordered to be placed, and 
hereby is placed, upon the list of retired officers 
of the army of the United States, without 
reduction in his current pay, subsistence, or 
allowances. 

“The American people will hear with sad- 
ness and deep emotion, that General Scott has 
withdrawn from the active control of the army, 
while the President and the unanimous cabinet 
express their own and the nation’s sympathy 
in his personal affliction, and their profound 
sense of the important public services rendered 
by him to his country during his long and bril- 
liant career, among which will ever be grate- 
fully distinguished his faithful devotion to the 
constitution, the Union, and the flag, when 
assailed by a parricidal rebellion: 

“ ABRAHAM LINCOLN.” 


The reply of the Secretary of War to Gen- 
eral Scott’s letter was as follows : — 
‘War Department, WasHINGTON, Nov. 1, 1861. 
“GeNERAL: It was my duty to lay before the 
President your letter of yesterday, asking to be 
relieved, under the recent act of Congress. 


430 HISTORY OF THE 


“In separating from you,I cannot refrain from 
expressing my deep regret that your health, 
shattered by long service and repeated wounds, 
received in your country’s defence, should ren- 
der it necessary for you to retire from your 
high position at this momentous period of our 
history. 

“ Although you are not to remain in active 
service, I yet hope that while I continue in 
charge of the department over which I now 
preside, I shall at times be permitted to avail 
myself of the benefits of your counsels and sage 
experience. It has been my good fortune to 
enjoy a personal acquaintance with you for over 
thirty years, and the pleasant relations of that 
long time have been greatly strengthened by 
your cordial and entire codperation in all the 
great questions which have occupied the de- 
partment and convulsed the country for the 
last six months. 

“Tn parting from you I can only express the 
hope that a merciful Providence, which has 
protected you amidst so many trials, will im- 


‘prove your health and continue your life long 


after the people of the country shall have been 
restored to their former happiness and _ pros- 
perity. 
“T am, general, very sincerely, your friend 
and servant, Smmon Cameron, 
“ Secretary of War. 


“To Lieutenant-General WINFIELD ScorTt, present.” 


The retirement of General Scott was re- 
garded as an event of no small consequence 
by the loyal people. His military experi- 
ence and fame had secured the utmost con- 
fidence of the people, and many believed that 
the success of the Union cause must depend 
very much upon him. Some things had, per- 
haps, occurred to diminish this confidence and 


UNITED STATES. 


belief, and the want of more youthful vigor was 
generally acknowledged. General McClellan, 
who was immediately appointed to succeed 
General Scott as general-in-chief, had already 
been hailed by the people as the future hero 
and organizer of victories, and they felt that he 
would be a worthy successor of the veteran 
chief. Nevertheless, there was a general re- 
gret that the experienced soldier and hero 
of many victories already won, could not con- 
tinue to serve the country in its extreme 
peril.* 

Soon after his retirement, General Scott vis- 
ited Europe, his wife being ill in Paris. It was 
believed that his presence there contributed to 
the preservation of amicable relations between 
France and England and the United States. 
His early and unexpected return was supposed 
to have some diplomatic import in connection 
with the Trent affair; but it did not transpire 
that he came upon such an errand, a natural 
desire to be at home at so momentous a period 
being a sufficient reason for his return. 


* It was generally supposed that there were reasons besides 
his age and infirmities which induced General Scott to retire at 
this time. It is quite probable that he was not satisfied with his 
position. Surrounded by much younger and more active men, 
he could not but feel his age and infirmities the more keenly, 
while he may also have felt that he was a relic of the past, glori- 
ous though it might be, and that the younger men of the present 
were jostling him in their haste. A letter which has but recently 
(February, 1863) been made public, shows what may have been, 
in part, the reasons which prompted his resignation. This letter 
was addressed to the Secretary of War, early in October, 1861, 
and complained that subordinate officers, referring especially to 
General McClellan, treated him with disrespect, by communi- 
cating directly with the government, instead of through him as 
general-in-chief, in violation of military etiquette and positive 
orders. It also complained of direct disobedience of orders on 
the part of General McClellan. Such conduct naturally wounded 
the feelings of one who had been so long the commander of the 
armies, and offended his sense of military propriety and subordi- 
nation, and its continuance, in spite of his remonstrance, probably 
led to his retirement. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER LVI. 


Review of the Progress of the Rebellion and the Efforts to 
suppress it.—Position of Affairs at the Time of Meeting 
of Congress. — President Lincoln’s Message. — Report of 
the Secretary of War.—The Nayy.—The Character of 
Congress. 


We have narrated the principal events of 
the rebellion, and the military and naval oper- 
ations, down to the time for the annual session 
of Congress. During the seven and a half 
months since the commencement of actual hos- 
tilities, the people of all sections of the country 
had been called from the pursuits of profound 
peace to the realization of war on a gigantic 
scale. 
rebellion were made manifest in the large armies 
organized by the rebel government, and the 
determination of a large part of the people in 
the seceded states, under the influence of their 
leaders, to achieve what they were pleased to 
call their independence, and to establish a 
southern Confederacy for the perpetuation and 
intrenchment of slavery. The national gov- 
ernment, ill prepared for such an insurrection, 
or for warlike operations, had met the emer- 
gency with, vigor, and the loyal people had 
responded to its call with a spirit that could 
hardly be expected in a nation so wholly un- 
accustomed to war, and so confirmed in the 
habits and pursuits of peace. 

Although the government had accomplished 
little, as yet, towards the actual suppression of 
the rebellion, and had met with some sad re- 
verses, much had been done to consolidate the 
loyal states, and call out their military resources, 
and to place limits to the rebellion much with- 
in the extent contemplated by its leaders. 
Maryland, by the efforts of the loyal part of 
her people, supported by the government, had 
disappointed the hopes of the rebels, and was 
secured to the Union. The people of Western 
Virginia had risen against the fraudulent at- 
tempt to transfer them to the rebel Confeder- 


The magnitude and strength of the’! 


431 


acy, and the federal troops had mainly driven 
the rebel forces from a large part of the Old 
Dominion west of the Alleghanies. Kentucky 
had somewhat tardily taken position on the 
side of loyalty and the Union, and the rebel 
forces, which were being organized among her 
recreant sons, had been scattered and driven 
beyond her borders; and though rebel armies 
still held some strong positions within her ter- 
ritory, large forces of her own loyal sons, sup- 
ported by the hardy soldiers of the north-west, 
were preparing to drive out the invaders. The 
| government of Missouri had been rescued from 
the hands of traitors, and the state saved from 
secession; and though the scene of many un- 
happy conflicts, the tide of success had, in the 
main, been with the Union forces, which held 
the more important points in the greater part 
of the state, and no considerable army of the 
rebels maintained a threatening position within 
its borders. Besides this, the Union forces had 
taken possession of important points on the 
coast of North and South Carolina, which should 
be the bases of future operations, while the 
rebel ports were more or less closely sealed by 
the blockade, which shut out the supplies upon 
which the people and the armies so much 
depended. 

Such was the general condition of the war 
when Congress assembled for the regular ses- 
sion in December. At that session President 
Lincoln transmitted a message, of which the 
following are the material portions relating to 
the rebellion : — 


‘© Fpiitow-CritizENs oF THE SENATE AND 
Hovsz oF REPRESENTATIVES : 


“In the midst of unprecedented political 
troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to 
God for unusual good health and most abun- 
dant harvests. 

“You will not be surprised to learn that, in 
the peculiar exigencies of the times, our inter- 
course with foreign nations has been attended 


432 


with profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon 
our own domestic affairs. 

“ A disloyal portion of the American people 
have, during the whole year, been engaged in 
an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. 
A nation which endures factious domestic di- 
vision is exposed to disrespect abroad; and 
one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, 
to invoke foreign intervention. 

“Nations thus tempted to interfere are not 
always able to resist the counsels of seeming 
expediency and ungenerous ambition, although 
measures adopted under such influences seldom 
fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those 
adopting them. . 

“The disloyal citizens of the United States 
who have offered the ruin of our country, in 
return for the aid and comfort which they have 
invoked abroad, have received less patronage 
and encouragement than they probably ex- 
pected. If it were just to suppose, as the in- 
surgents have seemed to assume, that foreign 
nations, in this case, discarding all moral, social, 
and treaty obligations, would act solely, and 
selfishly, for the most speedy restoration of 
commerce, including, especially, the acquisition 
of cotton, those nations appear, as yet, not to 
have seen their way to their object more di- 
rectly or clearly, through the destruction, than 
through the preservation, of the Union. If we 
could dare to believe that foreign nations are 
actuated by no higher principle than this, ] am 
quite sure a sound argument could be made to 
show them that they can reach their aim more 
readily, and easily, by aiding to crush this re- 
bellion, than by giving encouragement to it. 

“The principal lever relied on by the insur- 
gents for exciting foreign nations to hostility 
against us, as already intimated, is the embar- 
rassment of commerce. ‘Those nations, how- 
ever, not improbably, saw, from the first, that 
it was the Union which made as well our for- 
eign as our domestic commerce. They can 
scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


for disunion produces the existing difficulty, 
and that one strong nation promises more du- 
rable peace, and a more extensive, valuable, and 
reliable commerce, than can the same nation 
broken into hostile fragments. 

“Tt is not my purpose to review our discus- 
sions with foreign states; because, whatever 
might be their wishes or dispositions, the in- 
tegrity of our country and the stability of our 
government mainly depend, not upon them, 
but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and in- 
telligence of the American people. The cor- 
respondence itself, with the usual reservations, 
is herewith submitted. 

“TI venture to hope it will appear that we 
have practised prudence and liberality towards 
foreign powers, averting causes of irritation, 
and with firmness maintaining our own rights 
and honor. 

“Since, however, it is apparent that here, as 
in every other state, foreign dangers necessa- 
rily attend domestic difficulties, 1 recommend 
that adequate and ample measures be adopted 
for maintaining the public defences on every 
side. While, under this general recommenda- 
tion, provision for defending our sea coast line 
readily occurs to the mind, I also, in the same 
connection, ask the attention of Congress to 
our great lakes and rivers. It is believed that 
some fortifications and depots of arms and mu- 
nitions, with harbor and navigation improve- 
ments, all at well selected points upon these, 
would be of great importance to the national 
defence and preservation. I ask attention to the 
views of the secretary of war, expressed in his 
report, upon the same general subject. 

“The operations of the treasury during the 
period which has .elapsed since your adjourn- 
ment have been conducted with signal success. 
The patriotism of the people has placed at the 
disposal of the government the large means 
demanded by the public exigencies. Much of 
the national loan has been taken by citizens 
of the industrial classes, whose confidence in 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


their country’s faith, and zeal for their country’s 
deliverance from present peril, have induced 
them to contribute to the support of the govy- 
ernment the whole of their limited acquisi- 
tions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations 
to economy in disbursement and energy in 
action. 

“The revenue from all sources, including 
loans, for the financial year ending on the 30th 
June, 1861, was eighty-six million eight hun- 
dred and thirty-five thousand nine hundred 
dollars and twenty-seven cents, and the expen- 
ditures for the same period, including payments 
on account of the public debt, were eighty-four 
million five hundred and seventy-eight thou- 
sand eight hundred and thirty-four dollars and 
forty-seven cents; 
treasury, on the Ist July, of two million two 
hundred and fifty-seven thousand sixty-five 
dollars and eighty cents. For the first quarter 


of the financial year, ending ‘on the 30th Sep- | 


tember, 1861, the receipts from all sources, in- 
cluding the balance of Ist-of July, were one 
hundred and two million five hundred and 
thirty-two thousand five hundred and nine dol- 
lars and twenty-seven cents, and the expenses 
ninety-eight million two hundred and thirty- 


nine thousand seven hundred and ‘thirty-three. 


dollars and nine cents; ; leaying a balance, on 
the Ist of October, 1861, of four million two 
hundred and ninety-two thousand seven hun- 
dred and seventy-six dollars and eighteen cents. 

“ Kstimates for the remaining three quarters 
of the year, and for the financial year 1863, 
together with his views of ways and means for 
meeting the demands contemplated by them, 
will be submitted to Congress by the secretary 
of the treasury. It is gratifying to know that 
the expenditures made necessary by the rebel- 
lion are not beyond the resources of the loyal 
people, and to believe that the same patriotism 
which has thus far sustained the government 
Will continue to sustain it till peace and union 
shall again bless the land. 

55 


leaving a balance in the |} 


433 


“T respectfully refer to the report of the 
secretary of war for information respecting 
the numerical strength of the army, and for 
recommendations having in view an increase 
of its efficiency and the well being of the va- 
rious branches of the service intrusted to his 
care. It is gratifying to know that the patriot- 
ism of the people has proved equal to the occa- 
sion, and that the number of troops tendered 
greatly exceeds the force which Congress au- 
thorized me to callinto the field. 

““T refer with pleasure to those portions of 
his report which make allusion to the creditable 
degree of discipline already* attained by our 
troops, and to the excellent sanitary condition 
of the entire army. 

“The recommendation of the secretary for 
an organization of the militia upon a uniform 
basis is a subject of vital importance to the 
future safety of the country, and is commended 


|| to” the Serious attention of Congress. 


“The large addition to the regular army, in 
connection with the defection that has so con- 
siderably diminished the number of its officers, 
gives peculiar importance to his recommenda- 
tion for increasing the corps of cadets to the 
greatest capacity of the Military Academy. 

“ By mere omission, I presume, Congress has 
failed to provide chaplains for hai occu- 
pied by volunteers. This subject was brought 
to my notice, and I was induced to draw up the 
form of a letter, one copy of which, properly 
addressed, has been delivered to each of the 
persons, and at the dates respectively named 
and stated, in a schedule, containing also the 
the form of the letter, marked A, and herewith 
transmitted. 

“These gentlemen, I understand, entered 
upon the duties designated at the times re- 
spectively stated in the schedule, and have 
labored faithfully therein ever since. I there- 
fore recommend that they be compensated at 
the same rate as chaplains in the army. I fur- 
ther suggest that general provision be made 


4 > 


434 


for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as 
with regiments. 4 

“The report of the secretary of the navy 
presents in detail the operations of that branch 
of the service, the activity and energy which 
have characterized its administration, and the 
results of measures to increase its efficiency 
and power. Such have been the additions, by 
construction and purchase, that it may almost 
be said a navy has been created and brought 
into service since our difficulties commenced. 

“Besides blockading our extensive coast, 
squadrons larger than ever before assembled 
under our flag Have been put afloat, and per- 
formed deeds which have increased our naval 
renown. 

“One of the unavoidable consequences of 
the present insurrection is the entire suppres- 
sion, in many places, of all the ordinary means 
of administering civil justice by the officers, 
and in the forms of existing law. This is the 
case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent 
states; and as our armies advance upon and 
take possession of parts of those states, the 
practical evil becomes more apparent. There 
are no courts nor officers to whom the citizens 
of other states may apply for the enforcement 
of their lawful claims against citizens of the 
insurgent states; and there is a vast amount 
of debt constituting such claims. Some have 
estimated it as high as two hundred million 
dollars, due, in large part, from insurgents in 
open rebellion, to loyal citizens, who are, even 
now, making great sacrifices in the discharge 
of their patriotic duty to support the gov- 
ernment. 

“Under these circumstances, I have been 
urgently solicited to establish, by military 
power, courts to administer summary justice 
in such cases. I have thus far declined to do 
it, not because I had any doubt that the end 
proposed — the collection of the debts— was 
just and right in itself, but because I have been 
unwilling to go beyond the pressure of neces- 


-* 7 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


sity in the usual exercise of power. But the 
powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the 
anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the 
whole matter to Congress, with the hope that 
a plan may be devised for the administration 
of justice in all such parts of the insurgent 
states and territories as may be under the con- 
trol of this government, whether by a volun- 
tary return to allegiance and order, or by the 
power of our arms. This, however, not to be 
a permanent institution, but a temporary sub- 
stitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary 
courts can be reéstablished in peace. 

“Tt is important that some more convenient 
means should be provided, if possible, for the 
adjustment of claims against the government, 
especially in view of their increased number 
by reason of the war. It is as much the duty 
of government to render prompt justice against 
itself, in favor of citizens, as it is to administer 
the same, between private individuals. The 
investigation and adjudication of claims, in their 
nature belong to the judicial department; be- 
sides, it is apparent that the attention of Con- 
gress will be more than usually engaged, for 
some time to come, with great national ques- 
tions. It was intended, by the organization of 
the Court of Claims, mainly to remove this 
branch of business from the halls of Congress ; 
but while the court has proved to be an effective 
and valuable means of investigation, it in great 
degree fails to effect the object of its creation, 
for want of power to make its judgments final. 

“Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the 
danger, of the subject, 1 commend to your 


careful consideration whether this power of 


making judgments final may not properly be 
given to the court, reserving the right of ap- 
peal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, 
with such other provisions as experience may 
have shown to be necessary. 

“The present insurrection shone 1 think, 
that the extension of this district ‘crodlte 
Potomac River, at the time of establishing the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


capital here, was eminently wise, and conse- 
quently that the relinquishment of that portion 
of it which lies within the State of Virginia 
was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your 
consideration the expediency of regaining that 
part of the district, and the restoration of the 
original boundaries thereof, through negotia- 
tions with the State of Virginia. 

“The relations of the government eh the 
Indian tribes have been greatly disturbed by 
the insurrection, especially in the southern su- 
perintendency and in that of New Mexico. 
The Indian country south of Kansas is in the 
possession of insurgents from Texas and Ar- 
kansas. The agents of the United States 
appointed since the 4th of March for this 
‘superintendency have been unable to reach 
their posts, while the most of those who were 
- in office before that time have espoused the 


insurrectionary cause, and assume to exercise | 


the powers of agents by virtue of commis- 
sions from the insurrectionists. It has been 
stated in the public press that a portion of 
those Indians have been organized as a military 
force, and are attached to the army of the in- 
surgents. Although the government has no 
_ official information upon this subject, letters 
have been written to the commissioner of In- 
dian affairs by several prominent chiefs, giving 
assurance of their loyalty to the United States, 
and expressing a wish for the presence of fed- 
eral troops to protect them. It is believed that 
upon the repossession of the country by the 
federal forces the Indians will readily cease all 
hostile demonstrations, and resume their former 
relations to the government. 
«Under and by. virtue of the act of Congress 
entitled ‘An act to confiscate property used for 
insurrection4ry purposes, approved August 6, 
1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the 
labor and service of certain other persons have 
become forfeited ; and numbers of the latter, thus 
liberated, are already dependent on the United 


States, and must be provided for in some way: 


435 


Besides this, it is not impossible that some of 
the states will pass similar enactments for their 
own benefit respectively, and by operation of 
which persons of the same class will be thrown 
upon them for disposal. In such case I recom- 
mend that Congress provide for accepting such 
persons from such states, according to some 
mode of valuation, in lieu, pro tanto, of direct 
taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed 
on with such states respectively; that such 
persons, on such acceptance by the general 
government, be at once deemed free; and that, 
in any eveut, steps be taken for colonizing both 
classes (or the one first mentioned if the other 
shall not be brought into existence) at some 
place, or places, in a climate congenial to them. 
It might be well to consider, too, whether the 
free colored people already in the United States 
could not, so far as individuals may desire, be 
included in such colonization. / 

“To carry out the plan of colonization may 
involve the acquiring of territory, and also the 
appropriation of money beyond that to be ex- 
pended in the territorial acquisition. Having 
practised the acquisition of territory for nearly 
sixty years, the question of constitutional power 
to do so isno longer an open one with us. The 
power was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, 
who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, 
yielded his scruples on the plea of great expe- 
diéncy. If it be said that the only legitimate 
object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes 
for white men, this measure effects that object; 
for the emigration of colored men leaves addi- 
tional room for white men remaining or coming 
here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the impor- 
tance of procuring Louisiana more on political 
and commercial grounds than on providing 
room for population. 

“On this whole proposition, including the 
appropriation of money with the acquisition 
of territory, does not the expediency amount 
to absolute necessity — that without which the 
government itself cannot be perpetuated ? 


436 HISTORY OF THE 


“The war continues. In considering the pol- 
icy to be adopted for suppressing the insurrec- 
tion, I have been anxious and careful that the 
inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not 
degenerate into a violent and remorseless revo- 
lutionary struggle. I have, therefore, in every 
case, thought it proper to keep the integrity 
of the Union prominent as the primary object 
ofthe contest on our part, leaving all questions 
which are not of vital military importance to 
the more deliberate action of the legislature. 

“Tn the exercise of my best discretion I have 
adhered to the blockade of the ports held by 
the insurgents, instead of putting in force, by 
proclamation, the law of Congress enacted at 
the late session for closing those ports. 

“So, also, obeying the dictates of prudence, 
as well as the obligations of law, instead of 
transcending, I have adhered to the act of Con- 
gress to confiscate property used for insurrec- 
tionary purposes. Ifa new law upon the same 
subject should be proposed, its propriety will 
be duly considered. The Union must be pre- 
served; and hence, all indispensable means must 
be employed. We should not be in haste to 
determine that radical and extreme measures, 
which may reach the loyal as well as the dis- 
loyal, are indispensable. 

“The inaugural address at the beginning of 
the administration, and the message to Con- 
gress at the late special session, were both 
mainly devoted to the domestic controversy 
out of which the insurrection and consequent 
war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add 
or subtract, to or from, the principles or gen- 
eral purposes stated and expressed in those | 
documents. 

“The last ray of hope for preserving the 
Union peaceably expired at the assault upon 
Fort Sumter; and a general review of what has 


occurred since may not be unprofitable. What ; 


was painfully uncertain then is much better 
defined and more distinct now; and the prog- 
ress of evénts is plainly in the right direction. 


UNITED STATES. 


The insurgents confidently claimed a strong 
support from the-north of Mason and Dixon’s 
line; and the friends of the Union were not free 
from apprehension on the point. This, how- 
ever, was soon settled definitely, and on the 
right side. South of the line, noble little Dela- 
ware led off right from the first. Maryland was 
made to seem against the Union. Our soldiers 
were assaulted, bridges were burned, and rail- 
roads torn up, within her limits; and we were 
many days, at one time, without the ability to 
bring a single regiment over her soil to the 
capital. Now, her bridges and railroads are 
repaired and open to the government; she 
already gives seven regiments to the cause of 
the Union, and none to the enemy; and her. 
people, at a regular election, have sustained 
the Union by a larger majority and a larger 
aggregate vote than they ever before gave to 
any candidate, or any question. Kentucky, too, 
for some time in doubt, is now decidedly, and, 
I think, uncharigeably, ranged on the side of 
the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet; 
and, I believe, cannot again be overrun by the 
insurrectionists. These three states of Mary- 


| land, Kentucky, and Missouri, neither of which 


would promise a single soldier at first, have now 
an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in 
the field for the Union; while, of their citizens, 
certainly not more than a third of that number, 
and they of doubtful whereabouts, and doubt- 
ful existence, are in arms against it. After a 
somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter 
closes on the Union people of Western Virginia, 
leaving them masters of their own country. 

“ An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, 


for months dominating the narrow peninsular 


region constituting the counties of Accomac 
and Northampton, and known as eastern shore 
of Virginia, together with some contiguous 
parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms ; 
and the people there have renewed their alle- 
giance to, and accepted the protection of, the 


old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


north of the Potomac, or east of the Chesa- 
peake. 

“ Also, we have obtained a footing at each 
of the isolated points, on the southern coast, of 
Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Sa- 
vannah, and Ship Island; and we likewise have 
some general accounts of popular movements, 
in behalf of the Union, in North Carolina and 
Tennessee. 

“These things demonstrate that the cause 
of the Union is advancing steadily and certainly 
southward. 

“Since your last adjournment, Lieutenant- 
General Scott has retired from the head of the 
army. During his long life, the nation has not 
been unmindful of his merit; yet, on calling to 
mind how faithfully, ably, and brilliantly he has 
served the country, from atime far back in our 
history, when few of the now living had been 
born, and thenceforward continually, I cannot 
but think we are still his debtors. I submit, 
therefore, for your consideration, what further 
mark of recognition is due to him, and to our- 
selves, as a grateful people. 

“With the retirement of General Scott came 
the executive duty of appointing, in his stead, 
a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortu- 
_ nate circumstance that neither in counsel nor 
country was there, so far as 1 know, any differ- 
ence of opinion as to the proper person to 
be selected. The retiringchief repeatedly ex- 
pressed his judgment in favor of General 
McClellan for the position; and in this the 
nation seemed to give a unanimous concur- 
rence. The designation of General McClellan 
is, therefore, in considerable degree, the selec- 
tion of the country, as well as of the Executive; 
and hence there is better reason to hope there 
will be given him the confidence and cordial 
support thus, by fair implication, promised, and 
without which he cannot, with so full efficiency, 
serve the. country. 

“It has been said that one bad general is 
better than two good ones; and the saying is 


‘the choice of means. 
‘on board can wish the ship to sink; and yet, 


437 


true, if taken to mean no more than that an 


army is better directed by a single mind, 
though inferior, than by two superior ones at 


variance and cross-purposes with each other. 


“And the same is true in all joint operations 
wherein those engaged can have none but a 
common end in view, and can differ only as to 
In a storm at sea,no one 


not unfrequently, all go down together, be- 
cause too many will direct, and no single mind 


‘can be allowed to control. 


“It continues to develop that the insurrection 


‘is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the 


first principle of popular government — the 
rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of 


'this is found in the most grave and maturely 


considered public documents, as well as in the 
general tone of the insurgents. In those docu- 
ments we find the abridgment of the existing 
right of suffrage, and the denial to the people 
of all right to participate in the selection of 
public officers, except the legislative, boldly ad- 


_vocated, with labored arguments to prove that 


large control of the people in government is 
the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself 
is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from 
the power of the people. 

“In my present position, I could scarcely be 
justified were I to omit raising a warning voice 
against this approach of returning despotism. 

“It is not needed, nor fitting here,.that a 
general argument should be made in favor of 
popular institutions; but there is one point, 
with its connections, not so hackneyed as most 
others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is 
the effort to place capital on an equal footing 
with, if not above /abor, in the structure of gov- 
ernment. It is assumed that labor is available 
only in connection with capital; that nobody 
labors unless somebody else, owning capital, 
somehow, by the use of it, induces him to labor. 
This assumed, it is next considered whether it 
is best that capital shall Acre laborers, and thus 


438 HISTORY OF THE 
induce them to work by their own consent, or | 
buy them, and drive them to it without their 
consent. Having proceeded so far, it is natu-' 
rally concluded that all laborers are either hired, 
laborers, or what we call slaves. ‘ And further, 
it is assumed that whoever is once a hired 
laborer is fixed in that condition for life. 

“Now, there is no such relation between 
capital and labor as assumed; nor is there any 
such thing as a free man being fixed for life in 
the condition of a hired laborer. Both these 
assumptions are false, and all inferences from 
them are groundless. 


“Tabor is prior to, and independent of, cap- 
ital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and 
could never have existed if labor had not first 
existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and 
deserves much the higher consideration. Cap- 
ital has its rights, which are as worthy of pro- 
tection as any other rights. Nor is it denied 
that there is, and probably always will be, a 
relation between labor and capital, producing 


mutual benefits’ The error is in assuming that 
the whole labor of community exists within 
that relation. A few men own capital, and that 
few avoid labor themselves, and, with their cap- 
ital, hire or buy another few to labor for them. 
A large majority belong to neither class — 
neither work for others, nor have others work- 
ing for them. In most of the southern states, 
a majority of the whole people, of all colors, are 
neither slaves nor masters; while in the north- 
ern, a large majority are neither hirers nor 
hired. Men with their families — wives, sons, 
and daughters — work for themselves, on their |! 
farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking 
the whole product to themselves, and asking no 
favors of capital on the one hand, nor of hired 
laborers or slaves on the other. It is not for- 
gotten that a considerable number of persons 
mingle their own labor with capital; that. is, 
they labor with their own hands, and also buy 


or hire others to labor for them; but this. is 


UNITED STATES. 


only a mixed, and not a distinct class. No 
principle stated is disturbed by the existence 
of this mixed class. 

“Again: as has already been said, there is 
not, of necessity, any such thing as the free 
hired laborer being fixed to that condition for 
life. Many independent men every where in 
these states, a few years back in their lives, 
were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless 
beginner in the world labors for wages a while, 
saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land 
for himself; then labors on his own account 
another while, and at length hires another new 
beginner to help him. This is the just, and 
generous, and prosperous system, which opens 
the way to all—gives hope to all, and conse- 
quently energy, and progress, and improvement 
of condition to all. No men living are more 
worthy to be trusted than those who toil up 
from poverty—none less inclined to take, or 
touch, aught which they have not honestly 
earned. Let them beware of surrendering a 
political power which they already possess, and 
which, if surrendered, will surely be used to 
close the door of advancement against such as 
they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens 
upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost: 

“From the first taking of our national cen- 
sus to the last are seventy years; and we find 
our population, at the end of the period, eight 
times as great as it was at the beginning. The 
increase of those other things which men deem 
desirable, has been even greater. We thus 
have, at one view, what the popular principle, 
applied to government, through the machinery 
of the states and the Union, has produced in a 
given time; and also what, if firmly maintained, 
it promises for the future. ‘There are already 
among us those who, if the Union be preserved, 
will live to see it contain two hundred and fifty 
millions. The struggle of to-day is not alto- 
gether for to-day —it is for a vast future also. 
With a reliance on Providence all the more 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. | 


firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great} 
task which events have devolved upon us. 
“ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 


‘¢WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861.” ~ 


By the report of the secretary of war it 
appeared that the estimated number of troops 
in the service of the United States was, of vol- 
unteers six hundred and forty thousand six 
hundred and thirty-seven, and of regulars twen- 
ty thousand three hundred and _ thirty-four, 
making an aggregate of six hundred and sixty 
thousand nine hundred and seventy-one men, 
In relation to the organization of this immense 
army, the secretary said, — 

“Congress, during its extra session, author- 
ized the army to be increased by the acceptance 
of a volunteer force of five hundred thousand 
men, and made an appropriation of five hundred 
millions of dollars for itssupport. A call for the 
troops was immediately made; but so numer- 
ous were the offers that it was found difficult 
to discriminate in the choice, where the patriot- 
ism of the people demanded that there should 
be no restriction upon enlistments. Every por- 
tion of the loyal states desired to swell the 
army, and every community was anxious that 
it should be represented in a cause that ap- 
pealed to the noblest impulses of our people. 

“So- thoroughly aroused was the national 
heart, that I have no doubt this force would 
’ have been swollen to a million, had not the 
department felt compelled to restrict it, in the 
absence of authority from the representatives 
of the people to increase the limited number. 
It will be for Congress to decide whether the 
army shall be further augmented, with a view 
_ to a more speedy termination of the war, or 
whether it shall be confined to the Strength 
already fixed by law. In the latter case, with 
the object of reducing the volunteer force to 
five hundred thousand, I propose, with the con- 
* sent of Congress, to consolidate such of the 
regiments as may from time to time fall below 


439 


the regulation standard. The adoption of this 
measure will decrease the number of officers, 
and proportionably diminish the expenses of 
the army. | 

“Tt is said of Napoleon, by Jomini, that, in the 
campaign of 1815, that great general, on the 
Ist of April, had a regular army of two hundred 
thousand men. On the 1st of June he had in- 
creased this force to four hundred and fourteen 
thousand. ‘The like proportion, adds Jomini, 
‘had he thought proper to inaugurate a vast 
system of defence, would have raised it to seven 
hundred thousand men by the Ist of Septem- 
ber’ At the commencement of this rebellion, 
inaugurated by the attack upon Fort Sumter, 
the entire military force at the disposal of this 
government was sixteen thousand and six reg- 
ulars, principally employed in the west to hold 
in check marauding Indians. In-April, seventy- 
five thousand volunteers were called upon to 
enlist for three months’ service, and responded 
with such alacrity that seventy-seven thousand 
eight hundred and seventy-five were immedi- 
ately obtained. Under the authority of the act 
of Congress of July 22, 1861, the states were 
asked to furnish five hundred thousand volun- 
teers, to serve for three years, or during the 
war; and by the act approved the 29th of the 
same month, the addition of twenty-five thou- 
sand men to the regular army of the United 
States was authorized. The result is, that we 
have now an army of upwards of six hundred 
thousand men. If we add to this the number 
of the discharged three months’ volunteers, the 
aggregate force furnished to the government 
since April last exceeds seven hundred thou- 
sand men. 

“We have here an evidence of the wonder- 
ful strength of our institutions. Without con- 
scriptions, levies, drafts, or other extraordinary 
expedients, we have raised a greater force than 
that which, gathered by Napoleon with the aid 
of all these appliances, was considered an evi- 
dence of his wonderful genius and energy, and 


440 


of the military spirit of the French nation. Here 
every man has an interest in the government, 
and rushes to its defence when dangers beset it.” 

In another part of his report the secretary 
advised the thorough organization of the militia 
of the country, as a means of raising speedily, 
in case of necessity, large armies for defence, 
and even for aggression. Upon this point the 
secretary said, — 

“In my last report I called attention to the 
fact that legislation was necessary for the re- 
organization, upon a uniform basis, of the militia 
-of the country. Some general plan should be 
provided by Congress in aid of the states, by 
which our militia can be organized, armed, and 
disciplined, and made effective at any moment 
for immediate service. If thoroughly trained 
in time of peace, when occasion demands, it 


may be converted into a vast army, confident | 
in its discipline and unconquerable in its patri- | 


otism. In the absence of any general system 
of organization, upwards of seven hundred thou- 
sand men have already been brought into the 
field; and, in view of the alacrity and enthusi- 
asm that have been displayed, I do not hesitate 
to express the belief that no combination of 
events can arise in which this country will not 
be able not only to protect itself, but, contrary 
to its policy, which is peace with all the world, 
to enter upon aggressive operations against any 
power that may intermeddle with our domestic 
affairs.” 

Of the extent of the territory embraced by 
the rebellion, and in relation to the disaster at 
Bull Run, the report spoke as follows :— 

“The conspiracy against the government 
extended over an area of seven hundred and 
thirty-three thousand one hundred and forty- 
four square miles, possessing a coast line of 
three thousand five hundred and twenty-three 
miles, and a shore line of twenty-five thousand 
four hundred and fourteen miles, with an in- 
terior boundary line of seven thousand and 
thirty-one miles in length. This conspiracy 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


stripped us of arms and ammunitions, and scat- 
tered our navy. to the most distant quarters of 
the globe. The effort to restore the Union, 
which the government entered on in April last, 
was the most gigantic endeavor in the history 
of civil war. The interval of seven months has 
been spent in preparation. 

“The history of this rebellion, in common 
with all others, for obvious causes, records the 
first successes in favor of the insurgents. The 
disaster of Bull Run was but the natural con- 
sequence of the premature advance of our brave 
but undisciplined troops, which the impatience 
of the country demanded. The betrayal also 
of our movements by traitors in our midst, en- 
abled the rebels to choose and intrench their 
position, and by a reénforcement in great 
strength, at the moment of victory, to snatch 
it from our grasp. ‘This reverse, however, gave — 
no discouragement to our gallant people; they 
have crowded into our ranks, and although 
large numbers have been necessarily rejected, 
a mighty army in invincible array stands eager 
to precipitate itself upon the foe. The check 
that we have received upon the Potomac has, 
therefore, but postponed the campaign for a 
few months. The other successes of the rebels, 
though dearly won, were mere affairs with no 
important or permanent advantages. The pos- 
session of Western Virginia and the occupation 
of Hatteras and Beaufort have nobly redeemed 
our transient reverses.” ‘ 

The report of the secretary of the navy gave 
a detailed account of the increase of that branch 
of the service, from the feeble and scattered 
naval force which he found at his control when 
the rebellion commenced, to the large fleet 
which was brought so rapidly into the service. 
The number of vessels in actual service, or 
nearly completed and equipped, was two hun- 
dred and sixty-four, a large proportion of which 
were steamers; the whole carrying twenty- 
five hundred and fifty-seven guns, and not less» 
than twenty-two thousand seamen. 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


441 


The rebellion imposed upon Congress the|jin command of the western department, and 


necessity of legislating on a great variety of 
important subjects. A large majority of both 
houses were political supporters of the adminis- 
tration, and at this time the greater part of its 
political opponents gave a cordial support to 
most of its measures for the suppression of 
the rebellion. There were a few, indeed, who 
were opposed to the war, or to “coercive meas- 
ures,” as they were called, towards the seceded 
states. But in the general hearty loyalty of 
all parties these men could do but little besides 
making themselves conspicuous as opponents 
of the war in which the patriotic sympathies 
of the whole people were enlisted, The busi- 
ness of Congress, therefore, proceeded with more 
order and diligence than had been the custom 
for many years while the men who were now 
in rebellion occupied seats in the Capitol. 


CHAPTER LVII. 


Approach of Winter.— Military Preparations. — General Hal- 
leck in the Western Department. — His Orders. — Skir- 
mishes. — General Pope’s Movements. — Attack on a Rebel 
Camp at Milford.— Capture of the Rebel Force. — General 
Pope’s Report. — South-eastern Missouri and Kentucky. — 
Partisan Conflicts. —Bitter Enmity and Warfare, — Army of 
the Potomac. — Skirmishes. — Affair at Drainesville. — Suc- 
cess of the Federal Troops. — Defeat of the Rebels. — Gen- 
eral Ord’s Report.— Winter on the Potomac. — Bad Roads. 
— Delay in Army Movements. — Winter Quarters. — Position 
of the Rebel Army. — Blockade of the Potomac, 


As winter came on, active military operations 
were materially interfered with by the inclem- 
ency of the weather, and the difficulty of mov- 
ing troops on account of the condition of the 
roads. The federal forces, however, were not 
altogether idle, and while preparations were 
made for more active campaigns in the spring, 
there were numerous skirmishes and move- 


ments, both at the west and in Virginia, most |. 


of which resulted favorably to the cause of the 

Union. General Halleck, a man of great intel- 

lectual power and military knowledge, was now 
54 


pushed forward the preparations for a grand 
movement towards the south when the season 
should permit, while he at the same time did 
not neglect to advance the federal forces to 
such positions as should hold the rebels in 
check. He also issued some important orders 
in relation to disloyal inhabitants in Missouri. 
One of these compelled such disloyal parties to 
contribute to the support of loyal refugees, who 
had been deprived of their property and driven 
from their homes by the rebel forces in the 
south-western part of the state. Another or- 
dered the severest penalties to be inflicted upon 
rebel marauders and guerrillas, who preyed 
upon the property of loyal citizens, destroyed 
bridges, and committed other offences, without 
belonging to the organized forces of the rebels. 
Other orders issued by General Halleck, looking 
to a restoration of slaves to their owners, and 
prohibiting the harboring of them within the 
federal lines, gave less satisfaction; but his 
general administration strengthened the Union 
cause, and vigorously advanced the prepara- 
tions for future campaigns. 

Numerous skirmishes occurred in various 
parts of his department, but most of them were 
of little importance in themselves, or in their 
consequences upon the campaign. One of the 
most successful movements was a surprise of a 
rebel camp at Milford, in western Missouri, by 
a part of General Pope’s forces. A slight skir- 
mish ensued when the federal troops first ad- 


vanced upon the rebel position, but the approach 


was so well managed that the rebels found 
themselves almost surrounded before they could 
make any effectual resistance, and they were 
compelled to surrender. The number of pris- 
oners taken by this movement was thirteen 
hundred, with a large number of small arms, 
and ammunition and supplies. Similar suc- 
cesses, of less importance, by General Pope’s 
forces, materially weakened the rebels, by dis- 
couraging those who sympathized with their 


442 


cause. General Pope’s official report gives the 
following account of his advance and _ success- 
ful operations : — 


«Hrapquarters District Cenrrat Missouri, 
‘© OrrERVILLE, Dec. 23, 1861. 


“Caprain: I have the honor to state that, 
having replaced by troops from Lamine the 


garrison of Sedalia, I marched from that place’ 


on Sunday the 15th instant, with a column of 
infantry, cavalry, and artillery, numbering about 


four thousand men. The first brigade was com- | 


manded by Colonel J. C. Davis, Indiana volun- 


teers; the second by Colonel F. Steele, Highth | 


Towa regiment. The object of the movement 
was to interpose between Price’s army on the 


Osage and the recruits, escort, and supplies on | 


their way south from the Mississippi River. 
This body of the enemy was represented to be 
between four and six thousand strong, with .a 
large train of supplies. 

“JT encamped on the 15th, eleven miles south- 
west of Sedalia. That the enemy might be 
thoroughly misled as to the destination of the 


expedition, it was given out that the movement. 
was upon Warsaw, and the troops pursued the 
road to that place several miles beyond Sedalia. 


I threw forward on Clinton four companies of 
the first Missouri cavalry, under Major Hub- 
bard, with orders to watch any movement from 
Osceola, to prevent any reconnoissance of our 
main column, and to intercept any messengers 
to the enemy at Osceola. On the 16th I pushed 
forward by forced march twenty-seven miles, 
and, with my whole force, occupied at sunset 
a position between the direct road from War- 
rensburg to Clinton, and the road by Chilhowee, 
which latter is the road heretofore pursued by 
returning soldiers and by recruits. Shortly 
after sunset, the advance, consisting of four 
companies of Iowa cavalry, under Major Tor- 
rence, captured the enemy’s pickets at Chil- 
howee, and learned that he was encamped in 
force (about twenty-two hundred) six miles 
north of that town. 


HISTORY OF THE. UNITED 


STATES. 


« After resting the horses and men fora couple 
of hours, I threw forward ten companies of 
cavalry, and a section of artillery, under Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Brown, seventh Missouri regi- 
ment, in pursuit, and followed with my whole 
force, posting the main body between Warrens- 
burg and Rose Hill, to support the pursuing 
column. JI, at the same time, reénforced Major 
Hubbard with two companies of Merritl’s Horse, 
and directed him, in order to secure our flank 
in the pursuit, to push forward, as far as pos- 
sible, towards Osceola. This officer executed 
his duty with distinguished ability and vigor, 
driving back and capturing the pickets, and 
one entire company of the enemy’s cavalry, 
with tents, baggage, and wagons. One of the 
pickets and two wagons were captured within 
the lines of Rains’s division, encamped north 
of the Osage River. 

“Thecolumn under Lieutenant-Colonel Brown 
continued the pursuit vigorously all night of the 
16th, all day of the 17th, and part of the night 
of the same day, his advance guard consisting 
of Foster’s company of Ohio cavalry, and a de- 
tachment of thirty men of the fourth regular 
cavalry, occupying Johnstown in the course of 
the night. The enemy began to scatter as soon 
as the pursuit grew close, disappearing in every 
direction in the bushes, and by every by-path, 
driving their wagons into farm-yards remote 
from the road, and throwing out their loads. 
As these wagons were all two-horse wagons of 
the country, and had-been in fact taken by force 
from the farm-houses, it was impossible to iden- 
tify them. When our pursuit reached Johns- 
town, about midnight on the 17th, the enemy, 
reduced to about five hundred, scattered com- 
pletely, one portion fleeing precipitately toward 
Butler, and the other toward Papinsville. 

“The main body of my command moved 
slowly towards Warrensburg, awaiting the re- 
turn of the force under Lieutenant-Colonel 
Brown, which ‘proceeded from Johnstown to 


|scour the country south of Grand River to the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


neighborhood of Clinton. In these operations 
sixteen wagons, loaded with tents and supplies, 
and one hundred and fifty prisoners, were cap- 
tured. The enemy's force was thoroughly dis- 
persed. 

“On the morning of the 18th, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Brown’s force rejoined the command. 
Knowing that there must still be @ large force 
of the enemy north of us, I moved forward 
slowly, on the 18th, towards Warrensburg, and, 
when near that town, the spies and scouts I 
had sent out before marching from Sedalia, in 
the direction of Lexington, Waverly, and Arrow 
Rock, reported to me that a large force was 
moving from the two latter places, and would 
encamp that night at the mouth of Clear Creek, 
just south of Milford. 

“I posted the main body of my command 
between Warrensburg and Knob Noster, to 
close all outlet to the south between those two 
points, and despatched seven companies of cav- 
alry, (five of the Ohio first and two of the 
fourth regular cavalry,) afterward reénforced 
by another company of regular cavalry, and a 
section of artillery, all under command of Col- 
onel J. C. Davis, Indiana volunteers, to march 
on the town of Milford, so as to turn the ene- 
* my’s left and rear, and intercept his retreat to 
the north-east, at the same time directing Major 
Marshall, with Merrill’s regiment of horse, to 

march from Warrensburg on the same point, 
turning the enemy’s right and rear, and PETE 
junction with Colonel Aves 

“The main body of my command occupied 
a point four miles south, and ready to advance 
at a moment’s notice, or to intercept the enemy’s 
retreat south. Colonel Davis marched prompt- 
ly and vigorously with the forces under his 
command, and at a late hour in the afternoon 
came upon the enemy encamped in the wooded 
bottom-land on the west side of Blackwater, 
opposite the mouth of Clear Creek. His pick- 
ets were immediately driven in across the 
stream, which was deep, miry, and impassable, 


443 


except by a long, narrow bridge, which the 


enemy occupied in force, as is eee under 


Colonel Magoffin. 

“Colonel Davis brought forward his force, 
and directed that the bridge be carried by 
assault. The two companies of the fourth 
regular cavalry being in advance, under the 
command, respectively, of Lieutenant Gordon 
and Lieutenant Amory, were designated for 
that service, and were supported by the five 
companies of the first Iowa cavalry. Lieuten- 


‘ant Gordon, of the, fourth cavalry, led the 


charge in person, with the utmost gallantry 
and vigor, carried the bridge in fine style, and 


immediately formed his company on the oppo- 


site side. He was promptly followed by the 
other companies. The force of the enemy 
posted at the bridge retreated precipitately 
over a narrow open space, into the woods, 
where his whole force was posted. The two 
companies of the fourth cavalry formed in line 
at once, advanced upon the enemy, and were 
received with a volley of small arms, muskets, 
rifles, and shot guns. One man was killed and 
eight wounded by this discharge. With one 
exception, all belonged to company D, fourth 
cavalry, Lieutenant Gordon. 

“ Lieutenant Gordon himself received several 
balls through the cap. Our forces still contin- 
uing to press forward, and the enemy finding 
his retreat south and west cut off, and that he 
was in presence of a large force, and at best 
could only prolong the contest a short time, 
surrendered at discretion. His force, reported 
by colonel commanding, consisted of parts of 
two regiments of infantry and three companies 
of cavalry, numbering in all thirteen hundred 
men, among whom there were three colonels, 
(Robinson, Alexander, and Magoffin,) one lieu- 
tenant-colonel, (Robinson,) one major, ( Harris,) 
and fifty-one commissioned company officers. 
About five hundred horses and mules, seventy- 
three wagons heavily loaded with powder, lead, 
tents, subsistence stores, and supplies of various , 


444 


kinds, fell into our hands, as also a thousand 
stand of arms. 

“'The whole force captured, with their train, 
were marched into the camp of the main body, 
reaching there about midnight. 
were thrown away by the enemy, in the bushes 
and creek, when he surrendered, and have not 
yet been found. 

“Tam, captain, your obedient servant, 

“ Jonn Pops, 


“ Brigacer-General commanding. 
“To Captain J. C. Ketton, A. A. G., 
‘¢ Department of the Missourt.” 


Skirmishes and small engagements occurred, 
also, in south-eastern Missouri and in Kentucky, 
besides the affairs recorded in previous pages. 
The success was various, but for the most part 
the advantage was on the side of the federal 
troops. None of these engagements, however, 


were of much importance, except so far as they |) 


kept in check movements by which the rebels 
might have gained considerable advantages. 
Through the greater part of both Missouri and 
Kentucky there were partisan conflicts. 
people were divided in their allegiance, and in 
some places a bitter and relentless warfare was 
waged by those who enlisted in the rebel cause 
upon their loyal neighbors, when the latter 
were in aminority. It would be but natural 
if such a warfare, which was originated by the 
disloyal, should sometimes be waged in retalia- 
tion by Union men, as in some places it un- 
doubtedly was. But the persecution, robbery, 
and slaughter by the rebel partisans and guer- 
rilla parties infinitely exceeded all the acts of 
this kind which could justly be charged upon 
loyal men. The orders of General Halleck were 
directed to the suppression of such internecine 
warfare, and strmgent measures succeeded in 
some measure in restoring peace to a large 
part of these states, by overawing or compelling 
the departure of those who were disposed to aid 
the rebel cause. In the mean time the prepa- 
* rations for a grand advance at the west into 


Many arms}, 


The || 


ing expedition. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the rebellious states were prosecuted with vigor, 
and on a scale that promised good results. 
Along the line of the army of the Potomac, 
though there were occasional slight skirmishes 
between small advanced parties and _ pickets, 
no affair of importance occurred during the 
month of December, except an engagement at 
Drainesvillé, between a large foraging party of 
the federal army and about an equal force of 
the rebels, which took place on the 20th of that 
month. The federal troops were under the 
command of Brigadier-General Ord, and con- 
sisted of that officer’s brigade, a regiment of 
rifles, a battery of light artillery, and two 
squadrons of cavalry, all of the “ Pennsylvania 
Reserves,” under Major-General McCall. This 
force was sent forward for the purpose of driy- 
ing back the enemy’s pickets to a greater dis- 
‘tance from, the federal lines and to procure 
forage. Near Drainesville, a small village on 
the road leading from Washington to Leesburg, 
a rebel force of four or five regiments, with 
artillery and cavalry, under command of Gen- 
eral Stuart, was also moving out upon a forag- 
General Ord entered Draines- 
| ville with a part of his force, driving out and 
scattering the rebel cavalry picket which was 
stationed there. He then awaited the collec- 
| tion of forage, disposing of his forces as they 
came up so as to protect the foraging party. 
While thus engaged, the rebel forces of Gen- 
eral Stuart advanced to make an attack. After 
some skirmishing between the flanking com- 
panies and rebels concealed in the woods, the 
attack was commenced more in earnest by the 
rebel artillery, which was served with little 
effect, and was responded to by General Ord’s 
artillery from a position in which it could enfi- 
lade the road where the enemy’s guns and a 
part of his infantry were posted. Soon the in- 
fantry on both sides were advanced, and a consid- 
erable part of them became engaged. The rebels 
made a determined attack upon one flank of 
the federal troops, but they were met with 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


spirit, and were driven back with loss. One of 
General Ord’s regiments was ordered to charge 
upon and take the rebel battery ; but to do this 
they were obliged to advance through a thick 
wood, and when they emerged in the vicinity 
of the position which had been occupied by 
the rebel artillery, the latter had retreated, and 
the entire force of the enemy were soon rap- 
idly retiring, a portion of it in great confusion. 
The retreating forces were followed but a short 
distance ; sufficient, however, to make certain a 
very decided success on the part of the Union 
troops. The loss of the enemy greatly ex- 
ceeded that of the federal force, and the arms 
and equipments which they left upon the field, 
as well as the considerable number of wounded, 
whom they did not even attempt to carry with 
them, showed the haste in which they had re- 
tired. General McCall arrived upon the field 
near the close of the engagement, and when 
the-success was secured he ordered the federal 
force to retire, deeming it imprudent to remain 
with such a force in a place to which the rebels 
could in a short time bring up heavy reénforce- 
ments to their discomfited comrades. Accord- 
ingly General Ord’s command retired to their 
camp, taking with them the forage they had 
collected, the wounded prisoners, and their own 
dead and wounded. The following is the prin- 
cipal part of General Ord’s official report : — 


‘*Camp PreRPoNT, VA., Dec. 21, 1861. 

“Sir: I have to report that, in obedience to 
the enclosed order, I, at six A. M. yesterday, 
started towards Dickey’s and Henderson’s, about 
three miles this side of Drainesville, on the 
Leesburg pike, with my brigade, the first rifles, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Kane, Easton’s battery, and 
two squadrons of cavalry. I likewise heard 
that it was probable there was a respectable 
picket of cavalry in Drainesville, and that the 
pickets supposed by you to be near the river, 
behind Dickey’s, had left. 
to send three companies of the tenth, and twen- 


I then determined: 


445 


| ty cavalry, with the foraging party to Gunnell’s, 


between the pike and the river, and with the 
remainder of the force proceed to Drainesville, 
satisfied that, though I might be exceeding the 
letter of my instructions, should I find the 
enemy and pick up a few, you would not object. 
This I did, though Colonel McCalmont, hearing 
that there was a large force on our left, remained 
with his part of a regiment, and that detained 
the two regiments behind him, (I had sent for 
them ;) but was obliged to enter Drainesville 
with my artillery and cavalry, and a small ad- 
vanced guard only on the road, the first rifles 
and Colonel Jackson’s regiment flanking this 
column in the woods on the right and left. 
The cavalry picket in town fled, scattered, and 
remained in small squads, watching. 

“ While waiting in Drainesville for the regi- 
ments in the rear to come up, I posted my ar- 
tillery and cavalry, and Jackson’s regiment of 
infantry, and a couple of companies of the first 
rifles, so as to cover the approaches, and sent 
for Colonel Kane’s regiment to occupy the road 
in our then rear, my front being towards Cen- 
treville. This I did, because, from the occasional 
appearance of a few mounted men on a slope 
behind some woods in a hollow to my left and 
front, and a broad mass of smoke in that neigh- 
borhood, I felt pretty sure that there was a 
force there preparing some mischief. As soon 
as Colonel McCalmont came up with his regi- 
ment, the tenth, followed by Lieutenant-Colonel 
Penrose, the sixth, and Colonel Taggart with 
the twelfth, and while preparing to resist any 
attack and to cover my foraging party, I learned 
that the enemy, in force, had approached on 
the south side of the Leesburg pike, with field 
pieces and infantry, and had driven in my 
pickets, wounding two men. Thinking they 
would attack on doth sides of the turnpike as I 
returned eastward, I ordered (to meet this ex- 
pected attack) Colonel McCalmont’s regiment 
on the left or river side of the road in the 


woods, left in front, and if the enemy showed 


446 


himself on that side, to bring his regiment for- 
ward into line. Colonel Jackson’s regiment, 
of which and its gallant colonel I cannot speak 
in too high terms, I ordered to flank the road 
in the same way on the right of the road in the 
woods, and do the same if the enemy showed 
on that side. Between these flanking regi- 
ments I ordered the Kane rifles to meet the 
enemy (behind us) in the road, the cavalry to 
follow, and the artillery I took with me to post 
them and answer the enemy’s artillery, which 
had opened fire on our (their) right, (the south,) 
directing the rear guard to cover the column 
of the sixth and twelfth regiments infantry in 
the road from cavalry. The artillery went at 
a run past the station I selected for them, cap- 
sizing one of their pieces. I brought them 
back, told the captain where to post his guns, 
and then went to remove the cavalry, then ex- 
posed in the road swept by the enemy, (whose 
attack was from a thickly wooded hill on our 
right flank, the south.) Their force, I saw, was 
a very bold one, very well posted, and the ar- 
tillery was only about five hundred yards off, 
with a large force of infantry on both its flanks 
and in front, covered and surrounded by woods 
and-thickets. Moving east with the cavalry, 
which was of no use here, I came to a place in 
the road, covered toward the enemy by a high 
bluff and dense thickets, which thickets I in- 
tended to occupy with infantry. Here I left 
the cavalry, surrounded by dense forests, where- 
in they could neither fight nor be hurt. 

“As I had at first thought the enemy would 


attack on both sides of the road, and moved my’ 


infantry to meet such an attack, and as their 
attack was confined to the right, it became 
necessary to change my front. As neither 
McCalmont nor Jackson had had time to come 
into line under first orders, when I discovered 
this, and was moving by the flank, and as, be- 
fore I placed the artillery and cavalry, 1 had 
seen the rifles closely engaging the enemy by 
a flank movement, covering themselves by some 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


houses and fences, my right, in meeting the at- 
tack, thus became the village of Drainesville, 
my left the gorge and woods occupied by my 
cavalry on the Leesburg pike. After securing 
the cavalry, I found, by carefully observing the 
enemy’s fire and battery, that their guns were 
in a road which could be enfiladed. I ordered 
Captain Easton to right the capsized gun, and 
bring it to the spot from which this road could 
be raked ; removed two other guns to this spot, 
gave the gunners the distance and elevation, 
observed the result, and finding, after a round 
or two, that the enemy’s fire slackened, and the 
gunners were raking the road beautifully, with- 
out being discomposed by the enemy’s fire, I 
told them “to keep at that,” and determined 
to push the infantry forward. I found them 
(except the Kane rifles, the ninth, Jackson’s, 
and the tenth, the McCalmont regiment, which 
were as above stated) in the ditches, under 
fences, and covering themselves as best they 
might. I started them forward, Kane at the 
head of his regiment leading. His and Jack- 
son’s regiments required no urging. McCal- 
mont’s regiment was kept in excellent order 
by its colonel, (than whom a better officer is 
not found in my brigade,) and acted as a re- 
serve. I put them in the woods — pushed and 
exhorted them up the hill, having directed the 
battery to cease firing, and proceeding with my 
infantry with the bayonet. About this time, 
between three and four o’clock, (the action be- 
gan at half-past two,) General McCall, I was in- 
formed, arrived on the field. As Iwas very busy 
urging the men forward, and they required 
all my attention to keep them to their work, 
I did not at once report; but when we reached 
the ground occupied by the enemy’s battery, 
I reported to him. He was so kind as to direct 
me to continue the pursuit in the same order, 
and to continue my dispositions, which I did. 
The enemy were pursued fully half a mile fur- 


ther, but they had left the neighborhood in 


great haste, leaving their arms, a portion of 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


their dead and wounded, clothing, ten horses, | 


and a quantity of artillery equipments, with 
two caissons and a limber, scattered along the 
road towards Centreville, and in the woods on 
both sides. 

“ «The enemy left twenty-one of their most 
desperately wounded on the field, who were 
taken up, carried to houses, and their wounds 
dressed by our surgeons, but they will nearly 
all die. Their dead left on the field is variously 
estimated from fifty to seventy-five. Our ar- 
tillery did terrible havoc, exploding one ammu- 
nition wagon, and some of their men whom 
we brought in say the slaughter was terrible. 


Several dead lay around the exploded caisson, | 
three of whose blackened corpses were head-' 
a movement would be made. 


less. The prisoners further state that Colonel 


Taylor was doubtless killed; two of their offi-. 
cers were left on the ground, and how many 


were carried off it is difficult to say. After the 


affair, we built our bivouac fires in Drainesville. 


Thus, sir, we, on returning to camp, had marched | 
twenty-four miles, beaten the enemy, loaded 
our wagons with forage, bringing in twelve | 
mules, our killed, (seven,) and wounded, (sixty,) | 


among whom are four captains. 
“The prisoners report that the ee en- 


gaged against us was composed of the hs. | 
an Alabama, a South Carolina, and a 


rifles, 
Virginia regiment, with a six-gun battery, all 
under the command of General Stuart. 

“IT must not forget the prompt manner in 
which General Reynolds came up from Difh- 
cult Creek, some four miles off, as soon as he 
heard the cannonading. He arrived too late, 
it is true, to take part in the affair, but the 
certainty that he would come with his brigade, 
insured a victory, and stimulated our men.to 
earn it. 

“With respect, sir, your obedient servant, 

«H. O. C. Oro, 
“ Brigadier-General Volunteers. 


“Col. H. J. Bropts, 
‘+ Assistant Adjutant General, McCall’s Division.” 


447 


As the winter season advanced, the roads 
became in many places impracticable for artil- 
lery and heavy trains, and though a movement 
of the great army which had been collected 
and organized on the Potomac was for a long 
time confidently expected by the people, it be- 
came evident at last that the season for an 
effective campaign was passed. This was a 
great disappointment to the loyal people, who 
desired that a crushing blow should be struck 
at once, and not a little discontent was mani- 
fested on account of the delay, which was va- 
riously attributed to the government and to 
the commanding general. The army did not 
nominally go into winter quarters, and this 
kept alive for a long time the expectation that 
The soldiers, 
however, suffered from the exposure in their 
tents, until they were permitted by various 


expedients to render them more comfortable. 


Some of the troops had huts which proved a 
better shelter than the tents. Others contrived, 
by walls of turf over which the tents were 
raised, to make more comfortable quarters. 
Various expedients and inventions were also 
resorted to by which the huts and tents could 
be warmed by fire. - With abundant supplies 
the health of the army continued good, not- 
withstanding what was considered its great 
exposure to the cold and storms; and the sol- 
diers were moreover contented and confident 
of victory whenever they should be led to 
battle by their commander. | 

Meanwhile the rebel army, the main body 
of which was posted near Manassas, prepared 
their winter quarters in a similar manner, 
though with a more evident purpose of a con- 
tinuance in their position through the inclem- 
ent season. They were not so well provided 
with tents as the Union troops, and constructed 
a large number of huts, in which they were 
quartered. Their advance posts and pickets 
continued to be thrown forward towards the 
federal lines, and they boasted that the position 


448 


of their army was such that it could be con- 
centrated in a short time to resist successfully 
any attack that might be made by the federal 
forces. The rebels, however, did not appear 
disposed at this time to assume the offensive, 
and there «is reason to believe that had the 
army of the Potomac, strong in numbers and 
enthusiasm, been led against the enemy before 
the winter rendered an advance impossible, it 
would have found the rebels unprepared to re- 
sist the attack and would have achieved a great 
victory. But the policy of the federal govern- 
ment, or of the commanding general, appeared 
to be delay for the preparation of other armies 
and expeditions, and the perfection of the sol- 
diers in discipline and drill. 

Since the 22d of October, the Potomac had 
been effectually blockaded by the rebel batte- 
ries, erected upon all the commanding points 
on the Virginia side below Alexandria. No 
vessels, except occasionally by stealth, could 
pass up or down the river, and the immense 
supplies required for the federal army were 
necessarily transported by railroad. The horses 
consequently suffered frequently for the want 
of forage. The naval forces on the Potomac 
were ready and anxious to attack and silence 
the various rebel batteries, if a sufficient land 
force should codperate and hold the positions 
thus gained. But the proposition was not re- 
ceived with favor by those who controlled the 
movements of the army, the position of the 
enemy along the banks of the river being con- 
sidered of little value, in a military view, 
though for the time being a serious inconve- 
nience in the transportation of supplies. Ac- 
cordingly no attempt was made to dislodge the 
enemy from these positions, and Washington 
was effectually blockaded from direct commu- 
nication with the sea. Such was the general 
position of affairs at the end of the year 1861. 

The year closed with disappointment, both 
to the people of the loyal states and to the 
insurgents. Though much had really been 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


gained by the federal government since the 
commencement of hostilities, the loyal people 
had expected that some early decisive blow 
would be struck, which should show the power 
of the government and lead to submission and 
peace. The course of events had dispelled 
that idea, so generally entertained at first, and 
the loyal people, convinced that they must 
show an overwhelming force, and a determina- 


; tion to use it to crush rebellion, furnished with 


patriotism and spirit the men and means re- 
quired. They asked only that the forces thus 
supplied should be used promptly and effectu- 
ally. When the year closed with immense 
armies in the field, and large fleets upon the 
sea, and all apparently idle, it was quite natural 
that there should be some feeling of disappoint- 
ment and dissatisfaction. Such a feeling was 
manifested, however, only by an earnest call 
for activity and efficiency on the part of the 
government and its officers. 

On the other hand the rebels, more impul- 
sive than the people of the north, and more in 
earnest, had also expected, by some sudden 
blows, to sever the Union and achieve their 
independence. Their success at Bull Run en- 
couraged this idea, and among the people of 
the south there was great disappointment that 
the army, which they then believed invincible, 
did not move at once on Washington, and end 
the war by a decisive victory. The leaders of 
the rebellion saw the necessity of a different 
policy. With delay, intervention on the part 
of foreign powers, the hope of which had been 
entertained from the outset, became an ele- 
ment of eventual success, which was invariably 
counted upon. The capture of Mason and 
Slidell, and their forcible removal from a Brit- 
ish vessel, it was confidently expected would 
not only secure the intervention of the British 
government, but in the form of active hostili- 
ties, which would certainly ruin the United 
States. When the difficulties which arose out 
of that capture were amicably settled, and the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S, ADMINISTRATION. 


expectation of an immediate alliance with 
Great Britain was disappointed, a general feel- 
ing of depression and discontent seemed to 
pervade the rebel states. The success of the 
federal arms in the latter part of the year, in 
most places where they had been advanced, 
served to increase the discontent and disap- 
pointment, which was freely expressed in some 
of the leading rebel papers. But a determi- 
nation to resist the federal authority, and a 
continuance of the Union, was every where 
avowed, and all possible preparations were 
made to meet the forces which they saw the 


north was organizing for the maintenance of 


the national government and the Union. 


CHAPTER LVIII. 


Opening of the Year 1862.— Continued Inactivity. — Alleged 
Causes of Delay. — Resignation of Mr. Cameron. — Appoint- 
ment of Hon. Edwin M. Stanton Secretary of War. — Popu- 
lar Opinion of the Appointment. — Continuance of Skirmishes 
in Missouri and Kentucky. — Battle of Mill Springs. — Fed- 
eral and Rebel Forces. — Attack by the Rebels, and Repulse. 
— Death of General Zollicoffer.— Retreat of the Rebels. — 
Pursuit by Federal Forces, and Preparations to attack the 
Rebel Intrenchments.— Flight of the Rebels at Night. — 
Capture of Arms, etc.— General Thomas’s Report. — Effect 
of the Victory. 


THe year 1862 opened with almost entire 
inactivity in the army of the Potomac, and no 
prospect of any immediate movement of impor- 
tance. Though the armies were being strength- 
ened, and several expeditions were in prepara- 
tion, the delay of an advance in some direction 
with strong forces had greatly disappointed the 
people of the north, and with the opening of a 
new year there was a renewed demand for a 
more vigorous prosecution of the war. The 
. delay was not attributed altogether to the ele- 
ments, and tlae difficulties of moving troops and 
supplies over almost impassable roads, but was 
ascribed also to the inefficiency of the war de- 
partment, and by some to the excessive caution, 

57 


449 


or unwillingness to move, of the commanding 
general. Concerning the head of the war de- 
partment, there had been various indefinite 
complaints, which had created a distrust of that 
official, and a change was demanded. Before 
the middle of January the change was made. 
Mr. Cameron, secretary of war, resigned, and 
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, of Pennsylvania, was 
appointed his successor. Mr. Stanton was a 
democrat in politics, and had been attorney- 
general under Mr. Buchanan, during a short 
period before the close of his administration. 
He was known to be thoroughly in favor of 
putting down the rebellion, and as a vigorous, 
energetic man. Mr. Holt, who had been sec- 
retary of war under Mr. Buchanan after the 
traitors left his cabinet, would have been pre- 
ferred by a majority of the people; but the 
appointment of Mr. Stanton gave general satis- 
faction, and especially to that part of the people 
who had sympathized with him politically ; and 
it was hailed as a token of the more perfect 
union of all parties at the north, for the main- 
tenance of the Union, and the suppression of 
the rebellion. More activity and vigor were 
soon infused into the war department, and, 
by degrees, into military operations, inspiring 
a general confidence that the immense prep- 
arations which were being made would, as soon 
as the season permitted, result in success. 
During the month of January there were 
few movements, except the departure of an 
expedition to North Carolina, and a portion of 
another for the Gulf, which will be noticed in 
subsequent pages. In Missouri and Kentucky, 
however, skirmishes continued between some 
of the advance forces which were sent forward 
to scatter the gathering bands of rebels, and 
something was in this way accomplished to 
prevent these states being overrun by rebel 
forces. Kentucky was now seriously threat- 
ened by the forces of the seceded states and 
her own recreant sons. But the Union army 
there and at Cairo was constantly augmenting 


450. 


and preparing for a campaign that should re- 
lieve the state from serious invasion. In the 
mean time some of the federal troops were 
advanced to positions in which they could hold 
the rebel forces in check. This led to some 
encounters between the opposing forces, the 
most important of which was the battle of 
Mill Springs, or Logan’s Cross Roads.* 

Brigadier-General* George H. Thomas had 
been ordered to advance with his brigade, sup- 
ported by some other forces, to Logan’s Cross 
Roads, for the purpose of holding in check the 
rebel forces under Generals Crittenden and 
Zollicoffer, who were about ten miles south of 
that point, in an intrenched camp on the banks 
of the Cumberland River. The roads were in 
a very bad condition, but General Thomas 
reached the Cross Roads on the 17th of Janu- 
ary with a part of his command, others of his 
troops coming up the next day. His whole 
force at this time consisted of four regiments 
of infantry, sections of three batteries of artil- 
lery, and a small force of cavalry. Another 
brigade of three regiments of Tennesseans from 
“General Schoepf’s command was ordered to 
join him, to remain till his whole command 
arrived. These, however, did not, for some 
reason, take a very active part in the battle, 
the tide being already turned in favor of the 
federal forces when they came upon the field. 

On the 19th of January, before General 
Thomas’s whole force had arrived, and he had 
time to intrench his position, the enemy ad- 
vanced from their camp to make an attack. 
Generals Crittenden and Zollicoffer had, in their 
intrenched camp and vicinity, nine or ten regi- 
ments of infantry, several batteries of artillery, 
and a considerable force of cavalry. They 
marched to the attack with eight regiments of 
infantry, six pieces of artillery, and two bat- 
talions of cavalry. 

The federal pickets were driven in quite 


* Called also the battle of Fishing Creek. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


early in the morniag, and the long roll soon 
called the regiments into line, though a serious 
attack on the part of the enemy was not an- 
ticipated. The tenth Indiana regiment first 
met the advancing forces, and held them in 
check till supported by other troops with artil- 
lery, but the rebels nearly flanked this small 
federal force which was first brought into ac- 
tion, and but for the opportune arrival of other 
regiments would have achieved a decided ad- 
vantage. The rebels brought up their forces 
with great spirit and a determination to drive 
the federal troops from their position, but they 
were received with a hot fire, which compelled 
them to fall back, and after repeated unsuccess- 
ful attempts, charges by some of the federal 
regiments caused them at last to give way in 
confusion, and soon to retreat. In the midst 
of the most determined advance on the part 
of the rebels, General Zollicoffer was killed by 
Colonel Fry, of the fourth Kentucky regiment, 
while in advance of his forces. The fall of the 
general, in whom they appeared to have most 
confidence, probably had a dispiriting effect 
upon some of the rebel soldiers, and they soon 
after gave way before the severe fire, which was 
succeeded by an impetuous charge of the fed- 
eral troops. - 

The retreat of the rebels, when they had 
given way, was hurried and disorderly. The 
federal troops, as soon as they received a new 
supply of ammunition, marched in pursuit, and 
late in the afternoon reached a position in front 
of the rebel intrenchments.’ They were imme- 
diately formed in line of battle, and the in- 
trenchments were vigorously cannonaded with 
the field artillery. Several guns were placed 
so as to command the ferry across the Cumber- 
land River, and shots were fired to deter the 
enemy from attempting to cross, and in the - 
mean time preparations were male for an as- 
sault upon the fortifications the next morn- 
ing. Three or four regiments arrived to reén- 
force General Thomas in the afternoon and 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


evening, and there was no doubt of a success- 
ful assault and complete victory. But the rebel 
commander succeeded in escaping with his 
forces by crossing the ferry in the night, to 
the south side of the river, abandoning his artil- 
lery, a quantity of small arms, ammunition, and 
camp equipage, and a large number of horses, 
mules, and wagons. Having crossed the river 
he destroyed the ferry boats so as to prevent 
pursuit, and the federal forces were obliged to 
be content with the decided victory they had 
achieved, though disappointed in the expecta- 
tion of capturing a large number of prisoners. 

The following is General Thomas’s official 
report of the battle: — 


DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO, 
Somerset, Ky., January 31, 1862. 


“Caprain: I have the honor to report that 
in carrying out the instructions of the General 
commanding the department, contained in his 
communications of the 29th of December, I 
reached Logan’s Cross Roads, about ten miles 
north of the intrenched camp of the enemy, 
on the Cumberland River,on the 17th inst., 
with a portion of the second and third brig- 
-ades, Kinney’s battery of artillery, e a bat- 
talion of Wolford’s cavalry. The fourth and 
tenth Kentucky, fourteenth Ohio, and the 
eighteenth United States infantry, being still 
in the rear, detained by the almost impassible 
condition of the roads, I determined to halt at 
this point to await their arrival, and to com- 
municate with General Schoepf. 

“The tenth Indiana, Wolford’s cavalry, and 
Kinney’s battery took position on the road 
leading to the enemy’s camp. The ninth 
Ohio and second Minnesota (part of Colonel 
‘McCook’s brigade) encamped three fourths of 
a mile to the right, on the Robertsport road. 

“Strong pickets were thrown out in the di- 
rection of the enemy, beyond where the Som- 
erset and Mill Springs road comes into the 
main road from my camp to Mill Springs, and 


‘s HEADQUARTERS First nei: 


451 


a picket of cavalry some distance in advance 
of the infantry. 

“General Schoepf visited me on the day of 
my arrival, and, after consultation, I directed 
him to send to my camp Standart’s battery, the 
twelfth Kentucky, and the first and second 
Tennessee regiments, to remain until the arri- 
val of the regiments in the rear. 

“ Having received information, on the even- 
ing of the 17th, that a large train of wagons, 
with its escort, was encamped on the Roberts- 
port and Danville road, about six miles from 
Colonel Stedman’s camp, I sent an order to 
him to send his wagons forward, under a 
strong guard, and to mareh with his regiment, 
(the fourteenth Ohio,) and the tenth Ken- 
tucky, (Colonel Harlan,) with one day’s rations 
in their haversacks, to the point where the 
enemy were said to be encamped, and either 
capture or disperse them. 

“Nothing of importance occurred, from the 
time of my arrival until the morning of the 
19th, except a picket skirmish on the 17th. 
The fourth Kentucky, the battalion of Michi- 
gan engineers, and Wetmore’s battery, joined 
on the 18th. About five and a half o’clock, on 
the morning of the 19th, the pickets from Wol- 
ford’s cavalry, encountered the enemy advan- 
cing on our camp; retired slowly, and reported 
their advance to Colonel M. D. Manson, com- 
manding the second brigade. He immediately 
formed his regiment, (the tenth Indiana,) and 
took a position on the road, to await the attack, 
ordering the fourth Kentucky, (Colonel S. S. 
Fry,) to support him, and then informed me in 
person that the enemy were advancing in force, 
and what disposition he had made to resist 
them. I directed him to join his brigade imme- 
diately, and hold the enemy'in check until I 
could order up the other troops, which were 
ordered to form immediately, and were march- 
ing to the field in ten minutes afterward. 

“The battalion of Michigan engineers, and 
Company A, of the thirty-eighth Ohio, Captain 


452 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


Greenwood, were ordered to remain as guard ||half an hour, the contest was maintained, on 


to the camp. 

“Upon my arrival on the field soon after- 
ward, I found the tenth Indiana formed in front 
of their encampment, apparently awaiting or- 
ders, and ordered them forward to the support 
of the fourth Kentucky, which was the only 
whole regiment then engaged. 

“J then rode forward myself to see the 
enemy’s position, so that I could determine 
what disposition to make of my troops as they 
arrived. On reaching the position held by the 
fourth Kentucky, tenth Indiana, and Wolford’s 
cavalry, at a point where the roads fork, lead- 
ing to Somerset, I found the enemy advancing 
through a cornfield, and evidently endeavoring 
to gain the left of the fourth Kentucky regi- 
ment, which was maintaining its position in a 
most determined manner. I directed one of 
my aids to ride back, and order up a section of 
artillery, and the Tennessee brigade to advance 
on the enemy’s right, and sent orders for 
Colonel McCook to advance, with his two regi- 
ments, (the ninth Ohio and second Minnesota,) 
to the support of the fourth Kentucky and 
tenth Indiana. 

“A section of Kinney’s battery took a posi- 
tion on the edge of the field, to the left of the 
fourth Kentucky, and opened an efficient fire 
on a regiment of Alabamians, which was ad- 
vancing on the fourth Kentucky. 

“Soon afterwards, the second Minnesota, aee 
P. Van Cleve,) the colonel reporting to me for 
instructions, I directed him to take the position 
of the fourth Kentucky and tenth Indiana, 
which regiments were nearly out of ammuni- 
tion. The ninth Ohio, under the immediate 
command of Major Kaemmerling, came into 
position, on the right of the road, at the same 
time. 

“Immediately after the regiments had gained 
their position, the enemy opened a most deter- 
mined and galling fire, which was returned by 
our troops, in the same spirit, and, for nearly 


_|| both sides, in the most obstinate manner. 


At 
this time, the twelfth Kentucky (Colonel W. 
A. Hoskins) and the Tennessee brigade reached 
the field, to the left of the Minnesota regiment, 
and opened fire on the right flank of the enemy, 
who then began to fall back.. The second ._Min- 
nesota kept up a most galling fire in front, and 
the ninth Ohio charged the enemy on the right, 
with bayonets fixed, turned their flank, and 
drove them from the field, the whole line giv- 
ing way, and retreating in the utmost disorder 
and confusion. c 

. “As soon as the regiments could be formed, 
and refill their cartridge-boxes, I ordered the 
whole force to advance. A few miles in the 
rear of the battle-field, a small force of cavalry 
was, drawn up near the road, but a few shots 
from our artillery, (a section of Standart’s bat- 
tery,) dispersed them, and none of the enemy 
were seen again until we arrived in front of 
their intrenchments; as we approached their 
intrenchments the division was deployed in 
line of battle, and steadily advanced to the 
summit of the hill at Moulden’s. 

“From this point I directed their intrench- 
ments to be cannonaded, which was done, until 
dark, by"Standart’s and Wetmore’s batteries. 
Kinney’s battery was placed in position on the 
extreme left, at Russell’s house, from which 
point he was directed to fire on their ferry, to 
deter them from attempting to cross. On the 
following morning, Captain Wetmore’s battery 
was ordered to Russell’s house, and assisted, 
with his Parrott guns, in firing upon the 
ferry. j 

“ Colonel Manson’s brigade took position on 
the left, near Kinney’s battery, and every prep- 
aration was made to assault their intrench- 
ments on the following morning. 

“The fourteenth Ohio, Colonel Stedman, and 
the tenth Kentucky, Colonel. Harlan, having 
joined from detached service, soon after the 
repulse of the evening, continued with their 


* 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


brigade in the pursuit, although they could not 
get up in time to join in the fight. General 
Schoepf also joined me, on the evening of the 
19th, with the seventeenth, thirty-first, and 
thirty-eighth Ohio. His entire brigade owe 
with the other troops. 

“On reaching the intrenchments, we found 
the enemy had abandoned every thing, and re- 
tired during the night. Twelve pieces of ar- 
tillery, with their caissons packed with ammu- 
nition, one battery wagon and two forges, a 
large amount of ammunition, a large number 
of small arms, (mostly the old flint-lock mus- 
. kets,) one hundred and fifty or sixty wagons, 
and upwards of one thousand horses and mules ; 
a large amount of commissary stores, eee 
ing tools, and camp and garrison equipage, fell 
into our hands. A correct list of all the cap- 
tured property will be forwarded as soon as it 
can be made up and the property secured. 

“The steam and ferry-boats having been 
burned by the#enemy, in their retreat, it was 
found impossible to cross the river and pursue 
them ; besides, their command was completely 
demoralized, and retreated with great haste, 
and in all directions, making their capture, in 
any numbers, quite doubtful, if pursued. There 
is no doubt but what the moral effect pro- 
duced by their complete dispersion, will have 
amore desired effect, in reéstablishmg Union 
sentiment, than though they had been cap- 
tured. 

“Tt affords me much pleasure, to be able to 
testify to the uniform steadiness and good con- 
duct of both officers and men, during the battle, 
and I respectfully refer to the accompanying 
reports of the different commanders, for the 
names of those officers and men whose good 
conduct was particularly noticed by them. 

« A number of flags were taken on the field 
of. battley and in the intrenchments. They will 
be forwarded to headquarters as soon as col- 
lected together. 


453 


“The enemy’s loss, as far as known, is as fol- 
lows: Brigadier-General Zollicoffer, Lieutenant 
Baillie Peyton, and one hundred and ninety 
officers and non-commissioned officers and pri- 
vates killed. 

“ Lieutenant-Colonel W. B. Carter, twentieth 
Tennessee, Lieutenant J. W. Allen, fifteenth 
Mississippi, Lieutenant Allan Morse, sixteenth 
Alabama, and five officers of the medical staff, 
and eighty-one non-commissioned officers and 
privates taken prisoners. 

“Lieutenant J. HE. Patterson, twentieth. Ten- 
nessee, and A. J. Knapp, fifteenth Mississippi, 
and sixty-six non-commissioned officers and 
privates wounded. Making one hundred and 
ninety-two killed, eighty-nine prisoners not 
wounded and sixty-two wounded. A total of 
killed, wounded, and _ prisoners, of three hun- 
dred and forty-nine. 

“Our loss is as follows: One commissioned 
officer and thirty-eight men were killed, and 
fourteen officers, including Lieutenant Burt, 
United States infantry, A. D. C., and one hun- 
dred and ninety-four men, commissioned offi- 
cers and privates, wounded. 

“ A complete list of our killed and wounded, 
and of the prisoners, is herewith attached. 

“T am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient 


servant. 
“General Grorae H. Tuomas, 


“ Brigadier-General U. S. V., commanding. 
‘‘ Captain James B. Fry, A. A. G., Chief of Staff, 
Headquarters Department of the Ohio, Louisville, Ky 


The rebel forces were greatly demoralized 
by their defeat, and there were charges of 
treachery against General Crittenden, though 
there was TrobaDiy: little foundation for them. 
It was an unexpected check to the rebel ad- 
vance into the richer counties of Kentucky, 
and it was an equally great encouragement to 
the loyal troops and people after a long pe- 
riod of apparent inactivity and want of success. 


454 


CHAPTER LIX. 


New Military and Naval Expeditions. — Expedition to the Coast 
of North Carolina. — Preparations and Departure, and Arrival 
at Hatteras Inlet.— Marine Disasters. — Delay at Hatteras 
Inlet.— Departure of the Expedition to Roanoke Island. — 
Entrance into Croatan Sound. — Rebel Gunboats. —Naval 
Engagement and Bombardment of Rebel Forts. — Landing 
of Troops.— Advance against the Rebel Positions. — Move- 
ment through Swamps and “Impenetrable” Thickets. — The 
Battle. —The Rebel Position flanked. —Charge upon the 
Battery. — Flight of the Rebels. —The advance of the Fed- 
eral Troops. — Flag of Truce and Surrender. — Complete Suc- 
eess of the Expedition. — Official Despatches. — Expedition 
of Gunboats to Elizabeth City.— Engagement with Rebel 
Gunboats and Battery. — Defeat of thé Rebels and Destruc- 
tion of their Gunboats. — Official Despatches. _ 


Tue government, having determined not to 
confine military operations to an advance from 
the north against the rebels, but to make at- 
tacks upon some of the most vulnerable and 
important points on the southern coast, after 
the capture of the islands at Port Royal en- 
trance, made preparations for two more impor- 
tant expeditions. One of these was organized 
under Brigadier-General A. E. Burnside of 
Rhode Island, to effect a landing and gain pos- 
session of important positions on the coast of 
North Carolina, and the other, under Major- 
General Butler, was designed for Crake on 
the Gulf coast. 

General Burnside’s forces were collected at 
Annapolis, Maryland, and were composed chiefly 
of new regiments just recruited, a large pro- 
portion of them being from New England, and 
they numbered about twenty thousand men. 
A naval force of twenty-four steam gunboats, 
of small size, which were under the command 
of Flag-Officer L. M. Goldsborough, of the 
North Atlantic blockading fleet, was prepared 
to codperate with the land forces. Most of the 
gunboats had sailed separately from Hampton 
Roads during the week previous to the sailing 
of the transports carrying the military forces, 
to rendezvous at Hatteras Inlet. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


forces embarked at Annapolis, and after lying 
a short time in Hampton Roads, the large fleet 
of transports sailed thence on the 13th of Jan- 
uary, also for Hatteras Inlet. The expedition, 
like that for Port Royal, experienced the stormy 
weather for which the dangerous coast of North 
Carolina is noted in the winter season, and 
when the transports arrived off Hatteras Inlet, 
the heavy swell of the sea and the high wind 
rendered it exceedingly dangerous for the larger 
vessels to attempt an entrance through the nar- 
row and shallow cut in the great sand barrier 
into the sound beyond. Several of the trans- 
ports, though chartered under an order that. 
they should not exceed a certain draught, were 
found to be of too deep draught to admit a safe 
passage over the bar and through the inlet; 
and in the storm a large number of soldiers 
were exposed for a time to imminent danger, 
and the success of the expedition was in some 
degree imperilled, or at least greatly delayed. 
One transport, the steamer “ @ity of New York,” 
grounded among the breakers, and though 
the crew and passengers, after long exposure 
within sight of the fleet inside the bar, were 
saved, the vessel and most of her cargo were 
lost. Several other vessels grounded upon 
the shoals, and were seriously damaged, but 
were more fortunate than the City of New 
York. 

After arriving inside of Hatteras Inlet the 
expedition was delayed three weeks, waiting 
for ordnance stores and other preparations for 
active operations in the sound. In the mean 
time measures were taken to ascertain the po- 
sition of the rebels, through spies and the 
slaves, who here, as elsewhere, came off in con- 
siderable numbers to the federal fleet. It was 
ascertained that the rebels were fortified on 
Roanoke Island, lying between Roanoke Sound 
on the east, and Croatan Sound on the west, 
and north of Pamlico Sound, in which the fleet 


The land||lay. Several armed steamers, and other vessels 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S’ ADMINISTRATION. 


of small size,-were seen in the distance, and it 
was understood that the rebels had a naval 
force in these waters under Commander Lynch, 
formerly of the United States navy, which 
might prove quite formidable in conjunction 
with the land batteries. The squadron under 
Commodore Goldsborough, however, though 
composed of small vessels adapted for the shal- 
low waters of the sound, was sufficient to meet 
any naval force.which the rebels could possibly 
bring against him, and to contribute also to the 
reduction of the fortifications. 

All things being at last prepared, the fleet 
sailed from Hatteras Inlet on the 5th of Febru- 
ary, the gunboats in advance, followed by the 
transports, the whole numbering sixty-five ves- 
sels, and presenting a spectacle such as never 
before had been seen in the waters of North 
Carolina. A fleet of nearly fifty vessels was 
still left at Hatteras Inlet, and a considerable 
force was added to the garrison of the forts at 
‘the inlet, or remained on board some of the 
vessels. The expedition proceeded slowly up 
the sound, anchoring the first night about ten 
miles from Roanoke Island. A storm the next 
day prevented a further advance, navigation at 
the entrance to Croatan Sound being difficult, 
and the weather very thick. 

On the 7th, however, the gunboats being pre- 
pared for action, moved towards the narrow en- 
trance, scarcely more than two hundred feet in 
width, which is called Roanoke Inlet. It was 
expected that the rebels had erected batteries 
to command this narrow and difficult channel, 
but the fleet passed through without opposi- 
tion or obstruction. As they sailed up Croatan 
Sound, six or seven of the rebel gunboats were 


seen near the shore, as if under cover of the} 


shore batteries. As soon as the federal gun- 
boats came within long range, fire was opened 
upon the rebel boats, and continued as the fleet 
moved slowly up the sound, the enemy’s ves- 
sels soon retiring to the north, as if to draw the 


attacking boats under the fire of the batteries: 


} 


455 


erected near the northern end of Roanoke 
Island. A line of piles and sunken vessels ob- 
structed the main channel opposite the point 
where the batteries were erected, with a view to 
prevent the passage of the fleet, and to detain 
them under the fire of the forts. The rebel 
boats, by another channel, passed these obstruc- 
tions, but the federal boats, instead of attempt- 
ing to pursue them, directed their fire at the 
batteries, the principal of which was called Fort 
Barton, and was a strong and well constructed 
work, and armed with heavy guns. After bom- 
barding the forts for some time, the fire of the 
latter, which had been ineffective, began to 
slacken, and it.was supposed that the enemy’s 
guns would soon be silenced. But after a short 
interval the fire from the batteries was renewed 
with vigor,and with more precision than pre- 
viously, and the rebel gunboats again ap- 
proached to join in the engagement, or possibly 
to flank the federal gunboats, and attack the 
transports below. Flag-Officer Goldsborough 
prevented such a movement, if contemplated, 
by detaching some of his boats to intercept it. 
At this time the.engagement was quite gen- 
eral and spirited. Fire had already been com- 
municated to the rebel barracks, and the fort 
was enveloped in flames and smoke, but its 
guns were served with none the less spirit. 
The largest and best of the enemy’s gunboats 
was also disabled, and being run ashore, was set 
on fire by the crew and destroyed. 

Shortly after, the fire of the rebel batteries 
nearly ceased, and the transports having all 
passed through Roanoke Inlet into the sound, 
measures were taken for landing the troops for 
an assault. But when several of the federal 
gunboats were withdrawn from their advanced 
position in order to cover the debarkation, the 
rebel boats and batteries renewed the contest. 
The landing of the troops, however, was not 
delayed, and was very successfully made at a 
cove called Ashby’s Harbor, a point about two 
miles south of Fort Barton. The landmg 


456 


commenced just at nightfall on the 7th, and 
before the next morning nearly the whole 
division had been put on shore. 

On the morning of the 8th, a few shots were 
exchanged between the federal gunboats and 
the rebel batteries, but the rebel gunboats had 
all disappeared in the night, and did not again 
make their appearance. The land forces were 
early prepared for an advance upon the rebel 
positions, which General Burnside had pretty 
definitely ascertained. The force was divided 
into three columns; the centre, composed of 
the twenty-fifth, twenty-third, and twenty-sev- 
enth Massachusetts, and tenth Connecticut reg- 
iments, was commanded by Brigadier-General 
Foster; the left flanking column, consisting of 
the twenty-first Massachusetts, fifty-first New 
York, ninth New Jersey, and fifty-first Pennsyl- 
vania regiments, was commanded by Brigadier- 
General Reno; and the right flanking column, 
formed by the fourth and part of the fifth Rhode 
Island, and ninth New York regiments, was com- 
manded by Brigadier-General Parke. With the 
centre was a battery of six twélve-pounder boat 
howitzers from the navy. ‘The approach to 
the rebel position was through a swamp, coy- 
ered with a thick growth of wood, and rendered 
almost impassable by the dense underwood. 
Upon a narrow cart road through this swamp 
the rebels had constructed a field work, which 
completely commanded that road, and for the 
protection of their flanks they relied upon the 
swamps and thickets which they considered 
impenetrable. The federal troops, however, did 
not find the swamps and bushes an insurmount- 
able obstacle; but while the centre column 
moved along the road, the flanking columns 
struck boldly into the swamp, and by persever- 
ance and determination, advanced so as to sup- 
port the central column, and eventually to flank 
and surprise the enemy. For some distance 
in front of the rebel battery, the woods had 
been cut'down, so that their guns could have 
fair play upon an attacking force, and imme- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


diately in front was a pond, or natural moat, 
which added to the strength of the work against 
a direct assault. 

Early in the march the central: column met 
with the rebel pickets, and skirmishers annoyed 
the troops, but fell back before their steady 
advance. The battery of howitzers, which 
headed General Foster’s column, having reached 
a curve in the road, from which the rebel works 
were seen directly across the clearing, opened 
fire upon them, and continued a vigorous can- 
nonade until the ammunition was exhausted. 
In the mean time the infantry of the several 
columns was brought up, the flanking columns 
had penetrated the swampy thickets, and the. 
centre was soon engaged in a musketry conflict 
with a body of the enemy thrown out to flank 
them. These rebel troops were soon compelled 
to retreat befofe the federal forces, whose 
steady advance neither the musketry nor artil- 
lery of the enemy appeared to prevent. for 
a time there was quite a fierce contest, the 
advantage of protection and position being 
greatly in favor of the rebels. But as the 
centre advanced, and forced back the rebel 
force sent to flank them, the flanking columns 
of Generals Reno and Parke succeeded in over 
coming all obstacles to their advance, and the 
forces of the former surprised the rebels by a 
sudden charge from the swamp on which they 
had relied for protection. An assault from a 
portion of General Parke’s force was made 
about the same time, and before the advance 
of the three columns, where they had looked 
for but one, the rebels fled from their works 
precipitately. 

The federal troops soon followed the retreat- 


‘ing rebels, supposing that they had retired to 


a stronger position behind more formidable 
batteries. But the battle was over, and the 
victory was won. A very slight resistance was 
made by the pickets of one of the rebel camps, 
and then the force, a North Carolina regiment, 
surrendered unconditionally to General Reno. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Soon after, General Foster’s force approached 
another camp of the rebel forces, and was met 
by a flag of truce, the officer who accompanied 
it asking what terms would be granted. An 
unconditional surrender was demanded ; and 
while the rebels yet delayed to reply to this 
demand, General Foster advanced his troops to 
enforce it. He was.met by Colonel Shaw, the 
commander of the rebel forces, who surren- 
dered his whole command, and the forts of 
Roanoke Island. The number of rebel troops 
thus surrendered was about twenty-five hun- 
dred; the batteries captured numbered more 
than thirty guns, many of large calibre, and 
rifled; their. camps were composed of comfort- 
able wooden barracks, and the camp equipage 
and stores were very considerable. This suc- 
cess was accomplished not without severe labor 
and indomitable energy on the part of the fed- 
eral troops, as well as an unequal exposure to 
the fire of the enemy, by which their loss 
greatly exceeded that of the rebels. The en- 
tire loss of the latter was but about forty in 
killed and wounded, while the federal loss was 
about thirty-five killed and nearly two hundred 
wounded and missing. On board the fleet dur- 
ing the bombardment and the fight with the 
rebel gunboats, the loss in killed and wounded 
was about thirty. The following are the brief 
despatches of General Burnside and Flag-Officer 
Goldsborough, announcing the victory which 
they had achieved : — 


“ HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT oF NortH CAROLINA, 
~ > Roanoke Isnany, Feb. 10, 1862. 


“ Masor-GeneraL Gorge B. McCietian, Com- 
manpinc U. 8S. Army, Wasuineton: I have the 
honor to report that a combined attack upon 
this island was commenced on the morning of 
the 7th by the naval and military forces of this 
expedition, which has resulted in the capture 
of six forts, forty guns, over two thousand pris- 


oners, and upwards of three thousand small 
is 
58 


457 


jarms. Among the prisoners are Colonel Shaw, 
commander of the island, and O. Jennings Wise, 
commander of the Wise Legion. The latter 
was mortally wounded, and has since died. 
The whole work was finished on the afternoon 
of the 8th, after a hard day’s fighting, by a bril- 
liant charge in the centre of the island, and a 
rapid pursuit of the enemy to the north end 
of the island, resulting in the capture of the 
prisoners mentioned above. We have had no 
time to count them, but the number is estimated 
at nearly three thousand. 

- “Our men fought bravely, and have endured 
most manfully the hardships incident to fight- 
ing through swamps and dense thickets. It is 
impossible to give the details of the engage- 
ment, or to mention meritorious officers and 
men in the short time allowed for writing this 
report, the naval vessel carrying it starting 
immediately for Hampton Roads, and the report 
of the brigadier-generals not yet having been 
handed in. It is enough to say that the off- 
cers and men of both arms of the service have 
fought gallantly, and the plans agreed upon 
before leaving Hatteras were carried out. 

“T will be excused for saying in reference to 
the action, that I owe every thing to Generals 
Foster, Reno, and Parke, as more full details 
will show. I am sorry to report the loss of 
about thirty-five killed and about two hundred 
wounded, ten of them probably mortally. 
Among the killed are Colonel Russell of the 
tenth Connecticut, and Lieutenant-Colonel Vic- 
tor De Monteuil of the D’Epineuil Zouaves. 
Both of them fought most gallantly. I regret 
exceedingly not being able to send a full 
report of the killed and wounded, but will 
send a despatch in a day or two with full re- 
turns. 

“JT beg leave to enclose a copy of a general 
order issued by me on the 9th. 

“T am most happy to say that I have just 
received a message from Commodore Golds- 


458 


borough, stating that the expedition of his gun- 
boats against Elizabeth City and the rebel fleet 
has been entirely successful. He will, of course, 
send his returns to his department. 

«I have the honor to be, General, 

“Your obedient servant, 
“ A. E. Burnsipg, Brigadier-General, 
“ Commanding Departmant of North Carolina.” 


‘¢Unitep States Fiac Sure PHILADELPHIA, 
‘¢ Orr Roanoke Istanp, Feb. 9. 


“Roanoke Island .is ours. Its military au- 
thorities struck to us yesterday. Their means 
of defence were truly formidable, and were used 
with a determination worthy of a better cause. 
They consisted of two elaborately constructed 
works, mounting twenty-two heavy guns, three 
being one hundred pounders, rifled, and other 
batteries mounting twenty guns, a large pro- 
portion of these, also, being of heavy calibre, 
and some rifled, eight steamers of two guns 
each, and each with a rifled gun with a diam- 
eter of a thirty-two pounder. 

“We encountered prolonged obstructions of 
sunken vessels and piles to thwart our advance. 

«A body of men numbering scarcely less 
than five thousand are now our prisoners. 

“Fighting commenced on the morning of 
the 7th, at seven o’clock, and continued until 
dark. It was resumed next morning early, 
lasting until well into the afternoon, when by 
a bold charge of our army the rebel flag was 
made to succumb, and our own was hoisted 
every where on the island. No attack could 
have been more completely executed, and it 
was carried out precisely in accordance with 
the arrangements made before the expedition 
left Hatteras. Detailed accounts of the naval 
operations will be forwarded hereafter. 

“T submit herewith a general order to be 
read on the quarter-deck of each vessel. 

“ Respectfully, J. M. GoxpsBoroveu. 


«*To Hon, Gipron WELLES.” 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


The day after the victory at Roanoke Island 
a naval expedition, consisting of fourteen small 
steamers, was despatched by Flag-officer Golds- 
borough in pursuit of the rebel gunboats, which 
it was supposed had gone to Elizabeth City, 
a town at the head of one of the. arms of 
Albemarle Sound, and connected with Norfolk 
by the canal through the Dismal Swamp. On 
the morning of the 10th of February, this flo- 
tilla, which was under Commander S. C. Rowan, 
sailed up the arm or river towards Elizabeth 
City, and soon discovered several rebel gun- 
boats, to which chase was immediately given. 
As the pursuers approached the city, where the 
river narrows, a battery of four guns was dis- 
covered, while another gun in the city com- 
pletely commanded the channel. The federal 
commander did not hesitate, but engaged at 
once the rebel gunboats and batteries, closing 
in upon them gradually, and sending a storm 
of shot and shell from his little squadron. In 
twenty minutes from the time of opening fire 
a rebel schooner struck her colors, and a signal 
was made from the battery for the crews of 
the rebel steamers to abandon their vessels. 
They were immediately run close to the shore 
and set on fire,and though the federal gun- 
boats were soon near them, only one was saved 
from destruction, and captured. The battery 
was abandoned at the same time as the boats, 
and the fugitive rebels then set fire to many 
buildings in the town, wantonly destroying 
much valuable private property. The success 
of the expedition was complete, the greater 
part of the rebel naval force in the waters of 
North Carolina having been destroyed or cap- 
tured. This was accomplished with the loss of 
but two killed and twelve wounded, and with 
but little damage to the federal vessels. Flag- 
officer Goldsborough announced this success in 
the following despatch, enclosing the brief re- 
port of Commander Rowan : — 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 459 


“Sir: Just as I closed my despatch to you 
yesterday, I received reliable information that 
the rebel steamers which escaped had gone to 
Elizabeth City. I immediately ordered Com- 
mander Rowan to take thirteen of our steamers 
and go in pursuit; also to deploy up the North 
River, a link of the Albemarle and Chesapeake 
Canal. He dashed off with a whole heart at 
_ his work, and the way he has already accom- 
plished the first part of it his preliminary 
report will inform you. I have decided to send 
the Stars and Stripes to Hampton Roads to- 
morrow for ammunition. Mr. Van Brunt, my 
secretary, will deliver the despatches and two 
rebel flags to you. 

“ J. M. GoupsBorovaeu.” 
«To Hon. Gipzon WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.” 


‘6 STEAMER DELAWARE, 
‘¢ Orr EvizABetu Crry, Fed. 10. 


-“T have the happiness to report that I met 
the enemy off this place at nine o’clock this 
morning. After a very sharp engagement we 
succeeded in destroying and capturing his entire 
naval force, and silencing and destroying his 
battery on Cobb’s Point. The only vessel 
saved from destruction is the steamer Ellis, 
Captain Cook, who is wounded, and with the 
other prisoners. 

“T am happy to say that our casualties are 
few.. Two or three were killed and about the 
same number wounded. I send the steamer 
Ellis to you under command of Acting Master 
Chase, whom I hope you will confirm in the 
command. 

“The conduct of the gallant men I have the 
honor to command is worthy of all praise. 

“Tam happy to say that none of our vessels 
were severely injured. 

“I shall leave a small force here and visit 
the canals, to take a look into other places, 
before I return. 

“Your obedient servant, 
“J.C. Rowan.” 


CHAPTER LX. 


Active Military Operations. — Policy of the Administration. — 
Order of the President. — Movements at the West. — Rebel 
Position at Columbus and Bowling Green. — Movement 
against Fort Henry.— Military Dispositions. — Advance of the 
Gunboats. — The attack and the Battle. —The Fort surren- 
dered. — Report of Flag-Officer Foote. — Expedition up the 
Tennessee. — Destruction of Rebel Boats and Property. — 
Federal Gunboats at Florence, Alabama. — Union Sentiment 
among the People. — Lieutenant Phelps’s official Report of 
the Expedition. 


Soon after the departure of General Burn- 
side’s expedition to North Carolina there were 
indications that active movements were to be 
made in other quarters, and that in the spring 
there would be an advance against the rebels 
from all directions. The people, hardly yet 
realizing the magnitude of the work before 
them, had become more and more impatient of 
the long comparative inactivity, and demanded 
every where an aggressive policy. The sailing 
of General Burnside’s expedition encouraged.the 
belief that the long delay and the extensive 
preparations were ended, and even before the 
first success of this expedition had cheered the 
hearts of the loyal people, a campaign more 
stirring, if not more important, had opened at 
the west. 

The administration had determined to re- 
spond to the call of the people for a vigorous 
prosecution of the war, and the accession of 
Mr. Stanton to the war department was fol- 
lowed by a more active and energetic conduct 
of military affairs. A general plan of opera- 
tions was adopted, and in the latter part of 
January the President, for the purpose of car- 
rying it into effect, issued the following order: 


‘s EXECUTIVE MANSION, 
‘©WASHINGTON, January 22, 1862. 


“Ordered, that the 22d day of February, 
1862, be the day for the general movement of 
the land and naval forces of the United States 
against the insurgent forces; that especially 


sx 


460 


the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the 
army of the Potomac, the army of Western 
Virginia, the army near Munfordsville, Ken- 
tucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a 
naval force in the Gulf of Mexico, be ready for 
a movement on that day; and that all the 
other forces, both land and naval, with their 
respective commanders, obey existing orders 
for the time, and be ready to obey additional 
orders when duly given; that thé heads of 
departments, and especially the Secretaries of 
War and the Navy, with all their subordinates, 
and the General-in-Chief, with all other subordi- 
nates of the land and naval forces, will sever- 
ally be held to their strict and full responsibil- 
ities for the prompt execution of this order. 

“ ABRAHAM LINCOLN.” 


At the West, at least, the preparations for 
active operations were already in an advanced 
state, and before the time named in the Presi- 
dent’s order the army and flotilla at Cairo, the 
army at Munfordsville, and the army in Mis- 
souri, were ready for the campaign. 


whom these armies were to act, made it neces- 
sary to open the campaign at an early day. 


The army in the vicinity of Cairo belonged to. 


the department of General Halleck, but was 
under the immediate command of Major-Gen- 
eral U. S. Grant, and the flotilla was com- 
manded by Flag-Officer A. H. Foote, under 
whose direction and vigorous management this 
formidable branch of the service had been 
prepared. The army near’ Munfordsville was 
under the command of Major-General D- C. 
Buell. The strong positions of the rebels in 
Kentucky were at Bowling Green, where they 
posted in formidable works, at Columbus on 
the Mississippi River, a position of great 
strength by nature and elaborately fortified, at 
Fort Donelson on the Cumberland River, and 
at Fort Henry on the Tennessee River. The 
army of General Buell was to operate against 


The posi- | 
tion and movements of the rebel forces, against | 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the enemy near Bowling Green, and the forces 
of General Grant, with the gunboats under 
Flag-Officer Foote, were to move against the 
rebel positions in Western Kentucky. 

The rebel position at Columbus, which com- 
manded the Mississippi, and until reduced 
would prevent any movement down that river, 
was a very strong one, and presented obstacles 
which it would be difficult to overcome in a 
direct attack upon the place. The gunboats 
had several times approached Columbus and 
exchanged shots with the forts at long range, 
and with several rebel gunboats which were 
stationed in the vicinity. A reconnoisance in 
force had also been made by the army, but if a 
direct attack upon the stronghold was contem- 
plated, a strategical movement which should. 
more easily accomplish the object, the opening 
of the Mississippi at this point, was finally 
determined upon. This was an advance against 


| Forts Henry and Donelson, by which the fed- 


eral army could reach the rear of the rebel 
forces at Columbus, so that they would be 
compelled to evacuate that position or be ex- 
posed to a more disadvantageous attack, their 
communication with the heavier forces at Bow- 
ling Green being cut off 

The first movement was up the Tennessee 
River against Fort Henry, which was con- 
structed on the right bank of that river, about 
seventy miles from the Ohio and near the north- 
ern boundary of Tennessee. It was erected to 
protect the railroad which crosses the river a 
few miles above, by which the rebels kept open 
their communications between their forces in 
Western Kentucky and their base in Tennessee. 
The fort was a well constructed earthwork, 
mounted with twenty guns and several mortars, 
and though not protected by bomb proofs, was 
considered by the rebel officers as sufficiently 
strong for its purpose. It was not, however, 
calculated to withstand a bombardment from 
the, heavily armed gunboats of the federal 
flotilla, and it would seem that the rebel officers 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


had hardly contemplated such an attack. Two 
or three light-armed steamers, which they had 
upon the river, they evidently supposed would 
be sufficient, in conjunction with the fort, to 
repel any federal force which should be sent in 
this direction. They were not then aware of 
the efficiency of the flotilla which had been 
prepared by the federal government, several 
of the boats of which were partially iron clad, 
and all of them well armed. 

The movement was kept a secret more suc- 
eessfully than some previous federal expedi- 
tions, and the real point of attack for which 
the preparations were being made did not ap- 
pear to the enemy until the attacking force 
was well on its way. On the 3d of February 
a force of ten thousand men was embarked 
on board of transports at Cairo and Paducah, 
and under convoy of four iron clad gunboats 
and three others, proceeded up the Tennessee 
River. On the 5th the transports remained at 
a point about ten miles below Fort Henry, 
while a portion of the gunboats proceeded up 
the river slowly, shelling the woods as they 
went, in order to discover any concealed battery 
or camp of the rebels. The fire of the fort 
was at length drawn upon the boats, and the 
rebel position and the range of their guns were 
ascertained. The transports then proceeded to 
a point about four miles from the fort, where 
the troops disembarked and encamped for the 
night. On the morning of the 6th the land 
forces were divided into three columns, one 
being sent to take possession of the roads lead- 
ing east to Fort Donelson and Dover, in order 
to intercept reénforcements and to cut off the 
retreat of the garrison of Fort Henry and the 
forces in the camp near by; another to the 
west side of the river to take possession of the 
heights commanding the fort on that side; while 
the third was to be prepared for an assault on 
the enemy’s works, or to join the column first 
named, as occasion might require. The time 
assigned for the movement of the several 


461 


divisions was a comparatively late hour, all the 
troops not having arrived at the point of land- 
ing when the orders of General Grant were 
issued. The land forces, in consequence of this, 
did not take any part in the conflict of the day 
or share in the honor of the victory. 

The gunboats moved up the river at the ap- _ 
pointed time, and soon opened fire upon the 
fort, gradually approaching until they reached 
within six hundred yards of the rebel works. 
The guns of the fort were well manned, and 
replied to the fire from the gunboats rapidly 
and with some effect. A ball struck the boilers 
of the gunboat Essex, disabling the engine, and 
severely scalding the commander and a large 
number of the crew. The Essex was conse- 
quently obliged to drop down the river, while 
the other three armored boats continued the 
attack, supported at some distance by the 
wooden gunboats. The boats were repeatedly 
struck by thé shots from the fort, but sustained 
no material damage or loss of men, the shots 
falling almost harmless from the iron clad 
casemates. On the other hand the shot and 
shell from the boats, which were discharged 
with great rapidity and precision, evidently 
had a very damaging effect upon the fort. Its 
embankment was ploughed up, the sand bags 
and gabions with which its guns were protected 
were knocked in pieces, several of its guns were 
dismounted or damaged, and the shells bursting 
over the garrison, who were unprotected by case- 
mates, spread wounds and consternation among 
them. In anintrenched camp outside the fort a 
considerable part of the rebel force was posted. 
Some of the shot and shells from the boats falling 
in the midst of these troops, they scattered and 
fled, leaving their arms and equipments. The 
troops in the fort, however, were held to their 
work by the determination of their officers and 
by the guard stationed to prevent their escape. 
The defence of the fort was continued till there 
were but four guns which could be brought to 
bear upon the flotilla, and as the fire of the 


462 
latter became more and more damaging as the 
boats came within three or four hundred yards, 
the rebel commander, General Tilghman, con- 
sidered a further contest useless, and the flag 
was. lowered. The firing immediately ceased, 
and in one hour and a quarter from the com- 
mencement of the bombardment the victory 
was won by the flotilla, the federal land forces 
not yet having reached the poe to which 
they were ordered, on account of the bad con- 
dition of the roads and the high water of the 
streams. A boat was sent ashore, and the 
national flag was soon raised over the captured 
fort, amid the most enthusiastic cheers of the 
crews of the gunboats. After a brief parley 
General Tilghman surrendered, with the garri- 
son, to Flag-Officer Foote, all his other troops, 
except a few stragglers afterwards picked up, 
having escaped. When the troops of General 
Grant at last arrived at the fort, the works and 
the prisoners were transferred to him, and dis- 
positions were at once made to hold the post, 
the loss of which was a serious damage to the 
rebels, and opened a passage through their 
line of fortifications to the rear of some of 
their important positions. 

The following is the official report of Flag- 
Officer Foote in relation to this engagement 
and victory : — 

Sa «Carro, Inu., Feb. 7, 1862. 

“Str: I have the honor to report that on the 
6th inst., at 124 o’clock, P. M., I made an attack 
on Fort Henry, on the Tennessee River, with 
the iron clad gunboats Cincinnati, Commander 
Stembel, the flag-ship, the Essex, Commander 
Porter, the Carondolet, Commander Walker, 
and the St. Louis, Lieutenant Spaulding ; also 
taking with me the three old gunboats Con- 
estoga, Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps, the 
Tyler, Lieutenant-Commanding Gwin, and the 
Lexington, Lieutenant-Commanding Shirk, as 
a second division, in command of ‘Lieutenant- 
Commanding Phelps, which took a position 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


astern and in shore of the armed boats, doing 
good execution there in the action, while the 
armed boats were placed in the first order of 
steaming, approaching the fort in a parallel 
line. 

“The fire was opened at seventeen hundred 
yards distance from the flag-ship, which was 
followed by the other gunboats, and responded 
to by the fort. As we approached the fort, 
slow steaming till we reached within six hun- 
dred yards of the rebel batteries, the fire from 
both gunboats and fort increased in rapidity 
and aceuracy of range. At twenty minutes 
before the flag was struck, the Essex unfortu- 
nately received a shot in her boilers, which 
resulted in the wounding and scalding of 
twenty-nine officers and men, including Com- 
mander Porter, as will be seen in the enclosed 
list of casualties. The Essex then necessarily 
dropped out of the line astern, entirely disa- 
bled, and unable to continue the fight in which 
she had so gallantly participated until the sad 
catastrophe. | 

“The firing continued with unabated rapidity 
and effect upon the three gunboats as they 
continued still to approach the fort with their 
destructive fire, until the rebel flag was hauled 
down, after a very severe and closely contested 
action of one hour and fifteen minutes. 

“ A boat containing the adjutant-general and ~ 
the captain of engineers came alongside after 
the flag was lowered, and reported that General 
Lloyd Tilghman, the commander of the fort, 
wished to communicate with the flag-officer, 
when I despatched Commander Stembel and 
Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps, with orders to 
hoist the American flag where the secession 
ensign had been flying, and to inform General 
Tilghman that I would see him on board the 
flag-ship. He came on board soon after the 
Union had been substituted for the rebel flag 
on the fort, and possession taken of it. I re- 
ceived the general and his staff and some sixty 
or seventy men as prisoners, and a hospital 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ship containing sixty invalids, together with 
the fort and its effects, mounting twenty guns, 
mostly of heavy calibre, with barracks and 
tents capable of accommodating fifteen thou- 
sand men, and sundry articles which, as I turned 
the fort and its effects over to General Grant, 
commanding the army, on his arrival in an hour 
after we had made the capture, he will be enabled 
to give the government a more correct state- 
ment of them than I am enabled to communicate 
from the short time I had possession of the 
fort. 

“The plan of attack, so far as the army reach- 
ing the rear of the fort to make a demonstra- 
tion simultaneously with the navy, was frus- 
trated by the excessively muddy roads and the 
high. stage of water, preventing the arrival of 
our troops until sometime after I had taken 
possession of the fort. 

“On securing the prisoners and making the 
necessary preliminary arrangements, I de- 
spatched Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps with 
his division up the Tennessee River, as I had 
previously directed, and as will be seen in the 
enclosed orders to him, to remove the rails and 
so far render the bridge of the railroad for 
transportation and communication between 
Bowling Green and Columbus useless, and 
afterwards to pursue the rebel gunboats and 
secure their capture if possible. This being 
accomplished, and the army in possession of 
the fort, and my services being indispensable 
at Cairo, I left Fort Henry in the evening of 
the same day, with the Cincinnati, Essex, and 
St. Louis, and arrived here this morning. 

“The armed gunboats resisted effectually the 
shot of the enemy when striking the casemate. 
The Cincinnati, flag-ship, received thirty-one 
shots, the Essex fifteen, and the Carondolet six, 
killing one and wounding nine in the Cincin- 
nati, and one in the Essex, while the casualties 
in the latter from steam amounted to twenty- 
eight in number. The Carondolet and St. 


463 


were admirably handled by the officers, pre- 
senting only their bow guns to the enemy, to 
avoid the exposure of the vulnerable parts of 
their vessels. 

“Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps, with his 
division, also executed my orders very effect- 
ually, and promptly proceeded up the river in 
their further execution after the capture of 
the fort. In fact, all the officers and men gal- 
lantly performed their duty, and considering 
the little experience they Wave had under fire, 
far more than realized my expectations. 

“Fort Henry was defended with the most 
determined gallantry by General Tilghman, 
worthy of a better cause, who, from his own 
account, went into action with eleven guns of 
heavy calibre bearing upon our boats, which 
fought until seven of the number were disman- 
tled or otherwise rendered useless. 

“T have the honor to be, very respectfully, 

“ Your obedient servant, 
“A, H. Foors, Flag- Officer. 


‘‘To Hon. GipEon WELLS, Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.”’ 


General Grant in his official report to Gen- 
eral Halleck, stated that he believed the rebel 
forces must have commenced a retreat from 
their camp the night previous to the attack on 
Fort Henry, or early in the morning of that 
day. The probability, however, is, that they 
hastily fled when they found that the attack 
was too powerful for the fort to withstand. 
General Grant’s purpose was, had he not felt it 
an imperative necessity to attack the fort that 
day, to have invested the fort completely be- 
fore opening the attack, so as to secure the 
capture of the whole rebel force. But it was 
not probable that the result would have been 
different, or the victory more decisive or advan- 
tageous to the federal cause. 

Fort Henry having been taken, Flag-Officer 
Foote sent three of his gunboats up the river 
for the purpose of destroying the railroad 


Louis met with no casualties. The steamers|| bridge on the line of rebel communication, and® 


464 


the rebel steamers, and to make a reconnois- 
sance into the state of Tennessee. These boats, 
under command of Lieutenant Phelps, accom- 
plished the object for which they were de- 
spatched very successfully. Having passed and 
destroyed the railroad bridge, with some camp 
equipage in the vicinity, Lieutenant Phelps 
gaye chase to several steamers loaded with 
military stores, and after a pursuit of some 
hours compelled the crews to abandon and 
burn them. One Of the boats had on board 
several submarine batteries or “ torpedoes,” 
intended to be sunk in the river for the de- 
struction of the federal boats, and another was 
loaded with a large quantity of powder and 
other ordnance stores. These caused a fearful 
explosion, which completely destroyed the 


boats and a dwelling house near by, while the 


woods upon the banks of the river for a long 
distance were cut and torn as if by a heavy 
cannonade. Proceeding up the river the ex- 
pedition destroyed other boats, one of which 
was being prepared for a gunboat, and con- 
tinued its course as far as Florence, Alabama, 
the head of navigation, where the rebels de- 
stroyed other of their boats upon the approach 
of the federal gunboats. Every where along 
the banks of the river they found loyal Union 
men, who hailed with joy the flag of their 
country, and numbers expressed a desire to 
join the federal forces. The most gratifying 
result of the expedition was the discovery of 
so strong and so general a sentiment of loyalty 
among the people in this portion of the re- 
volted states. The following report of Lieuten- 
ant Phelps gives an interesting account of the 
expedition, and of the development of this 
loyal sentiment : 


‘““Unrrtep States GuNBOAT CoNESTOGA, 
‘‘ TENNESSEE River, Feb. 10, 1862. 


“Sir: Soon after the surrender of Fort Henry 
on the 6th instant, I proceeded, in obedience 
to your order, up the Tennessee River with 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the Tyler, Lieutenant-Commanding Gwin, Lex- 
ington, Lieutenant-Commanding Shirk, and this 
vessel, forming a division of the flotilla, and 
arrived after dark at the railroad crossing, 
twenty-five miles above the fort, having on the 
way destroyed a small amount of camp equi- 
page abandoned by the flying rebels. The draw 
of the bridge was found closed and the ma- 
chinery for turning it disabled. About half a 
mile above were several rebel transport steam- 
ers escaping up stream. 

“A party was landed, and in one hour I had 
the satisfaction to see the draw open. The 
Tyler, being the slowest of the gunboats, 
Lieutenant-Commanding Gwin landed a force 
to destroy a portion of the railroad track, and 
to secure such military stores as might be 
found, while I directed Lieutenant-Command- 
ing Shirk to follow me with all speed in chase 
of the fleeing boats. In five hours this boat 
succeeded in forcing the rebels to abandon and 
burn those of their boats loaded with military 
stores. The first one fired (Samuel Orr) had 
on board a quantity of submarine batteries, 
which very soon exploded. The second one 
was freighted with powder, cannon, shot, grape, 
balls, &. Fearing an explosion from the fired 
boats — there were two together—I had 
stopped at a distance of one thousand yards; 
but even there our skylights were broken by 
the concugsion, the light upper deck was raised 
bodily, doors were forced open, and locks and 
fastenings every where broken. 

“The whole river for half a mile round about 
was completely “beaten up” by the falling 
fragments, and the shower of shot, grape, balls, 
&c. The house of a reported Union man was 
blown to pieces, and it is suspected there was 
design in landing the boats in front of the 
doomed house. The Lexington having fallen 
behind, and being without a pilot on board, I 
concluded to wait for both of the boats to come 
up., Joined by them we proceeded up the 
river. Lieutenant-Commanding Gwin had de- 


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“ 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


stroyed somé of the trestle work of the end 
of the bridge, burning with them lots of camp 
equipage. J.N. Brown, formerly a lieutenant 
in the navy, now signing himself C. 8. N., had 
fled with such precipitation as to leave his 
papers behind. These Lieutenant-Commanding 
Gwin brought away, and I send them to you, 
as they give an Official history of the rebel 
floating preparations on the Mississippi, Cum- 
berland, and Tennessee. Lieutenant Brown 
had charge of the construction of gunboats. 

“At night on the 7th we arrived at a landing 
in Hardin county, Tennessee, known as Cerro 
Gordo, where we found the steamer Eastport 
' being converted into a gunboat. Armed boat 
crews were immediately sent on board, and 
search made for means of destruction that 
might have been devised. She had been scut- 
tled, and the suction pipes broken. These 
leaks were soon stopped, A number of rifle 
shots were fired: at our vessels, but a couple of 
shells dispersed the rebels. On examination I 
found that there were large quantities of timber 
and lumber prepared for fitting up the Kast- 
port; that the vessel itself—some two hun- 
dred and eighty feet long — was in excellent 
condition and already half finished ; considera- 
ble of the plating designed for her was lying 
on the bank, and every thing at hand to com- 
plete her. I therefore directed Lieutenant- 
Commanding Gwin to remain with the Tyler 
to guard the prize and to load the lumber, &e., 
while the Lexington and Conestoga should pro- 
ceed still higher up. 

“Soon after daylight on the 8th we passed 
Eastport, Mississippi, and at Chickasaw, further 
up near the state line, seized two steamers, the 
Sallie Wood and Muscle — the former laid up 
and the latter freighted with iron — destined 
for Richmond and for rebel use. We then pro- 
ceeded on up the river, entering the state of 
Alabama, and ascending to Florence at the foot 
of the Muscle Shoals. On coming in sight of 
the town three steamers were discovered, which 

59 


465 


were immediately set on fire by the rebels. 
Some shots were fired from the opposite side 
of the river below. A force was landed, and 
considerable quantities of supplies marked 
‘Fort Henry, were secured from the burning 
wrecks. Some had been landed and stored. 
These I seized, putting such as we could bring 
away on our vessels, and destroying the remain- 
der. No flats or other craft could be found. I 
found, also, more of the iron and plating in- 
tended for thé Eastport. 

“ A deputation of citizens of Florence waited 
upon me, first desiring that they might be 
made able to quiet the fears of their wives and 
daughters with assurances from me that they 
would not be molested ; and secondly, praying 
that I would not destroy their railroad bridge. 
As for the first, I told them we were neither 
ruffians nor savages, and that we were there to 
protect from violence and to enforce the law; 
and with reference to the second, that if the 
bridge were away we could ascend no higher, 
and that it could possess no military impor- 
tance, so far as I saw, as it simply connected 
Florence itself with the railroad on the south 
bank of the river. » | 

“We had seized three of their steamers, one 
the half-finished gunboat, and had forced the 
rebels to burn six others loaded with supplies, 
and their loss, with that of the freight, is a 
heavy blow to the enemy. Two boats are still’ 
known to be on the Tennessee, and are doubt- 
less hidden in some of the creeks, where we 
shall be able to find them when there is time 
for the search. We returned on the night of 
the 8th to where the Eastport lay. The crew 
of the Tyler had already gotten on board of 
the prize an immense amount of lumber, &e. 
The crews of the three boats set to work to 
finish the undertaking, and we have brought 
away probably two hundred and fifty thousand 
feet of the best quality of ship and. building 
lumber, all the iron, machinery, spikes, plating, 
nails, &c., belonging to the rebel gunboats, and 


466 HISTORY OF THE 


I caused the mill: to be destroyed where the 
lumber had been sawed. 

“TLieutenant-Commanding Gwin had in our 
absence enlisted some twenty-five T’ennesseeans, 
who gave information of the encampment of 
Colonel Drew’s rebel regiment at Savannah, 
Tennessee. A portion of the six or seven 
hundred men were known to be * pressed” 
men, and all were badly armed. After consulta- 
tion with Lieutenants-Commanding Gwin and 
Shirk, I determined to make a land attack upon 
the encampment. Lieutenant-Commanding 
Shirk, with thirty riflemen, came on board the 
Conestoga, leaving his vessel to guard the 
Eastport, and accompanied by the Tyler we 
preceeded up to that place, prepared to land 
one hundred and thirty riflemen and a twelve- 
pounder rifle howitzer. Lieutenant-Commander 
Gwin took command of this force when landed, 
but had the mortification to find the camp de- 
serted. 

“The rebels had fled at one o’clock in the 
night, leaving considerable quantities of arms, 
clothing, shoes, camp utensils, provisions, im- 
plements, &c., all of which were secured or 
destroyed, and their winter quarters of log 
huts were burned. I seized also a large mail 
bag, and send you the letters giving military 
information. The gunboats were then dropped 
down to a point where arms, gathered under 
the rebel “press law,” had been stored, and an 
armed party under Second-Master Goudy, of 
the Tyler, succeeded in seizing about seventy 
rifles and fowling pieces. Returning to Cerro 
Gordo we took the Eastport, Sallie Wood, and 
Muscle in tow, and came down the river to the 
railroad crossing. The Muscle sprang a leak, 
and all efforts failing to prevent her sinking, 
we were forced to abandon her, and with her a 
considerable quantity of fine lumber. We are 
having trouble in getting through the draw of 
the bridge here. 

“T now come to the, to me, most interesting 
portion of this report — one which has already 


UNITED STATES. 


become lengthy; but I must trust you -will 
find some excuse for this in the fact that it 
embraces a history of labors and movements, 
day and night, from the 6th to the 10th of the 
month, all of which details I deem it proper to 
give you. We have met with the most grati- 
fying proofs of loyalty every where across Ten- 
nessee and in the portions ‘of Mississippi and 
Alabama we visited. Most affecting instances 
greeted us almost hourly. Men, women, and 
children several times gathered in crowds of 
hundreds, shouted their welcome, and _ hailed 
their national flag with an enthusiasm~there 
was no mistaking ; it was genuine and heart- 
felt. ‘Those people braved every thingy to go * 
to the river bank, where a sight of their flag 
might once more be enjoyed, and they have 
experienced, as they related, every possible 
form of persecution. Tears flowed freely down 
the cheeks of men ag well as of women, and 
there were those who had fought under the 
stars and stripes at Moultrie who in this man- 
ner testified to their joy. 

“This display of feeling and sense of glad- 
ness at our success, and the hopes it created in 
the breasts of so many people in the heart of 
the confederacy, astonished us not a little, and 
I assure you, sir, I would not have failed to 
witness it for any consideration. I trust it 
has given us all a higher sense of the sacred 
character of our present duties. I was assured 
ab Savannah that of the several hundred troops 
there, more than one half, had we gone to the 
attack in time, would have hailed us as deliv- 
erers, and gladly enlisted with the national 
force. : 
“In Tennessee the people generally, in their 
enthusiasm, braved secessionists, and spoke 


|their views freely, but in Mississippi and Ala- 


bama what was said was guarded. ‘If we 
dared express ourselves freely, you would hear 
such a shout greeting your coming as you 
never heard’ ‘We know there are many 
Unionists among us, but a reign of terror makes 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


us afraid of our shadows. We were told, too, 
‘Bring usa small, organized force, with arms 
and ammunition for us, and we can maintain 
our position, and put down rebellion in our 
midst’ There were, it is true, whole commu- 
nities who, on our approach, fled to the woods, 
but these were where there was less of the 
loyal element, and where the fleeing steamers 
in advance had spread#tales of our coming 
with firebrands, burning, destroying, ravishing, 
and plundering. 
“The crews of these vessels have had avery 
laborious time, but have evinced a spirit in the 
work highly creditable to them. Lieutenants- 
Commanding Gwin and Shirk have been un- 
tiring, and I owe to them and to their officers 
many obligations for our entire success. 
“Tam, respectfully, your obedient servant, 
“S. L. PHEtrs, 


“ Tieutenant-commanding, U. S. NN. 
«“ Flag-Officer A. H. Footn, U.S. N., 
“Commanding Naval Forces Western Waters.” 


CHAPTER: LXI. 


Movement against Fort Donelson. — Position of the Fort, and 
Strength of the Work.— Rebel Garrison.— Advance of 
General Grant’s Forces. — Preparations to invest the Fort. — 
Skirmishes. — Unsuccessful Assault.— Rebel Sortie. — Gun- 
boat Reconnoissance and Engagement. — Storm. — Exposure 
of Federal Troops. — Arrival of Reénforcements. — Attack 
by the Gunboats. —Heavy Bombardment. —The Louisville 
disabled. — Withdrawal of the Gunboats. — Extreme Cold. — 
Preparations for Battle. — Rebel Movement. — Desperate 
Assault on the Federal Right. — The Federal Troops driven 
back. —Loss of a Battery and Prisoners. — Rebel Advance 
checked. —The Federal Positions held by the Rebels on the 
Right.— Action of General Grant.— A general Assault. — 
Assault and gallant Charge by General Smith’s Troops. —"The 
Rebels driven from their Intrenchments. — Assault on the 
Right by, General Lew. Wallace.— Brilliant Success. — The 
lost Ground regained.— Discouragement of the Rebels. — 
Transfer of Commands and Escape of Floyd and Pillow. — 
The Surrender. — Fruits of the Victory. 


Arter the capture of Fort Henry, additional 
federal forces were sent to that point, and Gen- 
eral Grant made preparations to move against 
the stronger and more important rebel position | 


46 


at Fort Donelson, near the small town of Dover, 
on the Cumberland River, and about twelve 
miles east of Fort Henry. Before his entire 
command had arrived at the latter place, Gen- 
eral Grant ordered a part of it, about eight 
thousand men, who were on the way up the 
Tennessee River in transports, to return down 
the river, and then proceed up the Cumberland, 
convoyed by the gunboats, to a point a few 
miles below Fort Donelson. With about fifteen 
thousand men and some sixteen batteries of 
artillery, he then marched from Fort Henry, on 
the 12th of February, across the country, to 
attack the rebel stronghold, arranging his plans 
so that the troops sent by the boats should 
land at about the same time that he brought 
the others into position for the intended attack. 
The weather was mild and pleasant, and the 
roads were in excellent condition for the season, 
so that the several columns in which the army 
moved made good progress, and met with no 
obstacles or inconveniences to dampen the 
ardor and confidence of victory with which 
they entered upon the campaign. 

Fort Donelson was a position of great 
strength. As the key to the Cumberland 
River, by which, during the high stages of the 
water, the federal forces and the gunboats, 
which had already created a salutary fear among 
the rebels of the west, could advance into the 
heart of Tennessee, the rebel generals had 
expended much labor and skill in attempting 
to make it impregnable. At a slight bend in 
the river, a short distance below Dover, they 
had constructed two water batteries nearly 
down to the water’s edge, one of which was 
mounted with nine heavy guns and the other 
with three, all of which commanded the river 
for a long distance. These guns were pro- 
tected by breastworks of great thickness, and 
were in such a favorable position that they 
were considered by the rebel officers as capable 
of preventing the advance of any gunboats or 
transports that might attempt to ascend the 


468 


river. 
the river rise rather abruptly, and, a mile below 
the village of Dover, form a bluff or hill about 
one hundred feet above the water, on which 
Fort Donelson itself was constructed. It was 
an irregular earthwork, which enclosed nearly 
a hundred acres. It contained only a very few 
heavy guns, but as the work was designed to 
protect a land force which should occupy this 
position, it could be defended by field artillery, 
both within the intrenchments, in the outworks, 
and upon the natural ridges, by which the sur- 
face west of the fort is broken. Immediately 
around the fort the timber was cleared so as to 
expose any storming party to the unobstructed 
fire of the rebel guns. Beyond this clearing 
were woods, which at the west of the fort had 
been cut down in some places and formed into 
formidable abatis. These abatis rendered an 
advance upon that side exceedingly difficult 
and dangerous, but were also found an obstruc- 
tion to the movement of the rebels themselves. 
Still beyond the abatis, and nearly a mile from 
the fort, rifle pits, with occasional breastworks, 
extended along the top of high ridges almost 
entirely around the position, from the river 
bank above the village nearly to the river again 
a mile below the fort. 

Within these works there were about eigh- 
teen thousand rebel troops, under command of 
Generals Floyd, Pillow, Buckner, and Bushrod 
Johnson, well supplied with field artillery in 
addition to the heavy guns of the fort and bat- 
teries. Upon the surrender of Fort Henry 
reénforcements had been hurried from Bowling 
Green to assist in defending and holding this 
point of vital importance for the safety of re- 
bellion in Tennessee, and, if occasion offered, 
to recapture Fort Henry. With this force it 
was confidently expected that any federal force 
which could be brought against the position 
would be repulsed and defeated. The event, 
however, proved that the plans of the federal 
commander, and the numbers and bravery of 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
Back of these batteries the banks of | 


STATES. 


his troops, were too formidable for the strength 
of the rebel position, the skill of their officers, 
or the courage and dash of their soldiers. 

The country west of the fort, through which 
the army of General Grant advanced, is undu- 
lating and thickly wooded, the hills varying in 
height from one hundred to three hundred feet, 
and separated by narrow valleys and ravines. 
Through this countryy which was carefully ex- 
amined by the advance, General Grant’s forces 
approached the fort to a point where it was 
necessary to form for the attack, about two 
miles from the fort. The enemy’s pickets had 
already been met as the columns advanced, and 
compelled to retire, but the nature of the 
ground afforded opportunities for them to an- 
noy seriously the federal troops as they moved 
forward from, one ridge to another. As the 
several brigades arrived at the front, they were 
moved to the right and left, until the whole 
army was disposed in a line, the extremities of 
which were to be gradually advanced towards 
the river, thus investing the rebel position. 


‘The right wing, which extended towards the 


river on the south of the fort, was commanded 
by General McClernand, and the left, which was 
towards the western and north-western sides 
of the fortifications, was under the command 
of General Smith. The evening of the day 
on which the troops had moved from Fort 
Henry saw this general disposition of them made, 
te officers in command of the two wings being 
instructed to place the artillery in position, and 
to advance their forces the next morning 
towards the river, on the south and north of 
the fort. In this position the federal troops 
lay upon their arms during the night. They 
had brought no tents and camp equipage, and 
were obliged to content themselves with cold 
rations and the cover of a blanket only. This 
night was mild and pleasant, and in the antici- 
pation of a sharp battle on the morrow, and 
the, hopes of victory, discomforts like these 
were of little account. Subsequent nights, 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN'’S ADMINISTRATION. 


however, when warm weather was succeeded 
by a snow storm and piercing cold, the brave 
troops suffered intensely. 

The morning of the 13th was clear and 
pleasant, and with the dawn the skirmishers 
were sent forward into the valley and ravines | 
before the rebel intrenchments, and the artil- 
lery, which had been posted on the hills, opened 
a slow fire upon the distant camp of the enemy, 
and upon such points as appeared to be held 
by rebel troops. The response of the rebel 
artillery gradually revealed the position of 
of their works, 
which were found to be more formidable than 
the federal officers had anticipated. But the 
plan determined upon was carried out. On the 
right the brigades of General McClernand were 
moved forward in a series of reconnoissances, 
in which, with only slight skirmishes, the enemy 
retired from some of his advanced positions, 
and this wing was extended well towards the 
river above Dover. In the mean time a body 
of sharpshooters, who had been sent forward 
as skirmishers, had greatly annoyed the rebels 
whenever they showed themselves above their 
rifle pits and breastworks, and had _ effectually 
silenced a battery which had commanded a 
road by which the federal troops advanced. 
General Smith, on the left, had advanced his 
brigades in a similar manner, and by noon the 
line of his.forces was so far extended as nearly 
to complete the investment of the rebel position, 
and to be within easy .reach of the division 
which was to come up the Cumberland and land 
below the fort. 

In the afternoon of this day General McCler- 
nand ordered an assault upon a redoubt erected 
upon a high hill, which formed a part of the 
ridge along which the rebel outworks were 
constructed. Krom its commanding position, 
and the more open country in front of it, the 
battery in this redoubt had annoyed the federal 
troops as they advanced over the brow of a 
hill, unprotected by woods, and to carry this 


SEE 


469 


position would not only save further loss or 
interruption of that kind, but would give the 
federal forces one of the most advantageous 
positions for further movements against the 
enemy. Three regiments of Illinois troops, 
under command of Colonel Morrison, were 
detailed for this assault, and they advanced 
gallantly to the work in spite of a galling fire 
of musketry and artillery from the enemy. 
They had nearly reached the breastworks when 
Colonel Morrison fell, and his own regiment fell 
into some confusion. The others advanced, 
however, but found it impossible to pass through 
the abatis immediately in front of the works, 
and after a few discharges of musketry they 
were forced to retire, with considerable loss. 
The federal artillery prevented any pursuit by 
the rebel force, which had been concentrated 
at this point upon the indications of an assault. 
On the left wing the rebels were more bold, 
and made a sortie upon an Indiana regiment, 
which had got into an exposed position. This 
regiment resisted bravely until reénforced, when 
the enemy was in turn driven back. 

In the mean time the division of federal 
troops, which proceeded up the Cumberland 
River, and was expected to arrive at the land- 
ing place below Fort Donelson on the night of 
the 12th, had not. made its appearance. This 
delay caused some uneasiness, as the extensive 
circuit necessary to invest the fort required a, 
larger number of troops, and the codperation 
of the gunboats was desired to divide the at- 
tention of the enemy, and to weaken his bat- 
teries if they could not even destroy his works. 
But in the afternoon of the 13th the Caron- 
dolet, an iron-clad gunboat, which had sailed in 
advance of the other vessels, arrived below the 
fort, and her commander immediately proceeded 
to make a reconnoissance. Taking a position 
somewhat protected by a slight promontory 
jutting out from the bank of the river, the 
Carondolet opened fire upon the water batteries 
of the fort. ‘Mhese batteries replied with all 


"470 


their guns, making a very unequal contest for 
the gunboat, but the latter was damaged by 
only one shot, which wounded several men, 
and after discharging a hundred shots, some 
of which seriously damaged the batteries, with- 
drew to await the arrival of the other gunboats. 

This closed the operations of Thursday, the 
13th. The federal forces had gradually .ad- 
vanced and extended their lines, and though 
they had gained no decided advantage in a 
contest with the enemy, they had obtained po- 
sitions from which future movements could be 
advantageously made. The night of the.13th 
was cold and stormy. The weather had thus 
far been very mild and pleasant, but towards 
evening on this day the air grew cold and rain 
commenced falling, which was succeeded by a 
severe snow storm. The federal troops lay 
upon their arms in the positions to which they 
had been brought during the day, without tents 
or shelter save such as the leafless trees afforded. 
Many of them during the warm weather of the 
morning had laid aside their overcoats and 
blankets, which were now left in the rear, and 
suffered intensely from exposure to the cold 
and storm. During the night the rebels made 
a sortie against one of the positions of the 
right wing, attempting to capture a battery 
which had during the afternoon seriously 
troubled them. The federal troops, however, 
notwithstanding their fatigue and suffering 
from cold, met the assailants and drove them 
back. 

On the morning of the 14th the earth was 
covered with snow and ice, and the air was un- 
usually cold for that part of the country. The 
unfavorable condition of the ground, and the 
discomfort of the troops, were sufficient to 
delay immediate operations, while the landing 
of the reénforcements from the transports, 
which had-arrived during the night, rendered 
it expedient to wait till they had joined the 
main army, and the attack could thus be made 
more formidable. There wa therefore no 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


demonstration of hostilities by the land forces, 
beyond some slight skirmishing of the sharp- 
shooters in the advance, and an occasional dis- 
charge of artillery. On the river, however, 
the gunboats, which had come up with the 
transports, made a combined attack upon the 
fortifications. The attack was made, as at Fort 
Henry, by four iron-clad gunboats in advance, 
and three wooden gunboats at a safer distance, 
the flotilla being under the command of Flag- 
Officer Foote. A heavy bombardment ensued, 
in which the guns of the fort and of the water 
batteries repliedto the rapid fire of the boats. 
The cannonade for a time was terrific, as it 
echoed among the hills along the banks of the 
river, and in apparent. fierceness greatly ex- 
ceeded that at Fort Henry, but with less effect 
against the fortifications than in the attack on 
that work. Fort Donelson was too high for the 


guns of the boats to be used against it very 


successfully while in motion, but the shots were 
thrown at it with great perseverance and with 
some apparent effect, as some of its guns ceased 
to respond. ‘Against the water batteries a 
heavier fire was directed, with the prospect of 
soon silencing them. As the boats continued 
the engagement they slowly approached the 
fortifications, and they had already got within 
about four hundred yards, and could soon have 
used grape shot to drive the rebel gunners 
from their works, when a shot disabled the 
steering apparatus of the Louisville, and a 
chance shot from one of the wooden boats in 
the rear destroyed her rudder, so that she be- 
came unmanageable, and as she swune round 
in the current received further damage from 
the rebel guns. This mischance deranged the 
plans for the attack, and the gunboats soon 
withdrew in order to repair damages, after an 
engagement of two hours, during which the 
Louisville lost six killed and eight or ten 
wounded, and a few were wounded on the other 
boats..' The damage to the vessels, except the 
Louisville, was inconsiderable, and the officers 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


and men were anxious to renew the attack, 
confident that they would be successful. 

The night following was exceedingly cold, 
and the troops again suffered intensely. But 
the dispositions were made for the battle on the 
morrow, which it was hoped would be decisive, 
and, notwithstanding their sufferings, the sol- 
diers were ready and eager to enter the con- 
flict. The morning was cold and cheerless, 
and gave promise of a stormy day. The 
chilled troops had hardly partaken of their 
cold rations when the gray dawn revealed the 
fact that the rebels also had been making a 
new disposition of their forces, and had con- 
centrated a number of their batteries, and 
massed a large number of troops upon the 
extreme right of the federal lines. This move- 
ment was made with a view to drive back the 
right wing of the federal army,so as to open a 
passage by which the rebel forces could be 
withdrawn in case the attack should be suc- 
cessful at other points. As soon as it was 
sufficiently light these batteries opened a heavy 
fire upon Ogleby’s brigade of five regiments, 
which held the advance at this point, and im- 
mediately afterwards a force of eight or ten 
thousand infantry, as estimated by the federal 
officers, with a considerable cavalry force, ad- 
vanced from the rebel works against the brig- 
ade. The sally was unexpected, and the rebel 
troops advanced with great impetuosity and 
determination. Their numbers seemed over- 
whelming, but the brave soldiers of Illinois, 
who composed the brigade, notwithstanding 
they were not adequately supported by artil- 
lery, stood their ground, and for a time held 
in check the greatly : ve numbers of the 
enemy, driving a portion of them back to their 
intrenchments. The rebel general, however, 
determined to make a desperate attempt here, 
and rapidly bringing up his troops, he forced 
back the gallant federal brigade, whose ammu- 
nition had been exhausted. Another brigade, 
under the command of Colonel W. H. L. Wal- 


471 


lace, then met the advancing enemy, and the 
fierce contest continued till this brigade, and 
still other troops, were dfiven back by the 
rebels in their powerful and determined attack. 
There was, however, no rout, and in most of. 
the regiments but little confusion. The federal 
troops fell back slowly, contesting every inch 
of ground, as the rebel General Pillow in his 
official report acknowledged, and it was only 
when the rebels swept on with continued suc- 
cess, and their ammunition was exhausted, that 
their retreat became at all hasty. The loss on 
both sides was large, and the rebels succeeded 
in capturing a battery of six guns and several 
hundred prisoners. The commander of the 
battery was unable, through loss of horses and 
the condition of the ground, to drag his guns 
away, and the prisoners who were captured 
were the wounded, and such as persistently stood 
their ground till they were actually surrounded 
by the enemy. 

But the rebel battalions which were advan- 
cing with so much success, elated with what they 
fancied was a victory, were at last stopped in 
their progress by some strongly posted and 
very skilfully managed batteries, supported by 
fresher troops. The fire from this artillery was 
rapid and effective, and with the musketry of 
its supporting force compelled the rebels, in 
their turn, to retire. They held, however, the 
position which had been occupied in the morn- 
ing by the federal troops on the right, and the 
battle for a time subsided, having continued 
from dawn till nearly noon. 
- General Grant had gone in the morning to 
the extreme left of his forces, on the river 
below the fort, to confer with Flag-Officer 
Foote, and this conflict had taken place during 
his absence. He had ascertained that a com- 
bined naval and military attack could not be 
made for two or three days, but he found upon 
his return that such delay, under existing ‘cir- 
cumstances, would either strengthen the rebels 
and demoralize his own forces, or would enable 


472 


the rebel force to escape by the ground where 
they had relieved themselves from investment. 
He must at least refrieve the lost ground, and 
again complete the investment of the rebel 
works. Accordingly preparations were at once 
made to regain, before night, all that had been 
lost since the morning. 

On the left General Smith had successfully 
disposed of his forces, and awaited the order 
for an attack upon his side. His troops had 
not yet been seriously engaged, with the ex- 
ception of a small portion of them, and they 
were eager to take part in the battle which 
had raged on their right. An attack on his 
side would create a diversion in favor of the 
right wing, and render it more easy to regain 
the lost positions. The attack was accordingly 
ordered, and with two brigades of troops from 
Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, and Missouri, he ad- 
vanced against the enemy’s position. The 
ridges upon which the rebels were posted in 
front of General Smith’s division were steep, 
and in some places precipitous, and’ to storm 
them was a difficult task in the face of a de- 
termined foe. But selecting three regiments 
for a storming party, the main body of his 
division was moved to occupy the attention of 
the enemy on the right, and when the latter 
had commenced a demonstration against the 
works in their front General Smith himself 
led the storming party up the steep ascent. 
They were met bya fierce fire of musketry 
and artillery, which opened gaps in their ranks ; 
but closing up as fast as their comrades fell, the 
soldiers followed their commander with enthu- 
siasm and daring. In excellent order they 
reached the top of the ridge, and opening with 
a volley, they then charged upon the rebel 
force with a shout of victory, and drove them 
back from their rifle pits and intrenchments in 
dismay. The position being thus gained, the 
storming party was at once supported by 
the other troops with artillery, and the line 
was held in such force that the rebels could 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


scarcely hope to dislodge them. The afternoon 
was now far advanced, and though the troops 
were eager to press forward, it was not deemed 
expedient to continue the attack until the 
right wing should also advance. The outer line 
of the enemy’s intrenchments had been carried, 
and the federal troops were in a position from 
which, with increased numbers, they could 
successfully storm the interior works on the 
morrow. 

While these movements were taking place 
on the left, preparations were made for an at- 
tack from the federal right, in order to regain 
the ground lost in the morning, and to again 
complete the investment of the rebel works. 
To General Lew. Wallace this work was in- 
trusted, and, with a part of his own brigade 
and several other regiments which had not 
been seriously engaged in the battle of the 
morning, he advanced towards the positions 
still held by astrong force of the enemy, though 
a part of the numbers which had driven back 
the federal line in the morning had been with- 
drawn. Just as General Wallace’s troops were 
about to commence the attack, the success of 
General Smith on the left was announced, and 
with an enthusiastic shout they dashed for- 
ward. . Commencing the engagement with 
volleys at long range, they moved rapidly for- 
ward in spite of the storm of shells and grape 
hurled at them by the rebel artillery. As soon 
as the regiments which were in advance had 
approached sufficiently near the rebel lines, 
they ceased firing and made a gallant charge, 
before which the enemy gave way and retired 
in confusion. Followed close by a strong sup- 
port, the advance ee pressed forward, 
driving the rebel regiments before them into 
their inner line of intrenchments, recapturing 
the battery abandoned in the morning, regain- 
ing the lost ground, and even a more advanced 
position. Here, too, as on the left, the officers 
and men elated with their success, were eager 
to continue the fight, and to storm the enemy’s 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


stronghold. But night was at hand, and con- 
fident that his troops were now in positions 
where they could keep the rebel forces in their 
fortifications, General Grant determined to give 
them rest, and to delay an assault until the 
next morning. Another night the troops lay 
upon their arms without shelter; but they were 
now confident of victory, and determined to 
avenge their fallen comrades whose bodies 
were found where they had fallen in the battle 
of the morning, and they were only anxious 
for the morrow, which should see their triumph, 
and end their privations. 


AL TROOPS 


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4, General McClernand’s Division. 
5. General Smith’s Division. 
D. Village of Dover. 


1, Water Batteries. 
2. Breastworks. 
3. Abatis. 


In the rebel intrenchments discouragement 
had succeeded the triumph of the morning. 
They had made a desperate and successful 


effort to relieve their position of investment, | 


60 


473 


and open a passage for retreat. But before 
they could avail themselves of their . hard- 
earned success, they were again driven back, 
and again encompassed, as they supposed by a 
greatly increased federal force, which was in a 
position, and ready, to make a final assault with 
overwhelming numbers. Their condition is 
thus described by General Pillow: “ We had 
fought this battle to open the way for our 
‘army and relieve us from investment, which 
would necessarily reduce us and the position 
by famine. We had occupied the whole day 
to accomplish our object, and before we could 
prepare to leave, after taking in the wounded 
and the dead, the enemy had thrown around 
us again in the night an immense force of fresh- 
troops, and re-occupied his original position in 
the line of investmegt, thus cutting off our 
retreat.” 

Under these circumstances the rebel gen- 
erals héld a council to determine what should 
be done. The impossibility of holding the 
works appears to have been admitted by all 
these officers, but they did not agree upon 
the course which should be pursued. General 
Buckner, who was in command of the position 
opposite General Smith’s forces, confessed that 
he could not hold it against the assault which 
would be made at dawn, and as there were not 
boats by which they could transport their 
troops up the river, he saw no other course 
than to surrender on such terms as could be 
obtained. Generals Floyd and Pillow were 
both the superiors of General Buckner in com- 
mand; but though they professed to be op- 
posed to a surrender, they did not exercise 
their right to order any different course. They 
could not but feel that a surrender was neces- 
sary either at once, or after a vain, and perhaps 
bloody struggle, but they were not willing to 
share in the disgrace, nor the direct responsi- 
bility of such an act. Accordingly, they went 
through the forms of transferring the command 


from Floyd to Pillow, and from Pillow to Buck- 


474 


ner, who was willing to act according to the |{ 


necessity of the case, and who, at least, exhib- 
ited more honor and humanity than his supe- 
riors, by standing with his subordinate officers 
and men, saving them from further sacrifice, 
and sharing with them the disgrace of a sur- 
render. General Floyd, with a part of his own 
troops, succeeded in retreating, by means of a 
transport, up the Cumberland in the night, 
taking with him two hundred federal pris- 
oners who had been captured the morning 
previous. General Pillow with his staff also 
escaped, and General Buckner was left in com- 
mand, to perform the unpleasant duty of capit- 
ulating. In relation to this unusual course of 
action on the part of the superior officers, 
General Pillow, in his official report to the rebel 
government, wrote as fqllows:— 

“In this condition the general officers held a 
consultation to determine what we should do. 
General Buckner gave it as his decided’ opinion 
that he could not hold his position .one half 
hour against an assault of the enemy, and said 
the enemy would attack him next morning at 
daylight. The proposition was then made by 
the undersigned to again fight our way through 
the enemy’s line, and cut our way out. Gen- 
eral Buckner said his command was so worn 
out, and cut to pieces, and demoralized, that he 
could not make another fight; that it would 
cost the command three quarters of its present 
number to cut its way through, and it was 
wrong to sacrifice three quarters of a command 
to save a quarter; that no officer had a right 
to cause such a sacrifice. General Floyd and 
Major Gilman I understood to concur in this 
opinion. 

“1 then expressed the opinion that we could 
hold out another day, and in that time we could 
get steamboats and set the command over the 
river, and probably save a large portion of it. 


To this General Buckner replied that the enemy | 
would certainly attack him at daylight, and that | 


he could not hold his position half an hour. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. | 


“The alternative of these propositions was a 
surrender of their position and command. Gen- 
eral Floyd said that he would neither surrender 
the command, nor would he surrender himself 
a prisoner. I had taken the same _ position. 
General Buckner said he was satisfied nothing 
else could be done, and that, therefore, he 
would surrender if placed in command. Gen- 
eral Floyd said he would turn over the com- 
mand to him if he could be allowed to with- ~ 
draw his command. To this General Buckner 
consented. Thereupon General Floyd turned 
the command over to me. I passed it instantly 
to General Buckner, saying I would neither 
surrender the command nor myself a prisoner. 
I directed Colonel Forrest to cut his way out. 
Under these circumstances General Buckner 
accepted the command, and sent a flag of truce 
to the enemy for an armistice of six hours, to 
negotiate for terms of capitulation. Before this 
flag and communication were delivered, I re- 
tired from the garrison.” 


It may be observed, in this connection, that 
the reports of Generals Pillow and Floyd were 
considered very unsatisfactory by the rebel 
government, and their conduct of affairs gen- 
erally for the defence of Fort Donelson, as well 
as their extraordinary action in transferring 
the command for the purposes of capitulating, 
were severely condemned by Mr. Davis, in his 
message transmitting the reports to the rebel 
congress. 

When the morning of Sunday, the 16th of 
February, dawned, the federal troops who were 
ready for, and were eagerly expecting the 
order for an assault upon the enemy’s works, 
but to their surprise a white flag was raised 
over the fort, and already a messenger had 
come from General Buckner, with a communi- 
cation for General Grant, proposing an armis- 
tice for the purpose of arranging the terms of 
capitulation. General Grant replied that no 
terms other than an unconditional and immedi- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ate surrender. could be accepted, and that he 
proposed to move immediately upon the rebel 
works. General Buckner accepted these terms, 
which he considered “ ungenerous and unchival- 
rous,” and the federal troops were soon moved 
forward to take possession of the fort, over 
which the national flag was raised, amid the 
shouts of victory from the federal troops. The 
rebel forces laid down their arms and surren- 
- dered as prisoners of war, and the most impor- 
tant and decisive victory of the war, thus far, 


was consummated by the capture of nearly} 


thirteen thousand prisoners, and the possession 
of a most important stronghold of the rebels. 
About fourteen thousand stand of small arms 
were taken, and upwards of forty pieces of 
artillery, the greater part of which consisted 
of field batteries. 
not won without a heavy loss on both sides. 
The federal loss was about two hundred and 
forty killed, one thousand and seventy-five 
- wounded, and two hundred missing. The rebel 
loss was two hundred and thirty killed, and 
upwards of one thousand wounded. According 
to some rebel reports the forces in the fort 
numbered about fourteen thousand, though by 
other authority they were placed as high as 
eighteen thousand. The position and strength 
‘of the works were such that this force could 
maintain themselves against a much larger 
number of assailants. It was both the supe- 
rior numbers, essential in such an engagement, 
and the valor of the federal troops, that 
achieved the victory. 


CHAPTER LXII. 


Official Reports of the Capture of Fort Donelson. — Report of 
General Grant.— Report of Colonel W. H. L. Wallace. — 
Report of General Lew. Wallace. — Report of Colonel 
Lauman.—General Grant’s Order. —General Lew. Wal- 
lace’s Order. —General McClernand’s Order. —Flag-Officer 
Foote’s Report. 


Tus following official, reports of the engage- 


This important victory was 


475 


ments before Fort Donelson, and its capture, 
embrace the operations in the different parts 
of the field : — 


GENERAL GRANT’S REPORT. 
‘¢ HeapQuaRTERS ARMY IN THE Fretp, 
Fort Donetson, February 16, ron 

“GENERAL: Iam pleased to announce to you 
the unconditional surrender, this morning, of 
Fort Donelson, with twelve to fifteen thousand 
prisoners, at least forty pieces of artillery, and 
a large amount of stores, horses, mules, and 
other public property. 

“T left Fort Henry on the twelfth instant, 
with a force of about fifteen thousand men, 
divided into two divisions, under the command 
of Generals McClernand and Smith. Six regi- 
ments were sent around by water the day 
before, convoyed by a gunboat, or rather started 
one day later than one of the gunboats, with 
instructions not to pass it. 

“The troops made the march in good order, 
the head of the column arriving within two miles 
of the fort at twelve o’clock, M.. At this point 
the enemy’s pickets were met and driven in. 

“The fortifications of the enemy were from 
this point gradually approached and_ sur- 
rounded, with occasional skirmishing on the 
line. The following day, owing to the non- 
arrival of the gunboats and reénforcements 
sent by water, no attack was made; but the 
investment was extended on the flanks of the 
enemy, and drawn closer to his works, with 
skirmishing all day. The evening of the 
13th, the gunhoats and reénforcements arrived. 
On the 14th a gallant attack was made by 
Flag-Officer Foote upon the enemy’s works, 
with his fleet. The engagement lasted, proba- 
bly, one hour and a half, and bade fair to result 
favorably to the cause of the Union, when two 
unlucky shots disabled two of the armored 
gunboats, so that they were carried back by 
the current. The remaining two were very 
much disabled also, having received a number 
of heavy shots about the pilot-house and other 


476 HISTORY OF THE 


parts of the vessels. After these mishaps, I 
concluded to make the investment of Fort 
Donelson as perfect as possible, and partially 
fortify, and await repairs to the gunboats. This 
plan was frustrated, however, by the enemy 
making a most vigorous attack upon our right 
wing, commanded by General J. A. McCler- 
nand, with a portion of the force under Gen- 
eral Lew. Wallace. The enemy were repulsed 
after a closely contested battle of several 
hours, in which our loss was heavy. ‘The offi- 
cers, and particularly field officers, suffered out 
of proportion. I have not the means yet of 
determining our loss even approximately, but it 
cannot fall far short of one thousand two hun- 
dred killed, wounded, and missing. Of the 
latter, I understand through General Buckner, 
about two hundred and fifty were taken pris- 
oners. I shall retain enough of the enemy to 
exchange for them, as they were immediately 
shipped off, and not left for recapture. 

“ About the close of this action the ammuni- 
tion in the cartridge-boxes gave out, which, 
with the loss of many of the field officers, pro- 
duced great confusion in the ranks. Seeing 
that the enemy did not take advantage of this 
fact, I ordered a charge upon the left — ene- 
my’s right — with the division under General 
C. F. Smith, which was most brilliantly exe- 
cuted, and gave to our arms full assurance of 
victory. The battle lasted until dark, giving 
us possession of part of their intrenchments. 
An attack was ordered upon their other flank, 
after the charge by General Smith was com- 
menced, by the divisions under Generals Mc- 
Clernand and Wallace, which, notwithstanding 
the hours of exposure to a heavy fire in the 
fore part of the day, was gallantly made, and 
the enemy further repulsed. At the points 
thus gained, night having come on, all the 
troops encamped for the night, feeling that a 
complete victory would crown their labors at 
an early hourin the morning. This morning 


oO? 
at a very early hour, General 8. B. Buckner 


UNITED STATES. 


sent a message to our camp, under a flag of 
truce, proposing an armistice, &e. A copy of 
the correspondence which ensued is herewith 
accompanied. 

“T cannot mention individuals who spe- 
cially distinguished themselves, but leave that 
to division and brigade officers, whose reports 
will be forwarded as soon as received. To di- 
vision commanders, however, Generals McCler- 
nand, Smith, and Wallace, I must do the justice 
to say, that each of them were with their com- 
mands in the midst of danger, and were always 
ready to execute all orders, no matter what the 
exposure to themselves. 

“ At the hour the attack was made on Gen- 
eral McClernand’s command I was absent, hav- 
ing received a note from Flag-Officer Foote, 
requesting me to come and see him, he being 
unable to call. 

“My personal staff— Colonel J. D. Webster, 
Chief of Staff; Colonel J. Riggin, Jr., volun- 
teer Aid; Captain J. A. Rawlins, A. A. General ; 
Captains C. B. Lagow and W. 5S. Hillyer, Aids, 
and Lieutenant-Colonel V. B. McPherson, Chief 
Engineer — all are deserving of personal men- 
tion for their gallantry and services, 

“For full details, and reports and particulars, 
reference is made to the reports of the engi- 
neer, medical director, and commanders of 
brigades and divisions, to follow. 

“J am, General, very respectfully, 
“Your obedient servant, 
“U.S. Grant, Brigadier- General. 


‘¢General G. W. Cuntum, 
“ Chief of Staff Department of Missouri.” 


REPORT OF GENERAL W. H. L. WALLACE. 


Unitep Stares ADVANCE FoRCEs, 


«* Heapquarters, Suconp Brieapn, First Drvision, 
Forr Donetson, Trenn., February 17, 1862. 


“Str: I have the honor to submit the fol- 
lowing report of the operations of my brigade, 
from the time of leaving Fort Henry, on the 
11th instant, up to the 16th instant, when the 
federal forces entered this fortification. ~. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“About noon of the 11th instant, while in 
camp at Fort Henry, I received orders from Gen- 
eral McClernand to put the infantry and artillery 
of my brigade on the march, and move out 
three or four miles on the telegraph road 
towards this place. At four o’clock P.M, the 
forces designated marched out, and encamped 
on the road, four miles from Fort Henry. At 
sunrise on the next day, (the 12th instant.) I 
was joined by Colonel Dickey’s cavalry, and 
marched with my whole command, by the tel- 
egraph road, towards Fort Donelson, keeping up 
frequent communication with Colonel Oglesby’s 
first brigade, which was moving at the same 
time by the right road, Colonel Dickey’s cav- 
alry reconnoitring the country as the column 
marched. Soon after noon I came within sight 
of the enemy’s encampments on the opposite 
side of the creek, about a mile in advance. 
Having caused the road to be reconnoitred, and 
finding the creek impassable on account of 
back water from the Cumberland, I moved to 
the right, up the creek, and effected a junction 
with Colonel Oglesby’s brigade in the low 
grounds west of Fort Donelson, when heavy 
wooded hills intervened between us and the 
enemy’s position. Colonel Dickey’s cavalry 
was again thrown forward, and occupied the 
heights, and thoroughly scouted and reconnoi- 
tred the grounds in front. Colonel Oglesby’s 
brigade moved up the railroad to the south of 
Fort Donelson, while I threw my brigade, by 
its front, into the heights, dragging the artillery 
up the steep, wooded hills. After further re- 
connoitring, the brigade advanced and occupied 
a ridge south of the centre of the enemy’s for- 
tifications, with its right resting on the left of 
Colonel Oglesby’s brigade. ‘Some slight skir- 
mishing occurred here, and after resting in this 
position for an hour or more, and further re- 
conngitring, in accordance with the orders of 
General McClernand, I moved the brigade by 
the right flank, following Colonel Oglesby’s bri- 


gade across the valley towards the left of the 


477 


enemy’s position. By this time it was dark, 
and Colonel Oglesby’s brigade being involved 
in ground which had not been reconnoitred, 
and which was very hilly, and covered with a 
dense growth of underbrush, I was ordered by 
the general commanding the division to return 
to the position on the west of the valley, which 
I did, moving by the left flank, when my bri- 
gade rested for the night. At daylight, on the 
morning of the 13th, the enemy opened fire 
with his artillery from the inside redoubt. 
Soon afterwards, by order of General McCler- 
nand, I marched the eleventh, twentieth, forty- 
fifth regiments, and Taylor’s battery, to the 
right across the valley, leaving McAllister’s 
battery, supported by the forty-eighth Ilinois 
infantry, on the ridge west of the valley, and 
ordered Colonel Dickey’s cavalry to move in 
rear, with detachments thrown towards the 
right, to reconnoitre the Cumberland. and Do- 
ver. Reaching the high grounds east of the 
valley, Taylor’s battery was put in position on 
the road leading up to Dover, where the left 
of the enemy’s lines rested behind earthworks 
— intrenchments strengthened by strong abatis 
in front. The whole force continued to move 
steadily to the right, Colonel Oglesby’s brigade 
heading the artillery of his brigade and Tay- 
lor’s battery on the road, while the infantry 
was in rear of and near to the road. Along 
this road the artillery advanced, taking succes- 
sive positions to the right, and keeping up a 
constant cannonade on the enemy’s works on 
the right and in the middle redoubt across the 
valley. The open space afforded a fine oppor- 
tunity for artillery practice at a long range, 
and the fire of Taylor’s, Schwartz’s, and Dress- 
er’s guns, warmly returned by those of the 
enemy in the middle redoubt and the works on 
the left, presented a rare example of the use 
of that arm of the service. 

“ About noon I was ordered by General Mc- 
Clernand to detach the forty-eighth regiment, 
(Colonel Hayne,) to operate with the seven- 


478 - 


teenth Illinois, (Major Smith commanding,) and 
the forty-ninth Illinois, (Colonel Morrison,) of 
the third brigade, in making an assault on the 
enemy’s middle redoubt, on the hill west of 


the valley, supported by the fire of McAllister’s 


guns. 

“This force was under the command of Colo- 
nel Hayne, as senior colonel. ‘They formed in 
line and advanced in fine order across the in- 
tervening ravines, and mounted the steep 
heights upon which these works are situated 
in the most gallant manner, and under a heavy 
fire of musketry from the enemy, posted in the 
lines of the earthwork. They advanced up 
the hill, delivering their fire with coolness and 


precision. The line not being long enough to 


envelop the works, by order of General Mc-| 


Clernand, I detached the forty-fifth Illinois 
(Colonel Smith) to their support on the right. 
This regiment advanced in beautiful order 
down the slope, across the valley, and up the 
Opposite steep, with skirmishers deployed in 
front, and were soon warmly engaged. These 
operations had given the enemy time to reén- 
force their position with strong bodies of in- 
fantry from his reserves in the rear, and field 
artillery, which opened a destructive fire on 
line. The roll of musketry 
showed the enemy in powerful force behind 
his earthwork; notwithstanding, our forces 
charged gallantly up the heights to the very 
foot of the works, which were rendered impass- 
able by the sharp, strong points of brushwood 
in which it was built. All the regiments en- 
gaged in this daring attempt suffered more or 
less from the enemy’s fire. In the mean time 
the enemy began to show in strength in his 
intrenchments in front of Colonel Oglesby’s 
brigade. Schwartz’s battery was advanced 
along the road to within three hundred yards 
of the works, but being without canister range, 
they were withdrawn by General McClernand’s 
order, and directed Captain Taylor to throw 
forward two sections of his battery to that 


the advancing 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


position. The position being beyond the reach 
of my lines, the infantry support was to be 
furnished from Colonel Oglesby’s brigade, 
which was immediately in the rear. These 
sections took their positions under the most 
galling fire of rifles and musketry from the 
enemy’s lines. The ground was covered with 
brush, and some time was required to put the 
army in position, and during this time the 
enemy’s fire was very galling, and Taylor’s 
men suffered somewhat from its effects. As 
soon as his position was gained, however, the 
rapid and well directed fire of the sections soon 
silenced the enemy. The coolness and daring 
of the officers and men of these sections, di- 
rected by Captain Taylor in person, are worthy 
of high praise. 

“The forty-eighth, forty-fifth, forty-ninth and 
seventeenth regiments having been ordered to 
retire from the hill where they had so gallantly 
assaulted the enemy’s works, the forty-fifth and 
forty-eighth resumed their position in my line, 
and Colonel Morrison, commanding the seven- 
teenth and forty-ninth, having been wounded 
in this assault, these regiments were tempora- 
rily attached to my brigade, and acted under 
my orders during the subsequent operations, 
until noon of the 15th, 

“The night of the 13th was one of great 
suffering and hardships to the whole command. 
We lay within point-blank musket and rifle 
range of the enemy’s breastworks; and at 
dark a storm of rain, soon turning to snow, and 
accompanied by severe blasts, beat upon the 
unprotected ranks. The pickets of the enemy 
were out in strong force, and a constant firing 
between his pickets and our own was kept up 
during the night. The spirits of the men, 
animated and encouraged by the conduct of 
their officers, never flagged, notwithstanding 
they were without tents or fire, and were ex- 
posed to the storm and assailed by the enemy’s 
shot. ‘ 

“During the night it was evident that the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


enemy were receiving large reénforcements, 
and when morning broke on the 14th, it 
showed that they had been busy during the 
night in erecting new works in commanding 
positions, and mounting them with guns. Mc- 


Allister’s battery was ordered from the other | 


side of the valley, and put into position on the 
road. During this day my brigade occupied a 
position a little in the rear of the road, and 
under cover of the hill; the right resting on 
the left of Colonel Oglesby’s line, and being 
within three or four hundred yards of the sa- 
lient angle of the enemy’s works on his left. 
We lay in this position most of the day, the 
order of the regiments from right to left being 
as follows: Eleventh, twentieth, forty-eighth, 
forty-fifth, forty-ninth, and seventeenth. Tay- 
lor’s battery was posted at the intervals between 
the seventeenth and forty-ninth. McAllister’s 
guns were distributed along the point; Dick- 
ey’s cavalry were in the rear and on the right, 


to observe the enemy and guard the flank.| 


Under instructions from General McClernand, 
to commence the construction of a small earth- 
work on the road to cover three or four guns, 
Mr. Frecellion, of the forty-ninth, had charge 
of the work, which was completed during the 
night, and two of McAljister’s guns and a ten- 
pound rifle gun of the first Mississippi artillery, 
were placed on it the next morning. During 
the whole of the 14th a rambling and irregular 
fire of sharpshooters was kept up, varied by 
occasional discharges of artillery. The enemy’s 
shells and round shot fell at times thickly within 
the lines, but the casualties were few. 
_ “At daybreak on the morning of the 15th, 
the enemy threwa heavy force of infantry 
and cavalry, supported by field artillery and 
his batteries within the work, out of his in- 
trenchments, and commenced a vigorous assault 
upon the right of the whole line. 

“The attack was commenced and continued 


with great spirit, and gradually drove back our 


extreme right. About seven o’clock A. M., the 


479 


eleventh and twentieth Ilinois, on my right, 
became engaged with a heavy force of the 
enemy’s infantry. They charged up the hill 
and gained the road in front of my position, 
but the moment the rebel flag appeared above 
the hill, a storm of shot from the eleventh and 
twentieth drove them back in confusion. Again 
a new and fresh line of infantry appeared, and 
I ordered the whole line, except the seven- 
teenth and the left wing of the forty-ninth, to 
advance and occupy the hill. The forty-ninth 
advanced boldly and in order to the brow of 
the hill, where they were exposed, uncovered, 
not only to the fire of the enemy’s infantry, 
but to a raking of the enemy’s batteries of 
artillery across the valley. They opened their 
fire, supported by Taylor’s battery and two of 
MeAllister’s guns, (one having been disabled 
by a shot from the enemy’s cannon,) and for — 
some time the conflict was strong and fierce. 
But at length the strong masses of the enemy’s 
infantry gave way before the steady, well-di- 
rected, and continued fire of the right of my 
line. They fell back, however, only to give 
place to another line of fresh troops, who ad- 
vanced to the support, and who were also com- 
pelled by the steady, unflinching valor of our 
men, to give way. 

“In the mean time there were indications 
that the enemy were gaining some advantage 
on the right of the whole line. Reénforce- 
ments, consisting of Kentucky and Indiana 
troops, had been sent forward past my position 
to support the right, but notwithstanding this, 
it became evident to me from the sounds com- 
ing from the direction of the enemy’s shot, 
which began to rake my line from the rear of 
my right, that the right of the lme was giving 
way. My orders being peremptory to hold 
that position of the line occupied by my bri- 
gade to the last extremity, I sent one of my aids 
to General McClernand with information of the 
state of affairs, and to express my fears that 


my right flank would be completely turned, 


480 


unless reénforcements should be speedily sent 
to that quarter. Finding that no reénforce- 
ments were within reach, and General McCler- 
nand having left me to my discretion if I found 
my position untenable, and seeing that the 
enemy steadily advanced on my right flank, 
and was speedily gaining my rear, many of the 
corps having exhausted their ammunition, I 
gave orders to move the whole brigade to the 
rear up the road, with a view of forming a new 
line of battle. Before this order was given, 
all our troops on the right of my brigade had 
fallen back, except the thirty-first Illinois, 
Colonel John A. Logan, who occupied the left 
of Colonel Oglesby’s brigade. Immediately 
adjoining the thirty-first, and on the right of 
my line, was the eleventh Illinois, Lieutenant- 
Colonel T. E. G. Ransom, commanding. When 
the order to retire was given, it failed to reach 
Lieutenant-Colonel Ransom, who, with the elev- 
enth regiment, was gallantly supporting the 
thirty-first against a fierce onslaught on their 
right. Rapidly as the gaps were opened in 
the ranks of the enemy, they were as promptly 
closed to the right, and the shortway point 
alone showed the destructiveness of that fire. 
Soon the thirty-first, their ammunition having 
failed, retired, and the eleventh took their 
place, changing front to the rear under a most 
galling fire, with all the coolness and precision 
of veterans. 

“In the mean time the order to retire was 
being executed in good order by the other 
regiments in the brigade. The character of 


the ground rendered it impossible for me to 


see the whole line at once. When the elev- 
enth changed their front, they were exposed 
to a fire in front and on both flanks, and the 
enemy’s cavalry charging upon their flank,they 
were thrown into some confusion and retired, but 
steadily and in comparatively good order. Af 
ter falling back some half a mile, I halted the 
brigade, and as rapidly as possible procured a 
supply of ammunition, and formed a second 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


line of battle. At this point Colonel Ross, of 
the nineteenth I]linois, arrived on the field and 
took command of the seventeenth and forty- 
ninth regiments, and we were reénforced by 
some troops of General Lew. Wallace’s divis- 
ion, and with their aid, and with the assistance 
of Taylor’s battery and some-pieces of Dress- 
ers and Willard’s batteries, the advance of 
the enemy was checked, and he was driven 
within his intrenchments, leaving a large num- 
ber of his dead and wounded on the field. 

“Tn order to a due appreciation of the cour- 
age, endurance, and fortitude of the men by 
whom this victory has been won, it must be 
borne in mind that they marched from Fort 
Henry without transportation, or tents, or ra- 
tions, except what they carried, and that they 
were exposed for three days and nights without 
tents, and almost without fires, being so near 
the enemy’s lines as to render fires imprudent ; 
that the weather was extremely severe — two 
nights they were thus exposed, accompanied 
with driving snow-storms and severe cold; that 
during the whole three days, they were under 
fire, and compelled to bivouac in line of battle, 
with their arms in their hands. Added to this, 
most of them had never seen a battle, and but 
few had ever heard a hostile shot. Under all 
the circumstances, it is certainly a great matter 
of congratulation that so long and fierce a con- 
flict, against an intrenched enemy, fighting on 
a position well known to him and unknown to 
us, and so greatly superior in artillery, has re- 
sulted so gloriously for our arms. 

“Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, 


“W. H. L. Wattace, 
“ Oplonel commanding Second Brigade, First Div.” 


| «Major M, BrayMan, Assistant Adjutant-General First Division.” 


REPORT OF GENERAL LEW. WALLACE. 


‘«¢Hrapquarters Tutrp Drviston U. 8. Forczs, 
District or Wrst TENNESSEE, 
Fort Henry, February 20, 1862. 


“Sm: A report of the action of my division 


“ 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


before Fort Donelson has been delayed from 
various causes. I submit it to the general as 
speedily as possible. 

“The position of the third division was in 
the centre of the line of attack, General Mc- 
Clernand being on the right, and General Smith 
on the left. My orders, received from General 
Grant, were to hold my position and prevent 
the enemy from escaping in that direction — 
in other words, to remain there and repel any 
sally from the fort. Under the orders, I had 
no authority to take the offensive. 

“The line established for my command was 
on the cone of a high ridge, thickly wooded 
to the front and rear, and traversed by a road 
which made the way of communication from 
the right to the left of our army. The right 
of my division, when posted, was within good 


supporting distance from General McClernand, | 


and not more than five hundred yards from the 
enemy’s outworks; indeed, my whole line was 
within easy cannon shot from them. 

“The evening of the 14th (Friday) was 
quiet, broken at intervals by guns from the 
rebels. At night, pickets were sent to the 
front along the line, which was retired some- 
what behind the ridge, to enable the men in 
safety to build fires for their bivouacs. They 
lay down, as best they could, on beds of ice and 
snow, a strong cold wind making their condi- 
tion still more disagreeable. 

“The morning of the 15th my division 


formed line early, called up by the sound of) 
battle raging on the extreme right, supposed || 
ducted by their brigade commanders, Colonels 


at first to be General McClernand attacking. 
The firing was very heavy and continuous, 
being musketry and artillery mixed. About 
eight o’clock came a message from General 
McClernand, asking assistance. It was hurried 
to headquarters, but General Grant was, at that 
time, on board one of the gunboats, arranging, 
as was understood, an attack from the river side. 
Before it was heard from, a second message 
reached me from General McClernand, stating, 
61 


|effect was- very perceptible. 


48] 


substantially, that the enemy had turned his 
flank,and were endangering his whole command. 
Upon this, Colonel Cruft was instantly ordered 
to move his brigade on to the right, and report 
to General McClernand. Imperfectly directed 
by a guide, the colonel’s command was carried 
to the extreme right of the engaged lines, 
where it was attacked by a largely superior 
force, and, after the retreat or retirement of 
the division he was sent to support, for a time 
bore the brunt of the battle. After a varied 
struggle, charging and receiving charges, the 
enemy quit him, when he fell back in position 


nearer to support, his ranks in good order and 
}unbroken, except where soldiers of other regi- 


ments plunged through them in hurried retreat. 
In this way, a portion of Colonel Shackelford’s 
regiment, (twenty-fifth Kentucky,) and about 
twenty of the thirty-first Indiana, with their 


‘commanding officers, became separated from 


their colors. 
“Soon fugitives from the battle came crowd- 


ing up the hill, in rear of my own line, bring- 


ing unmistakable signs of disaster. Captain 
Rawlins was conversing with me at the time, 
when a mounted officer galloped down the 
road, shouting, “We are cut to pieces!” The 
To prevent a 
panic among the regiments of my third bri- 
gade, I ordered Colonel Thayer to move on by 
the right flank. He promptly obeyed. Going 
in advance of the movements myself, I met 
portions of regiments of General McClernand’s 
division coming back in excellent order, con- 


Wallace, Oglesby and McArthur, and all calling 
for more ammunition, want of which was the 
cause of their misfortune. Colonel Wallace, 
whose coolness under the circumstances was 
astonishing, informed me that the enemy were 
following, and would shortly attack. The 
crisis was come; there was no time to await 
orders; my third brigade had to be thrust 
between our retiring forces and the advancing 


482 


foe. Accordingly I conducted Colonel Thayer’s 
command up the road, where the ridge dips 
towards the rebel works; directed the colonel 
to form a new line of battle at a right angle 
with the old one; sent for company A, Chicago 
light artillery, and despatched a messenger to 
inform General Smith of the state of affairs, 
and ask him for assistance. The head of 
Colonel Thayer’s column filed right, double- 
quick. Lieutenant Wood, commanding the 
artillery company sent for, galloped up with a 
portion of his battery, and posted his pieces so 
as to sweep approach by the road in front; a 
line of reserve was also formed at convenient 
distance in the rear of the first lime, consisting 
of the seventy-sixth Ohio, and forty-sixth and 
fifty-seventh Illinois. 

“The new front thus formed covered the 
retiring regiments, helpless from lack of am- 
munition, but which coolly halted not far off, 
some of them actually within reach of the en- 
emy’s musketry, to refill their cartridge-boxes. 
And, as formed, my new front consisted of 
Wood’s battery across the road; on the right 
of the battery, the first Nebraska and fifty- 
eighth Illinois; left of the battery, a detached 
company of the thirty-second Illinois, Captain 
Davison, and the fifty-eighth Ohio, its left ob- 
liquely retired. 

Scarcely had this formation been made when 
the enemy attacked, coming up the road, and 
through the shrubs and trees on both sides of 
it, and making the battery and the first Ne- 


braska the principal points of attack. They 
met this storm, no man flinching, and their fire 
was terrible. ‘To say they did well is not 
enough — their conduct was splendid. They 
alone repelled the charge. Colonel Cruft, as 
was afterwards ascertained, from his position 
saw the enemy retire to their works pell-mell, 
and in confusion. Too much praise cannot be 
given Lieutenant Wood and his company, and 
Lieutenant-Colonel McCord and his sturdy regi- 
ment. That was the last sally from Fort Donelson. | 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


“This assault on my position was unquestion- 
ably a bold attempt to follow up the success 
gained by the enemy in their attack on our 
right. Fortunately, it was repelled. Time was 
thus obtained to look up Colonel Cruft’s bri- 
gade, which, after considerable trouble, was 
found in position to the right of my new line, 
whither it had fallen back. Riding down its 
front, I found the regiment in perfect order, 
having done their duty nobly, but with severe 
loss, and eager for another engagement. The 
deployment of a line of skirmishers, readily 
united them with Colonel Thayer’s brigade, and 
once more placed my command in readiness 
for orders. 

“ About three o’clock, General Grant rode up 
the hill, and ordered an advance and attack on 
the enemy’s left, while General Smith attacked 
their right. At General McClernand’s request 
I undertook the proposed assault. Examining 
the ground forming the position to be assailed, 
(which was almost exactly the ground lost in 
the morning,) I quickly arranged my column 


of attack. At the head were placed the eighth 


Missouri, Colonel M. L. Smith, and the eleventh 
Indiana, Colonel George McGinniss, the two 
regiments ‘making a brigade, under Colonel 
Smith. Colonel Cruft’s brigade completed the 
column. As a support, two Ohio regiments, 
under Colonel Ross, were moved up and well 
advanced on the left flank of the assailing 
force, but held in reserve. 

«Well aware of the desperate character of 
the enterprise, I informed the regiments of it 
as they moved on, and they answered with 
cheers, and cries of “ Forward! forward!” and 
I gave the word. 

“My directions as to the mode of attack were 
general: merely to form columns of regiments, 
march up the hill which was the point of as- 
sault, and deploy as occasion should require. 
Colonel Smith observed that form, attacking 
with the eighth Missouri in front. Colonel 
Cruft, however, formed his line of battle at the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


foot of the hill, extending his regiment around 
to the right. And now began the most des- 
perate, yet, in my opinion, the most skilfully 
executed performance of the battle. 

“It is at least three hundred steps from the 
base to the top of the hill. The ascent is much 
broken by out-cropping ledges of rock, and, 
for the most part, impeded by dense under- 
brush. Smith’s place of attack was clear, but 
rough and stony. Cruft’s was through the 
trees and brush. The enemy’s lines were dis- 
tinctly visible on the hillside. Evidently they 
were ready. 

“Colonel Smith began the fight without wait- 
ing for the first brigade. A line of skirmishers 
from the eighth Missouri sprang out and dashed 
up, taking intervals as they went, until they 
covered the head of the column. A lively fire 
opened on them from the rebel pickets, who 
retired, obstinately contesting the ground. In 
several instances, assailant and assailed sought 
cover behind the same tree. Four rebel pris- 
oners were taken in this way, of whom two 
were killed by ashell from their own battery, 
while being taken to the rear. 

“ Meantime, the regiments slowly followed the 
skirmishers. About quarter the way up, they 
received the first volley from the hill-top, around 
which it ran, a long line of fire, disclosing some- 
what of the strength of the enemy. Instantly, 
under orders of Colonel Smith, both his regi- 
ments lay down. The skirmishers were the 
chief victims. George B. Swarthout, captain 
of company H, eighth Missouri, was killed, gal- 
lantly fighting, far in advance.’ Soon as the 
fury of the fire abated, both regiments rose 
_and marched on; and in that way they at 
length closed upon the enemy, falling when the 
volleys grew hottest, dashing on when they 
slackened or ceased. Meanwhile, their own 


firing was constant and deadly. Meanwhile, | 


also, Colonel Cruft’s line was marching up in 
support and to the right of Colonel Smith. 


483 


The woods through which he moved seemed 
actually to crackle with musketry. Finally, the 
eighth and eleventh cleared the hill, driving 
the rebel regiments at least three quarters of a 
mile before them, and halting within one hun- 
dred and fifty yards of the intrenchments, 
behind which the enemy took refuge. This 
was about five o’clock, and concluded the day’s 
fighting. In my opinion, it also brought forth 
the surrender. 

“While the fighting was in progress, an order 
reached me through Colonel Webster, to retire 
my column, as a new plan of operations was in 
contemplation for the next day. If carried out, 
the order would have compelled me to give up 
the hill so hardly recaptured. Satisfied that the 
general did not know of our success when he 
issued the direction, I assumed the responsibilty 
of disobeying it, and held the battle ground that 
night. 

“Wearied as they were, few slept; for the 
night was bitter cold, and they had carried the 
lost field of the morning’s action, thickly strewn 
with the dead and wounded of McClernand’s 
regiments. ‘The number of Illinoisans there 
found, mournfully attested the desperation of 
their battle, and how firmly they had fought it. 
All night, and till far in the morning, my sol- 
diers, generous as they were gallant, were en- 
gaged ministering to and removing their own 
wounded and the wounded of the first division, 
not forgetting those of the enemy. 

“Next morning, about daybreak, Lieutenant 
Ware, my aide-de-camp, conducted Colonel 
Thayer’s brigade to the foot of the hill. Lieu- 
tenant Wood’s battery was ordered to the same 
point, my intention being to storm the in- 
trenchments about breakfast time. While mak- 
ing disposition for that purpose, a white flag 
made its appearance. The result was, that I 
rode to General Buckner’s quarters, sending 
Lieutenant Ross, with Major Rogers, of the 
third Mississippi (rebel) regiment, to inform 


484 


General Grant that the place was surrendered, 
and my troops in possession of the town and 
all the works on the right. 

“Sincerely hoping the general may prove as 
fortunate in every battle he may have occasion 
to fight, I beg leave to congratulate him on his 
success in this one, and subscribe myself, 

6 a ‘ 
“ Most respectfully, 
“ His very obedient servant, 
“Lewis WALLACE, 
“General Third Dwision. 
“Captain Jounn A. Rawuitns, Assistant Adjutant-General United 
States Forces, District of West Tennessee.” 


REPORT: OF COLONEL LAUMAN, 


Srconp Division Unirep States Army, 


‘¢ HEADQUARTERS FourtH BRIGADE, 
Fort Donetson, February 18, 1862. 


“ GENERAL: I have the honor to report the fol- 
lowing movements of the fourth brigade, second 
division. 

“We left Fort Henry on the morning of the 
12th instant, arriving near Fort Donelson the 
same evening. Immediately on our arrival, I 
received your order to move the seventh Iowa 
infantry to the front to support a battery of 
Major Cavender’s twenty-pounder rifled Parrott 
guns, which were placed in a position to com- 
mand a portion of the rebel works. Jobtained 
permission from’ you to associate the regiment 
of Birge’s sharpshooters in the movement, and 
placed the two regiments in position, where they 
remained during the night. 

“Tn accordance with order, on the morning 
of Thursday, the 13th instant, 1 moved the 
left wing of my brigade, consisting of the 
fourteenth Iowa, Colonel Shaw, and twenty- 
fifth Indiana, Colonel Veatch, from their en- 
campment towards the enemy, who were 
intrenched about a mile distant therefrom. 

“The advance was made steadily, and in as 


good order as the nature of the ground would 


admit of, until we reached the ravine at the 
base of the hill on which were the enemy’s for- 
tifications. Here we halted until the line could 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


be formed, when the fifteenth Indiana, under 
Colonel Veatch, moved steadily up the hill 
towards the intrenchments, under a most gall- 
ing fire of musketry and grape, until their 
onward progress was obstructed by the fallen 
timber and brushwood. Having, however, suc- 
ceeded in obtaining an advantageous position, 
they held it unflinchingly for more than two: 
hours, and until ordered to fall back out of the 
range of the enemy’s fire. The loss of this 
regiment in killed and wounded was very se- 
vere. ‘The fourteenth Iowa advanced at the 
same time, and took position on the right and 
across a ravine, and did good execution. Whilst 
these two regiments were taking the above 
positions, the seventh Iowa. infantry, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Parrott, came up in fine 
style and took position in the centre, between 
the twenty-fifth Indiana and the fourteenth 
Iowa. 

“The first regiment of sharpshooters, western 
division, Lieutenant-Colonel B. S. Compton, 
were posted on the hill to the extreme right, 
except a detachment of about sixty, who were 
deployed as skirmishers, and rendered most 
effective service in that capacity, and proving 
by their deadly aim that they are a most valu- 
able arm of the service. We held this position 
until night, when we fell back to the position 
occupied in the morning. On the following 
day, we remained in camp, skirmishing with 
the rebels during the day and night. 

“On Saturday, the 15th instant, at about 
two o’clock, I received your order to advance 
with my whole brigade, and assault the heights 
on the left of the position attacked on the pre- 
vious Thursday. The brigade was promptly in . 
motion, in the following order : — 

“The second Iowa, Colonel Tuttle, led the 
advance, followed by the fifty-second Indiana, 
(temporarily attached to my brigade,) who 
were ordered to support them. This regiment 
was followed closely by the twenty-fifth In- 
diana, the seventh Iowa, and the fourteenth 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Iowa. The sharpshooters were previously de- 
ployed as skirmishers on our extreme right and 
left. Colonel Tuttle led the left wing of his 

regiment in line of battle up the hill, supported 
by the right wing, advancing at a distance of 
about one Handred and fifty yards in the rear. 
So soon as he came within range of the ene- 
my’s fire, he led his men forward, without firing 
a gun, up to and charged into the rebel works, 
driving the enemy before him, and planting 
his colors on their fortifications. He was closely 
followed by the other regiments in the order 
of advance above named. The enemy were 
closely pursued, and driven behind their inner 
works. Night coming on, we held the position 
we had gained, and remained under arms until 
morning, intending at the dawn of day to re- 
commence the attack. In this engagement the 
second lowa suffered terribly. Captains Slay- 
maker and Cloutman fell just as they entered 
the enemy’s fortifications. Cloutman was in- 
stantly killed, and Slaymaker died gallantly 
shouting to his men to go forward and consum- 
mate the work. 

“In the morning, as day dawned, we were 
attracted to the inner fortifications by the sound 
of a bugle, and saw the rebels displaying a 
white flag. I instantly despatched Lieutenant- 
Colonel Parrott to ascertain the intent of it, 
who reported that an officer wished to see me. 
I repaired to the spot, and received from him 
offers of capitulation, which I at once forwarded 
to you. Thé result is well known. 

“With sentiments of high regard, I remain 
respectfully, your obedient servant, 

“ J. G. Lauman, Colonel, 
“ Commanding Fourth Brigade, Second Division. 


“To Brigadier-General C. F, Smiru, 
** Commanding Second Division.” 


The following orders congratulating the sol- 
diers on their brilliant victory, were subse- 
quently issued by Generals Grant, Wallace, 
and McClernand : — 


485 


GENERAL GRANT’S ORDER. 


‘“ Heapauarters Disrricr or Wurst TENNESSEE, 
Fort Donztson, February 17, 1862. 


“The general commanding takes great pleas- 
ure In congratulating the troops of this com- 
mand for the triumph over rebellion gained by 
their valor on the 13th, 14th, and 15th 
instants. 

“For four successive nights, without shelter, 
during the most inclement weather known in 
this latitude, they faced an enemy in large force, 
in a position chosen by himself. Though 
strongly fortified by nature, all the additional 
safeguards suggested by science were added. 
Without a murmur this was borne, prepared at 
all times to receive an attack, and with contin- 
uous skirmishing by day, resulting ultimately 
in forcing the enemy to surrender without con- 
ditions. 

“The victory achieved is not only great in 
the effect it will have in breaking down the re- 
bellion, but has secured the greatest number of 
prisoners of war ever taken in any battle on 
this continent. 

“Fort Donelson will hereafter be marked in 
capitals on the map of our united country, and 
the men who fought the battle will live in the. 
memory of a grateful people. 

“ By order U.S. Grant, 


“ Brigader-General commanding.” 


GENERAL WALLACEH’S ORDER. 


‘“‘ Heapquarters Turrp Division, 
District or West TennusseEn, February 28, 1862. 


‘‘SoLpiprs or THE Turrp Division: 

“It was my good fortune to command you 
at the capture of Fort Donelson. Sickness has 
kept me from thanking you for the patience, 
endurance, courage, and discipline you showed 
on that occasion. The country, ringing with 
the glory of that victory, thanks you, and its 
thanks are indeed precious. 

“You were last to arrive before the fort ; but 
it will be long before your deeds are forgotten. 
When your gallant comrades of the first divis- 


486 


ion, having fired their last cartridge, fell back 
upon your support, you did not fail them ; you 
received them as their heroism deserved; you 
encircled them with your ranks; and drove 
back the foe that presumed to follow them. 
“And to you, and two gallant regiments 
from the second division, is due the honor of 
the last fight—the evening battle of Satur- 
day — the reconquest, by storm, of the bloody 
hill on the right — the finishing blow to a vic- 
tory which has already purged Kentucky of 
treason, and restored Tennessee to the confed- 
eracy of our fathers. All honor to you. 
“ Lew. WALLACE, 
“ General Third Division.” 


GENERAL McCLERNAND’S FIELD ORDER. 
‘6 HeapQuarTERS First Drvision, , 
Fort Donetson, February 18, 1862. 


‘«‘OrrFIcERS AND MEN oF THE First Division OF THE ADVANCE 
Forces: 


“You have continually led the way in the 
valley of the Lower Mississippi, the Tennessee 
and the Cumberland. You have carried the 
flag of the Union further south than any other 
land forces, marching from the interior towards 
the seaboard. 

“ Being the first division to enter Fort Henry, 
you also pursued the enemy for miles, captur- 
ing from him, in his flight, six field pieces, 
many of his standards and flags, a number of 
prisoners, and a great quantity of military 
stores. 

“Following the enemy to this place, you 
were the first to encounter him outside of his 
intrenchments, and drive him within them. 

“Pursuing your advantage, the next day, 
being on the right, you advanced upon his 
lines, in the face of his works and_ batteries, 
and for the time silenced them. 

“The next day, skirmishing all along his left, 
you daringly charged upon his redoubts, under 
a deadly fire of grape and canister, and were 
only prevented from taking them by natural 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


obstacles, and the accumulated masses which 
were hurried forward to defend them. 

“The next day you extended your right in 
the face of newly-erected batteries, quite to 
the Cumberland, thus investing his works for 
nearly two miles. 

“The next day, after standing under arms for 
two days and nights, amid driving storms of 
snow and rain, and pinched by hunger, the en- 
emy advanced in force to open the way to his 
escape. By his own confession, formed in a 
column of ten successive regiments, he concen- 
trated his attack upon a single point. You re- 
pulsed him repeatedly, from seven o’clock to 
eleven o’clock A. M., often driving back his for- 
midable odds. 

“Thus, after three days’ fighting, when your 
ammunition was exhausted, you fell back until 
it came up, and re-formed a second line in his 
face. 

“Supported by fresh troops, under the lead 
of a brave and able officer, the enemy was 
again driven back, and by a combined advance 
from all sides, was finally defeated. His uncon- 
ditional surrender the next day consummated 
the victory. 

“Undiverted by any other attack, for near 
four hours from any other part of our lines, the 


| enemy was left to concentrate his attack with 


superior numbers upon yours. Thus, while you 
were engaged for a longer time than any other 
of our forces, you were subjected to much 
greater loss. 

“The battle field testifies to your valor and 
constancy. Hven the magnanimity of the ene- 
my accords to you an unsurpassed heroism, and 
an enviable and brilliant share in the hardest 
fought battle and. most decisive victory ever 
fought and won on the American continent. 

“Your trophies speak for themselves; they 
consist of many thousand prisoners, forty pieces 
of cannon, and extensive magazines of all kinds 
of ordnance, quartermasters’ and commissary 
stores. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“The death knell of rebellion is sounded, an 
army has been annihilated, and the way to 
Nashville and Memphis is opened. This mo- 
mentous fact should, as it-will, encourage you 
to persevere in the path of glory. It must 
alleviate your distress for your brave comrades 
who have fallen or been wounded. It will mit- 
igate the grief of bereaved wives and mourning 
parents and kindred. It will be your claim to 
a place in the affections of your countrymen, 
and upon a blazoned page of history. 

“ By order of Brigadier-General McClernand, 
commanding. A. SCHWARTZ, 

“ Captain and Acting Chief of Staff.” 


The report of Flag-Officer Foote relative to 
the engagement of the gunboats is as fol- 
lows : — 


“U.S. Frac-Suir Sr. Louis, NEAR Fort DoneEtson, 
Via Papucan, February 16, 1862. 


“T made an attack on Fort Donelson yester- 
day, at three o’clock P. M., with four iron-clad 
gunboats and two wooden ones, and after one 
hour and a quarter severe fighting, the latter 
part of the day within less than four hundred 
yards of the fort, the wheel of this vessel and 
the tiller of the Louisville were shot away, 
rendering the two boats unmanageable. They 
then drifted down the river. The two remain- 
ing boats were also greatly damaged between 
wind and water. ‘This vessel alone received 
fifty-nine shots, and the others about half that 
number each. There were fifty-four killed and 
wounded in fhis attack, which we have reason 
to suppose would, in fifteen minutes more, could 
the action have been continued, have resulted 
in the capture of the fort bearing upon us, as 
the enemy was running from his batteries when 
the two gunboats helplessly drifted down the 
river from disabled steering apparatus, as the 
relieving tackles could not steer the vessels in 
the strong current. The fleeing enemy re- 
turned to the river battery guns, from which 
they had been driven, and again hotly poured 


487 


fire upon us. The enemy must have brought 
over twenty guns to bear upon our gunboats 
from the water battery and the main fort on 
the hill, while we could only return the fire 
with twelve boat guns from the four boats. 
One rifled gun aboard the Carondelet burst 
during the action. 

The officers and men, in this hotly contested 
but unequal fight, behaved with the greatest 
gallantry and determination, all deploring the 
accident which rendered two of our gunboats 
helpless in the narrow river and swift current. 
On consultation with General Grant and my 
own officers —as my services here, until we 
can repair damages by bringing up a competent 
force from Cairo to attack the fort, are much 
less required than they are at Cairo —TI shall 
proceed to that place. 

“JT have sent the Tyler to the Tennessee 
River, to render the railroad bridge impassable. 

“A.H. Foors, Flag Officer, 


“ Commanding Naval Force Western Division. 
“To the Hon. Gipron WetuxEs, Secretary of the Navy.” 


CHAPTER LXIII. 


Advance of General Buell’s Army to Bowling Green. — Rebel 
Obstructions. — Rapid Advance of Federal Troops. — De- 
struction of Bridges and Property by the Rebels. — Arrival 
opposite Bowling Green. — Retreat of the Rebel Forces. — 
Effect of the Capture of Fort Donelson. — Sudden Alarm at 
Nashville. — Arrival of Floyd and Pillow. — Withdrawal of 
the State Government to Memphis. — Excitement among the 
Peopie. — Distribution of Stores. — Wanton Destruction of 
costly Bridges. — Capture of Clarksville. — Arrival of Fed- 
eral Troops opposite Nashville. — Interview of the Mayor 
and Citizens with General Buell, and Surrender of the City. 
— Condition of Affairs in Nashville. — Arrival of the Forces 
of Generals Grant and Buell. — Evacuation of Columbus by 
the Rebels. — Expedition down the Mississippi, and Occupa- 
tion of the Rebel Strongholds. — Report of General Cullom. 


Wuuite General Grant was operating against 
Fort Donelson, part of General Buell’s army 


‘advanced towards Bowling Green, which was 


held by a large force of the rebels, and was, 


Fa 


488 HISTORY OF THE 


so strongly fortified that they boasted it was 
impregnable. ‘The advance division was that 
of Brigadier-General. O. M. Mitchell,* which 
left camp at Bacon Creek on the 11th of Feb- 
ruary,and moved towards the rebel stronghold. 
The troops made an easy march, over good 
roads, the first day, but after a day’s delay they 
were pushed forward more rapidly. They soon 
began to meet with obstructions interposed by 
the advance force of the rebels, who retreated 
before the federal army, destroying bridges, 
buildings, and a large number of cattle and 
horses, as well as much property which they 
could not remove. A storm of rain and snow 
also rendered the march more difficult, but the 
federal troops continued to move rapidly, and 
notwithstanding the bad condition of the roads, 
and the obstructions made by the retreating 
enemy, they accomplished a march of more 
than forty miles in thirty hours. 

It was supposed that the rebels, after with- 
drawing their advance forces, would make a 
stand at Bowling Green, and would even fight 
on the side of the river opposite that place. A 
force of cavalry and artillery were accordingly 
sent forward, supported closely by infantry, the 
brigade being under the command of General 
Turchin. They found no rebel force, however, 
to oppose their march to the river. The artil- 
lery being placed in position, some shells were 
thrown into the town on the opposite side of 
the river, and two or three regiments of the 
rebels hurried to the railroad and left the town. | 
The bridges had been destroyed, and the river 
was not fordable, so that the federal troops 
could not cross,and the enemy had ample time 
to escape. They had begun their retreat some 
days previous, and had removed a large quan- 
tity of army stores; but much property which 
they could not remove they had destroyed by 
fire, and had also burned the public buildings | 
and others, the flames of which were not ex- 


* Previously well known as an astronomer, and for many years 
in charge of the Observatory at Cincinnati. 


UNITED STATES. 


tinguished when the federal forces arrived 
within sight of the town. 

After some delay, a portion of the troops 
were transported across the river in a small 
boat, and when a sufficient force had crossed 
they advanced into the town, meeting with no 
resistance, and glad, in the falling snow and 
chilly atmosphere, to feel the warmth of the 
rebel fires. The transportation of the army 
across the river was so slow, that some fears 
were entertained that the rebel forces might 
return, and with overwhelming numbers re- 
pulse the three or four regiments which crossed 
the first day. But their retreat was too hur- 
ried for them to plan and carry out any such 
movement, and a day or two longer gave 
ample strength to the federal forces to hold the 
position. 

The capture of Fort Donelson, and the ad- 
vance of General Buell’s army, rendered the 
rebel position at Columbus untenable, opened 
Middle Tennessee to the federal forces, which 
also threatened to drive the rebel armies from 
Western Tennessee. Nashville was at once 
exposed to capture, and when the true condi- 
tion of affairs was known there the greatest 
alarm and excitementensued. Up to the 16th 
of February, the day of the surrender of Fort 
Donelson, it was believed, on the reports sent 
from that post, that the federal troops were not 
only repulsed, but were driven before the pur- 
suing rebel forces. The exaggerated accounts 
of rebel valor and success, and of the national 
losses, confirmed the public of Nashville in the 
belief not only of the safety of that city, but 
that the federal armies were driven out of 
Tennessee, and that Kentucky might soon be 
secured to the confederacy. The first intima- 
tion which they had of a disaster was the arri- 
val of Floyd and Pillow, with the forces which 
had escaped from Fort Donelson. It was Sun- 
day, and the churches were instantly vacated 
by the excited and alarmed people. The 
stories of the atrocities of federal troops had 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


been so persistently told by the rebel leaders 
and press, that a large portion of the public 
believed that the advance of the federal armies 
would be characterized by rapine and destruc- 
tion. 

Governor Harris issued a proclamation to 
the people of Tennessee, calling them to arms, 
and convened the legislature, to act as best 
they could, in view of the “invasion” of the 
state. That body met, but it could scarcely 
make provision for so grave and unexpected 
a contingency, and its only action was to ad- 
journ to Memphis, whither the state govern- 
ment was at once transferred, with such of the 
archives as were necessary for the maintenance 
of the forms and insignia of power. Special 
trains hurried away the executive and legisla- 
tive bodies, and such citizens as were disposed 
to leave, and had the means for so doing... 

In the afternoon the panic was increased by 
the arrival of General Johnston’s forces from 
Bowling Green, coming in a somewhat hasty 
retreat, and in no manner to encourage the 
faint-hearted citizens that the capital of Ten- 
nessee would be obstinately defended by the 
valor of the southern soldiers. Passing through 
the city, they encamped beyond its limits, and 
made little or no disposition to meet the enemy, 
who was said to be advancing, and to be even 
then at Clarksville, which was already captured 
by the dreaded gunboats. Orders were given 
to distribute among the people the public 
stores which could not be carried away by the 
heavily laden trains. Some progress was made 
in the execution of this order, when it was dis- 
covered that the federal forces were not in 
such close proximity as had been reported, and 
the distribution was suspended. The rebel 
army, however, moved south, for the purpose 
of concentrating at some point, where, with 
heavy forces, they could withstand the federal 
advance. 

General Floyd was left in command at Nash- 
ville, but with a force sufficient: only to retard 

Gan 6: 


489 


the progress of the federal troops by the de- 
struction of bridges rather than to resist them 
by an engagement, and to remove the rebel 
stores. When it was found that the federal 
advance was not so close as at first apprehended, 
an attempt was made to collect the stores 
which had been distributed among the people, 
and large quantities were transported from the 
city to Memphis and other points south. But 
with fresh rumors of the federal advance dis- 
tribution was resumed, and was continued for 
several days, the mob having complete control 
of affairs till the arrival of the federal troops. 
In spite of the remonstrances of the more con- 
siderate citizens, the wire bridge across the 
Cumberland, and the railroad bridge, both 
costly structures, and of great importance to 
the city, were destroyed by the military author- 
ities. This was a foolish act of vandalism, for 
the federal forces were in part approaching by 
the river, with the gunboats, whose power was 
so much dreaded, and their command of trans- 
portation would render the want of the bridges 
of little comparative consequence. But there, 
as elsewhere, the rebel leaders paid little regard 
to the wishes or interests of the people, if they 
could in any degree injure or annoy the national 
forces. Two valuable steamers, which were 
being prepared for gunboats, were also de- 
stroyed, and much other property, estimated to 
amount to several millions, was either destroyed 
or abandoned to those who would take it, al- 
though much might have been preserved for 
the use of the rebel army but for the panic, 
which was shared alike by citizens and the mil- 
itary. The rebel commander and his associates 
were scarcely equal to the task assigned them, 
but, demoralized by the defeat at Fort Donel- 
son, they sought only to dispose, in the quick- 
est manner, of every thing that could be used 
by their enemy, and then to escape themselves. 

It was, however, a week after the arrival of 
Floyd and Johnston, with their retreating forces, 
when the federal troops actually approached 


490 HISTORY OF THE 


“Nashville. The gunboats, after the capture of | 
Fort Donelson, had moved up the river as far| 
as Clarksville, meeting along the banks of the 
river with various demonstrations of loyalty. 
There were some defensive works at Clarksville, 
but they were not occupied, and a large part 
of the citizens had fled from the town, antici- 
pating its destruction by the gunboats. The 
place was occupied without resistance, and the 
people assured of protection. Commodore 
Foote then returned for additional gunboats, 
and some mortar boats, thinking that some of 
the strong positions on the banks of the river 
might be held by the rebel forces. 

In the mean time a portion of General Buell’s 
army moved directly towards Nashville, while 
another division went to Clarksville, from which 
place they went up the river in transports. Of 
the former division the advance guard reached | 
Edgefield, a small town opposite Nashville, on 
Sunday, the 23d of February. No attempt, 
however, was made to cross the river and enter 
the city, and no movement was made until the 
arrival of General Buell, and the division of 
General Nelson, which came from Clarksville 
on transports the next day. A committee of 
citizens, headed by the mayor, then waited 
upon the general, and after an interview, in 
which they received assurances that the liberty 
and property of all peaceably disposed citizens 
should be respected, they surrendered the 
city. 

The federal troops entered the city and took 
strong positions to guard against a surprise. 
A considerable number of guns were found, 
but they were either spiked or otherwise ren- 
dered useless, and all the army stores of the 
rebels which had not been carried away had 
already been taken possession of by the mob. 
Several steamers were captured, but beyond 
these little of value was taken by the federal 
forces. The people of Nashville were gener- 
ally hearty sympathizers with the rebel cause, 
and manifested a sullen and gloomy spirit 


UNITED STATES. 


towards the Union troops. They were fully 


‘impressed with the belief that the federal army 


had come to destroy their property, and to 
steal their slaves, as they had constantly been 
taught by their leaders and newspapers. The 
experience of a few days, however, proved to 
them that they were quite as safe from outrage 
as they were when under the protection of the 
rebel troops. There were a few men who 
were still loyal to the government, and who 
heartily rejoiced to be able again to express 
their Union sentiments, which for so long a 
period they had been obliged to suppress or 
disguise. A few small national flags, which 
had been secretly treasured as memorials of 
the Union, were gladly hung out by their own- 
ers to welcome the national troops. 

The forces of General Buell and General 
Grant gradually came up, and were posted in 
convenient positions in the suburbs of the city, 
their further advance depending upon the po- 
sitions taken by the rebel troops. Some skir- 
mishes occurred between the federal “pickets 
and guerrilla parties of the enemy in the vicin- 
ity of Nashville, but it was soon evident that 
no considerable body of the rebel army was 
near the city. They had retired towards 
Memphis, in the south-western part of the state, 
and to the northern line of Alabama and Mis- 
sissippi, where, by their railroad facilities, they 
had a better line of defence. 

As before observed, the fall of Fort Donel- 
son, and the advance of the federal troops to 
Nashville, rendered the rebel position at Colum- 
bus untenable, and the strong works which had 
been constructed there to command the Missis- 
sippi, were now of little use, as communication 
with the south could easily be cut off, and the 
place invested, if necessary, so as to insure its 
fall. The rebel military authorities, therefore, 
at once gave orders for its evacuation, and after 
destroying the property and ordnance that 
could not be removed, the greater part of the 
rebel force withdrew. A reconnoissance by 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Commodore Foote, after returning from Clarks- 
ville, hastened the complete evacuation of the 
stronghold. On the 3d of March, Commodore 
Foote, with six gunboats, accompanied by three 
transports, carrying upwards of two thousand 
troops, again went down the river, to drive out 
any force which might yet be remaining at the 
post. It was found, however, that the rebels 
had entirely evacuated the works, and a small 
body of federal troops, which had been sent 
forward by land to reconnoitre, were already 
in. possession. The works were found to be 
more formidable than they had been supposed 
to be. The fortifications extended over an 
area of more than four miles, and were of great 
strength on all sides, being designed to resist 
any force attacking on the south and east, as well 
as on the north sides. Many of the heavy guns 
had been thrown into the river, and others, 
which could not easily be removed, were spiked. 
A large quantity of ordnance stores were left, 
and a heavy chain cable, which was designed 
to be stretched across the Mississippi, to ob- 
struct the passage of federal gunboats, was left 
broken on the shore. The quarters of the 
troops and quantities of provisions had been 
burned, and there were numerous evidences 
that the rebels had finally evacuated the place 
in haste. General Cullom, chief of staff to Gen- 
eral Halleck, who accompanied the expedition, 
made the following report of its success : — 


GENERAL CULLOM’S REPORT. 
Cotumsus, Ky., March 4, 1862. 

“ Columbus, the Gibraltar of the West, is ours, 
and Kentucky is free, thanks to the brilliant 
strategy of the campaign, by which the enemy’s 
centre was pierced at Forts Henry and Donel- 
- son, his wings isolated from each other and 
turned, compelling thus the evacuation of his 
stronghold of Bowling Green first, and now 
Columbus. 

“The flotilla, under Flag-Officer Foote, con- 
sisted of six gunboats, commanded by Captains 


491 


Dove, Walke, Stemble, Paulding, Thompson, 
and Shirk, and four mortar boats, in charge of 
Captain Phelps, United States navy, assisted by 


Lieutenant Ford, advance corps United States 


army, and three transports, conveying Colonel 
Buford’s twenty-seventh Illinois regiment, and 
a battalion of the fifty-fourth and seventy-fourth 
Ohio, and fifty-fifth Illinois, commanded by 
Majors Andrews and Sanger, the whole brigade 
being under Brigadier-General Sherman, who 
rendered the most valuable and efficient assist- 
ance. 

“On arriving at Columbus it was difficult to 
say whether the fortifications were occupied by 
our own cavalry, or a scout from Paducah, or 
by the enemy. Every preparation was made 
for opening fire and landing the infantry, when 
General Sherman and Captain Phelps, with 
thirty soldiers, made a dashing reconnoissance 
with a tug, steaming directly under the water 
batteries. Satisfied that our troops had posses- 
sion, they landed, aseended to the summit of 
the bluff, and together planted the stars and 
stripes, amid the heartiest cheers of our brave 
tars and soldiers. 

“Though rising from a sick bed to go upon 
the expedition, I could not resist landing to 
examine the works, which are of immense 
strength, consisting of tiers upon tiers of bat- 
teries on the river front, and a strong parapet 
and ditch, crossed by a thick abatis, on the 
land side. The fortifications appear to have 
been evacuated hastily, considering the quan- 
tities of ordnance and ordnance stores, and 
number of anchors, and the remnant of the 
chain which was once stretched over the river, 
and a large supply of torpedoes remaining. 
Desolation was visible every where; huts, tents, 
and barricades presenting but their blackened 
remains, though the town was spared. I dis- 
covered what appeared a large magazine, 
smoking from both extremities. I ordered the 
train to be immediately cut. A garrison was 
left in the work of nearly two thousand infan- 


492 


try, and four hundred cavalry, which I will 
strengthen immediately. 
“Grorce W. CuLtom, 


“ Brigadier-General, Chief of Staff. 


«To Major-General McCiEenuan.” 


Having obtained these decided advantages 
in Tennessee, the government adopted meas- 
ures designed to hold the state, and to develop 
the loyal sentiment which still existed there. 
Honorable Andrew Johnson, United States sen- 
ator from that state, and the only one from a 
seceded state who remained loyal and main- 
tained his position in the senate, was appointed 
a brigadier-general, for the purpose of organ- 
izing a Union force in the state, and to act as 
military governor until a loyal civil government 
should be established. Mr. Johnson had already 
shown himself one of the truest patriots in the 
country, and one of the strongest opponents 
of secession, and the aristocratic principles on 
which the new confederacy was, in fact, found- 
ed. Popular among a large portion of his 
fellow-citizens, of great determination, and a 
firm believer in democratic institutions, he was 
considered especially fit for the duties now as- 
signed him, and he entered upon them with a 
full knowledge of the position of affairs, the 
character of the rebellion, and the difficulties 
which surrounded him. 


CHAPTER LXIV. 


Army Movements in Missouri. — Position of General Price. — 
Advance of Federal Forces, and Retreat of General Price. — 
Movement of General Curtis into Arkansas. — Expeditions 
against Rebel Detachments. — Approach of a large Rebel 
Force. — Retreat of General Sigel, with Part of his Force, to 
the main Army. — Movements of the Rebel Army under Van 
Dorn. — The Rebel Commander’s Strategy. — Advance upon 
the Federal Position from the West and North. — Battle be- 
tween General Sigel’s Forces and the Rebels on the West. — 
Repulse and Retreat of the Rebels. —Battle in Front of the 
Federal Position, and Retreat of the Rebels. —Severe Con- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


flict with the Rebel Forces at the North, in the Rear of the 
Federal Position. —The Federal Troops driven back.— 
Want of Reénforcements.— The Battle terminated by Night. 
— Arrival of General Sigel’s Forces. — Change ‘of Federal 
Front. — Preparations for a Renewal of the Battle. — Position 
of the two Armies. — Commencement of the Conflict. — 
Heavy Fire of Artillery. — Advance of General Sigel’s Divis- 
ions. — Effective Artillery. — Fierce Conflict, and Rebel 
Right Driven Back. — Waving of the Rebel Line. — Federal 
Charge and Rebel Flight.— Pursuit by General Sigel’s 
Troops. — Rebel Losses. —Death of Generals McCulloch 
and McIntosh.— Rebel and Indian Atrocities. — General 
Curtis’s Report. — Effects of the Victory. 


Wuite the armies of Generals Grant and 
Buell were advancing in Kentucky and Ten- 
nessee, other Union forces, under General Cur- 
tis, were moving to south-western Missouri, 
again to oppose the rebel army collected there 


'by the rebel governor, Jackson, and General 


Price. The latter had organized a considerable 
force among the disloyal people of Missouri, 
and forces raised in Texas and Arkansas were 
ready to codperate with him, the design being 
to wrest the state, or as much of it as possible, 
from the authority of the federal government, 
and to complete the secession, which a traitor- 
ous executive had promulgated and attempted 
to consummate. His headquarters were at 
Springfield, and he had there, and in the vicin- 
ity, a force variously estimated from six to 
twelve thousand troops, with many pieces of 
artillery. 

In the latter part of January the army of 
General Curtis was, in part, concentrated at 
Rolla, which place had been held since the 
withdrawal of General Hunter, after General 
Fremont’s brief campaign, and early in Febru- 
ary an advance was made towards Springfield. 
General Price, expecting the rebel forces of 
General Van Dorn and General McCulloch, 
which were in Arkansas, to move to his sup- 
port, and that their combined forces would be 
sufficiently strong to overwhelm the federal 
army, remained in Springfield till the advance 
of the federal column drove in his pickets. 
Finding that his friends did not come to his 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


support, and unwilling to risk any battle alone, 
or to oppose seriously the federal advance, 
Price evacuated Springfield, and hastily re- 
treated southward to Arkansas. He left behind 
several hundred of his troops, sick, who were 
- taken prisoners, and a quantity of stores and 
wagons. ‘The federal troops advanced towards 
the town, expecting to meet with resistance, 
but they entered the place February 14, with 
scarcely a skirmish, the rebels being already in 
full retreat. General Curtis sent a part of his 
forces in pursuit, which, having overtaken the 
rebel rear, a series of skirmishes and small en- 
gagements ensued for several days, greatly an- 
noying the rebels, and hastening their flight, 
though the loss was not severe on either 
side. 

General Curtis remained a short time at 
Springfield, bringing up the several: divisions 
of his army, and establishing a base from which 
he could operate against any forces of the 
enemy in south-western Missouri or northern 
Arkansas. In the mean time the federal troops 
were gradually advanced along the mail route, 
from Springfield towards Fayetteville, in the 
north-western part of Arkansas, and on the 
first of March were on the borders of the latter 
state, a portion being as far as Bentonville. 
Expeditions were then sent in various direc- 
tions to cut off and capture detached bodies of 
the rebel troops, reported to be at different 
points. The rebel detachments, however, suc- 
ceeded in avoiding the federal troops, some 
bodies of which at last found themselves unex- 
pectedly in the vicinity of a large force of the 
rebels, and were compelled to fali back to the 
main body of the federal army. General Cur- 
tis was at once apprised of the vicinity and 
apparent approach of the rebel army, and at 
once concentrated his forces at Sugar Creek, a 
short distance south of a place called Pea Ridge, 
where there was a good position for defence. 
General Sigel, with a portion of his command, 
was at Bentonville, and when marching to join 


493 


General Curtis, his rear guard.was attacked by 
a heavy force of the rebels, who attempted to 
cut them off. The general sent forward his 
baggage train, and remaining himself with the 
rear guard, which consisted of only one regi- 
ment and a part of another, with his artillery, by 
his energy and skill he cut his way through the 
superior force of the rebels, held them in check 
while his trains moved on, and effected his re- 
treat in the most brilliant and successful man- 
ner, joining the remainder of his command and 
the other forces of General Curtis before the 
enemy could reach them, and in the eontest 
sustaining comparatively a small loss. 

The rebel army, which was now evidently 
approaching for an attack upon the federal 
forces, was composed of nearly thirty thousand 
men, under the chief command of General Van 
Dorn, formerly an officer in the United States 
army. Under General Van Dorn were General 
McCulloch, with a large body of Texans, Gen- 
eral Price, with his Missouri troops, and a body 
of Indians and whites, under General Albert 
Pike, who, being formerly United States Indian 
agent, had used his position and influence to 
enlist the Creeks, Cherokees, and other Indians 
against the government. The position which 
the main body of the rebel army had occupied 
was on the Boston Mountains, about thirty miles 
from General Curtis’s camp, near Pea Ridge. 
From this position they moved on the morning 
of March 5, taking with them four days’ 
rations, and leaving their baggage in camp. 


| Van Dorn’s plan was to march north, so as to 


reach the rear of the federal army, cut them 
off from retreat to Springfield, and while he 
made a feint upon their front, to fall upon their 
rear with the main body of his army. Know- 
ing the position of the rebel army, General 
Curtis expected an attack from that direction 
upon his front, and he accordingly threw up 
some earthworks, and constructed other de- 
fences, which should strengthen his position 
against what he had reason to believe was a 


494 HISTORY OF THE 


superior force to his own. But Van Dorn, 
knowing the country well, had adopted the 
plan above named, both on account of the ad- 
vantages which the nature of the ground gave 
him in an attack from the north, and for the 
purpose of a surprise of the federal army. In 
order to carry out his strategy, while with his 
main body he moved north, he left a body of 
troops to make a feint against the front of the 
federal forces, and another for a like movement 
on their right flank. 

General Sigel reached the extreme right of 
the federal position, and formed a junction with 
the other forces of General Curtis on the night 
of March 6. The rebels had followed, and 
taken position on the flank of the federal army, 
as above stated, and the next morning the 
scouts reported a strong body of the rebel 
army posted on the hills west of the federal 
position, and on its right. Another force was 
reported to have appeared at the north, in the 
rear, and subsequently a smaller body was seen 
in front. The indications were that the force 
on the right was the largest, and General Sigel, 
with two divisions, was sent to dislodge the 
enemy from their position, while Colonel Carr, 
commanding one division, was sent to the north, 
and another division, under Colonel Jefferson 
C. Davis, prepared to meet the forces in 
front. 

About three miles from camp one of Gen- 
eral Sigel’s divisions encountered what was 
supposed to be a small body of rebels, posted 
on the edge of a wood. An attack with artil-| 
lery was made, and after a few rounds a cavalry 
force was ordered to charge, but the rebels | 
were found to be too strong in numbers and, 
position, and the cavalry fell back in confusion. 
The rebels followed up the advantage they 
gained by the repulse of the federal cavalry, 
and, making a charge, captured the three 
pieces of artillery which had been brought to. 
bear upon them. The advantage thus gained, | 
however, was of short duration, for General | 


UNITED STATES. 


Osterhaus, commanding the division, brought up 
his infantry, which, by a succession of volleys, 
followed by a gallant charge, drove back the 
enemy and recaptured the guns. The other 
forces of General Sigel coming up, a heavy fire 
of artillery ensued, by which the rebels were . 
finally dislodged from their position. They 
retreated towards the north, for the purpose of 
joining the main body of their army, and pos- 
sibly for the purpose of dividing and weaken- 
ing the federal forces. The retreating enemy 
were followed for several miles, the artillery 
opening upon them whenever an opportunity 
offered. General Sigel then abandoned the 
pursuit, and returned to the position from 
which he had marched in the morning. 

The conflict between General Sigel’s troops 
and the enemy on the right had hardly com- 
menced, when the rebel force in front advanced 
to offer battle. Colonel Davis, who command- 
ed at this point, moved out against them, and 
a sharp conflict took place, in which the enemy 
was driven back in some confusion, and retired 
by a circuitous route, to join their army in the 
rear. 

In the mean time Colonel Carr’s division had 
moved about two miles to the north, to meet 
the rebels, who had made their appearance in 
that direction, as it was supposed, in not very 
large numbers. The enemy was found to be 
posted on a wooded ridge, somewhat abrupt on 
the side towards the federal troops, and natu- 
rally a favorable position. The division of Col- 
onel Carr having formed in line of battle upon 
a gentle declivity, sloping towards the enemy’s 
position, a fire of artillery was opened upon 
the rebel lines with some effect. They replied 
with artillery, which was, also, well aimed, and 
the explosion of two limber boxes by their 
shells appeared to be a signal for them to pour 
in a heavy fire of musketry, which was followed 
by a charge upon the federal battery, in which 
they succeeded in capturing one of the guns. 
But the infantry supporting the battery soon 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


drove them back, with severe loss, and they 
retired to their position on the ridge. The 
conflict continued about an hour, without any 
result, except to show that the enemy was here 
in strong force, and was preparing to make an 
attack, with large numbers, upon the federal 
lines. Colonel Carr accordingly withdrew his 
force to a better position, a short distance in 
his rear. The battle was immediately renewed, 
and the rebel troops made several ineffectual 
charges, being repeatedly driven back by the 
well-directed fire of the federal infantry. They 
succeeded, at last, in capturing another gun, 
though not without severe loss on their part. 
Many of the rebels were armed with double- 
barrelled shot guns, loaded, in many cases, with 
buckshot as well as balls, and in their charges 
their fire, at short range, though not so fatal as 
that of musketry, was more effective in wound- 
ing and disabling their opponents. 

The battle continued for hours, and it being 
evident that his division was contending against 
greatly superior numbers, Colonel Carr sent 
repeatedly to headquarters for reénforcements. 
But it was impossible for General Curtis to 
send the desired aid, for the troops of General 
Sigel and Colonel Davis were out in pursuit of 
the enemy with whom they had been fighting, 
and the force at his disposal was only sufficient 
to protect his camp. Colonel Carr’s division, 
however, held out bravely, and disputed the 
ground inch by inch as they were compelled to 
retire. 
reénforcement of two regfments of infantry 
and a battery from General Sigel’s command, 
which enabled them to maintain their position 
till night came to relieve the brave but ex- 
hausted troops. They lay upon their arms, re- 
ceiving refreshments from the camp, and pre- 
paring for a desperate struggle on the morrow. 
The lines of the two armies were but a few 
hundred yards apart, and it was necessary to 
observe the greatest caution to be prepared for 
_ asudden attack, and to guard against revealing 


¥ 


Late in the afternoon they received a/| 


495 


any movement to the enemy. General Sigel’s 
and Colonel Davis’s forces having returned, 
General Curtis at once changed the front of his 


jarmy, to meet what was evidently the entire 


forces of the rebels. They had been held in 
check by a greatly inferior force, and the well- 
conceived plan of Van Dorn had not been suc- 
cessfully carried out as he had anticipated. It 
was now too late for him to meet a divided 
federal force, and though the latter had lost 
the advantage of the defences prepared to 
oppose an enemy approaching from the south, 
the army was during the night concentrated, 
and by a change of front, ready to meet the 
attack, intended to be overwhelming. 

It was an anxious and sleepless night in the 
federal camp. The enemy was in greater 
strength than had been anticipated, and had 
obtained an advantageous position from which 
to make an attack. But officers and men were 
determined to do their utmost to repulse, and, 
if possible, to defeat the rebels. The wounded 
were, as far as possible, brought in and placed 
in the care of the surgeons, rations were dis- 
tributed, and overcoats and blankets carried to 
the men who rested on their arms in front, 
while every disposition was made to meet the 
foe on the morrow. The rebels also made 
preparations for the battle, and were posted 
in some very strong positions, a part of their 
force, with several batteries of artillery, occu- 
pying an eminence of gentle declivity towards 
the north, but precipitous on the side towards 
the federal troops. On the right and left of 
this eminence other troops and batteries were 
placed, a strong force of infantry and artillery 
being posted on the rebel right, near the west- 
ern base of the hill, at the edge of a piece of 
woods. The main body of the federal army 
occupied some open and nearly level land, 
where, under the command of General Sigel, 
it was formed in line of battle. It was evident 
that to win the victory it would be necessary 
to dislodge the enemy from their strong posi- 


496 


tion on the hill, and the ee were made 
for that purpose. " 


Early in the morning ae Oe com- 


menced along the centre and right of the fed- 
eral lines, and soon after eight o'clock the 
battle opened in earnest by a fierce cannon- 
ading on both sides. The federal artillery was 
the most effective and skilfully managed, and 
its shot did great execution on the rebel lines. 
General Sigel’s divisions, under Colonel Carr 
and Colonel Davis, on the federal left, moved 
steadily forward, with admirably managed ayr- 
tillery and solid ranks of infantry, until they 
reached the position occupied by the advance 
of the enemy, on the edge.of the timber land. 
Here a charge was made upon rebel battery, 
which had annoyed the advancing columns, and 
it was speedily captured. One by one the other 
rebel guns in this part of the field were.silenced, 
and their right, after a fierce encounter in the 
woods, was driven back. This decided advan- 
tage, together with the heavy cannonade that 
from other parts of the federal line for two 
hours had poured a fearful storm of shot and 
shell among them, seemed to dishearten the 
rebel soldiers if not their officers. Some of 
their infantry broke and fled, and their -guns 
began to be withdrawn from the advantageous 
position on the brow of the hill. The waver- 
ing of the rebel line was a signal for a charge 
by the federal troops, who. were accordingly 
pushed forward for that purpose. The rebels, 
however, did not any where stand to meet the 
' charge, but hastily withdrew their guns, and 
at once commenced a precipitate and disorderly 
retreat, even before the entire line of the fed- 
eral forces had advanced to support their com- 
rades who led the charge. — 

Of General Sigel’s brilliant and successful 
movements, an officer of the regular army 
wrote as follows: — — oe | 

“General Sigel, having apd the. exact 


position of the enemy’s. batteries! commenced 


to form his line of battle by changing his front 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


so as to face the right flank of the enemy’s 
position. Probably no movement during the 
war has shown more skill in the disposition of 
forces, or caused as great destruction to the 


party attacked, with so little loss to the attack- 


ing party. He first ordered the twenty-fifth 
Illinois, under the command of Colonel Coler, 
to take a position along a fence, in open view 
of the enemy’s batteries, which at once opened 
fire upon them. Immediately a battery of six 
of our guns (several of them twelve-pounders, 
rifled) were thrown into line, one hundred. 
paces in the rear of our advanced infantry, on 
a rise of ground. The twelfth Missouri then 
wheeled into line, with the twenty fifth Illinois 
on their left, and another battery of guns was 
sinilarly disposed a short distance behind them. 
Then another regiment and another battery 
wheeled into position, until thirty pieces of 
artillery, each about fifteen or twenty paces 
from the other, were in a continuous line, with 
infantry lying down in front. Hach piece 
opened fire as it came in position. The fire of 
the entire line was directed so as to silence 
battery after battery of the enemy. 

“Such a terrible fire no human courage 
could stand. The crowded ranks of the enemy 
were decimated, their horses shot at their guns, 
large trees literally demolished, but the rebels 
stood bravely to their post. For two hours 
and ten minutes did Sigel’s iron hail fall thick 
as autumn leaves, furious as the avalanche, 
deadly as the simoom. One by one the rebel 
pieces ceased to play. Onward crept our in- 
fantry.; ; onward came Sigel, and his terrible 
guns. “Shorter : and shorter became the range. 
No charge of theirs could face that iron hail, 
or dare to “venture on that compact line of 
bayonets. They turned and fled. Again Sigel 
advanced his _ line, making another partial 
change of. front. Then came the order to 


charge the enemy in “the woods, and those 


brave, boys, who had lain for hours with the 


hail and shot of the enemy falling upon them, 


. 


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amine 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


and the cannon of Sigel playing over them, 
rose up and dressed their ranks as if it were 
but an evening parade, and as the ‘forward’ 
was given, the twenty-fifth Illinois moved in 
compact line, supported on the left by the 
twelfth Missouri, acting as skirmishers, and on 
the right by the twenty-second Indiana. As 
they passed into the dense brush, they were 
met by a terrible volley. This was answered 
by one as terrible and far more deadly. Volley 
followed volley, yet on and on went that line 
of determined men. Steadily they pushed the 
rebel force until they gained more open ground. 
Here the confederate forces broke in confusion 
and fled. The day was ours, and the battle of 
Pea Ridge was added to the already long list 
of triumphs clustering around the old starry 
flag.” 

General Sigel, with his forces, went in pur- 
suit of the panic-stricken rebels, and followed 
them for ten or twelve miles, capturing a large 
number of wagons with supplies and ammunti- 
tion, nearly a thousand stand of arms, and a 
few prisoners. The flight of the enemy was 
too rapid for the weary federal troops and 
horses to overtake and capture the whole force, 
or any considerable body, and the pursuit was 
accordingly abandoned, and the federal troops 
returned to their camp. ‘The rebel forces had 
divided in their flight, a portion going east, 
and others in different directions, towards the 
Boston Mountains. The federal cavalry, for 
several days, scoured the country about the 
battle field, but found no considerable body 
of the rebels, though in all directions numbers 
of wounded and stragglers. 

In the battle of March 7, the loss of the 
rebels opposed to General Sigel’s divisions was 
very heavy, and among the officers killed were 
Generals McCulloch and McIntosh. They left 
a large number of dead and wounded on the 
field from which they were driven, and along 
the route by which they moved to join Van 
Dorn. In the last day’s battle their loss was 

63 


497 


again very severe, from the terrible storm of 
shot and shell poured into their lines by the 
well-trained artillery of the federal army, and 
the effective fire of musketry. In their flight 
they left along the road ample evidences of 
their heavy loss, as well as of the haste of their 
retreat, in which they were compelled to aban- 
don their dead and wounded. Their entire loss 
could hardly be estimated, the dead and wound- 
ed were scattered over so wide an extent of 
country, but it was apparently much greater 
than that of the federal army, which was 
reported to be from ten to twelve hundred 
killed, wounded, and missing. Their army 
suffered still more from demoralization than by 
casualties, a large part of it being scattered or 
rendered utterly useless. 

It was charged upon the rebels that when 
they obtained an advantage against the federal 
troops, they inhumanly shot down and bay- 
oneted the wounded and helpless, and there 
was but too good reason to believe that some 
of the Indians who composed a portion of the 
rebel army, resorted to their savage custom of 
scalping the dead and wounded of the federal 
soldiers who fell within their reach. ‘This 
savage warfare occasioned some correspondence 
between General Curtis and General Van Dorn, 
when the latter subsequently sent a flag of 
truce to the federal lines. General Van Dorn 
discredited and virtually disowned the atrocity, 
and in return charged inhumanity upon the 
Germans, which appeared, however, not to be 
well established. 

The following is General Curtis’s brief report 
of the battle : — 


OFFICIAL REPORT OF GENERAL CURTIS. 


‘«* Heapquarters ARMY OF THE SOUTH-WEST, 
‘Ppa Ripez, ArKansas, March 9. 


“QuneraL: On Thursday, the 6th inst. the 
enemy commenced an attack on my right, 
assailing and following the rear guard of a 
detachment, under General Sigel, to my main 


498 


lines on Sugar Creek Hollow, but ceased firing 
when he met my reénforcement, at about four 
P.M. During the night I became convinced 
he had moved on so as to attack my right or 
rear. 
a change of front to right, on my right, which, 
thus becoming my left, still rested on Sugar 
Creek Hollow. This brought my line across 
Pea Ridge, with my new right resting on the 
head of Cross Timber Hollow, which is the 
head of Big Sugar Creek. I also ordered an 
immediate advance of cavalry and light artil- 
lery, under Colonel Osterhaus, with orders to 
attack and break what I supposed would be 
the reénforced line of the enemy. 

“This movement was in progress, when the 
enemy, at eleven A. M., commenced an attack 
on my right. The fight continued mainly at 
these points during the day, the enemy having 
gained a point, hotly contested by Colonel 
Carr, at Cross Timber Hollow, but were entire- 
ly repulsed with the fall of their commander, 
McCulloch, in the centre, by the forces of Col- 
onel Davis. 

“The plan of attack on the centre was gal- 
lantly carried forward by Colonel Osterhaus, 
who was immediately sustained and superseded 
by Colonel Davis’s entire division, supported 
also by General Sigel’s command, which had 
remained till near the close of the day on the 
left. Colonel Carr’s division held the right, 
under a galling and continuous fire, all day. 

“In the evening, the fire having entirely 
ceased on the centre, and there having been 
none on the left, I reénforced the right by a 
portion of the second division, under General 
Asboth. Before the day closed I was convinced 
that the enemy had concentrated his main 
force on the right. J therefore commenced 
another change of front, forward, so as to face 
the enemy, where he had deployed on my 
right flank in strong position. The change 
had been only partially effected, but was fully 
in progress, when, at sunrise on the 8th, my 


Therefore, early on the 7th, I ordered’ 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STA'TES. 


right and centre renewed the firing, which was 
immediately answered by the enemy, with 
renewed energy, all along the whole extent of 
the line. My left, under Sigel, moved close to 
the hills occupied by the enemy, driving him 
from the heights, and advancing steadily 
towards the head of the Hollows. I immedi- 
ately ordered the centre and right wing for- 
ward, the right turning the left of the enemy 
and cross-firmg on his centre. This final posi- 
tion enclosed the enemy in the arc of a circle. 
A charge of infantry, extending throughout 
the whole line, completely routed the whole 
rebel force, which retired in great confusion, 
but rather safely, through a deep and impassa- 
ble defile of cross timber. 

“ Our loss is heavy ; the enemy’s can never 
be ascertained, for the dead are scattered over 
a large field, and their wounded, too, may, many 
of them, be lost and perish. The foe is scattered 
in all directions, but I think his main force has 
returned to the Boston Mountains. Sigel fol- 
lows towards Keitsville, while my cavalry is 
pursuing him towards the mountains, scouring 
the country, bringing in prisoners, and trying 
to find the rebel Major-General Van Dorn, who 
had command of the entire force. 

“T have not as yet the statements of the 
dead and wounded, so as to justify a report, 
but I will refer you to a despatch I will forward 
very soon. Officers and soldiers have displayed 
such unusual gallantry, that I hardly dare to 
make distinctions. I must, however, name the 
commanders of divisions. General Sigel gal- 
lantly carried the heights, and drove back the 
left wing of the enemy. Asboth, who is 
wounded in the arm, in his gallant effort to 
reénforce the right. Colonel and Acting Brig- 
adier-General Davis, who commanded the cen- 
tre, where McCulloch fell on the 7th, and 
pressed forward the centre on the 8th. Col- 
onel and Acting Brigadier-General Carr is also 
wounded in the arm, and was under the con- 
tinuous fire of the enemy during the two 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


hardest days of the struggle. Illinois, Indiana, 
Towa, Ohio, and Missouri may proudly share 
the honors of the victory which their gallant 
heroes won over the combined forces of Van 
Dorn, Price, and McCulloch, at Pea Ridge, in 
the Ozark Mountains of Arkansas. 
“T have the honor to be, general, 
“Your obedient servant, 
“ SamuEL R. Curtis, 


“ Brigadher-General. 
‘¢ Major-General Hatieck.” 


This brilliant victory put an end, for the 
time being, to the rebel scheme for invading 
Missouri, and securing that state to the confed- 
eracy. Following the successes already achieved 
by the federal armies in Kentucky and Tennes- 
see, 1t was@ discouraging blow to the rebellion, 
and a decided advantage to the Union cause, 
especially in Missouri, where the public mind, 
both of the loyal citizens and those inclined 
to disloyalty, became more settled in the con- 
viction that the federal power would be suc- 
cessfully maintained in that state. - 


CHAPTER LXV. 


The Army of the Potomac.— Orders for its Advance. — The 
President’s Plan. — General McClellan’s Plan.— Army Corps. 
—New Military Departments. — Retreat of the Rebel Army. 
— Advance of Federal Troops to Manassas. — Backward Move- 
ment to Alexandria. —Address of General McClellan to the 
Army.— Movement to Fortress Monroe.— The Defences of 
Washington. — Troops left for the Protection of Washing- 
ton. — Difference of Opinion relative to the Number neces- 
sary. — General McDowell’s Corps detained. — Departure of 
the other Forces for Fortress Monroe. 


Wut the events recorded in the preced- 
ing chapter were transpiring at the west, the 
army of the Potomac still remained in front 
of Washington, and no movement was made 
towards the enemy. This army, exclusive of 
the forces under General Dix in Baltimore and 
vicinity, numbered about one hundred and 
eighty thousand men. It was well armed, and 


499 


supplied with the best artillery, and during the 
months through which the greater part of it 
had been in the field, it had become generally 
well disciplined. On this large and well ap- 
pointed army the loyal people relied for bril- 
liant service, and it was hoped that it might 
deal a blow against the rebellion which should 
render its subsequent suppression a compara- 
tively easy task. While, therefore, victory was 
crowning the federal arms in the campaigns 
which had opened according to the order of the 
President, there was some impatience among 
the people at the delay in the movements of 
this, the largest and most carefully organized 
army in the field. But great confidence was 
felt by the public generally in the command- 
ing general and in the new secretary of war, 
although there were occasional rumors of dis- 
agreement between these two officers. 

- Besides the general order of the President, 
mentioned in a previous chapter, in which 
February 22d was assigned for an advance of 
the several armies, the President issued a spe- 
cial order on the 31st of January, “that all the 
disposable force of the army of the Potomac, 
after providing safely for the defence of Wash- 
ington, be formed into an expedition for the 
immediate object of seizing and occupying upon 
the railroad south-westward of what is known 
as Manassas Junction ; all details to be in the 


i discretion of the general-in-chief, and the ex- 


pedition to move before or on the 22d day of 
February.” The ultimate object was an ad- 
vance in that direction upon Richmond, the fall 
of which, as ‘the seat of the rebel government, 
and the overthrow of the rebel army which 
had been collected in Virginia, were generally 
deemed as matters of the utmost importance, 
in which was involved the fate of the re- 
bellion. 

General McClellan objected to this move- 
ment, and proposed, as one which would more 
surely result in success, an advance by the way 
of the Rappahannock, the troops being trans- 


500 HISTORY OF THE 


ported down Chesapeake Bay and up that river 
to Urbanna. He also suggested an advance 
from Fortress Monroe up the peninsula be- 
tween the York and James Rivers, as better 
than the direct movement proposed by the 
President. The question was submitted to a 
council of war, composed of several of the su- 
perior general officers of the army, in which, 
after some discussion, the movement by way 
of the Rappahannock received the approval 
of a majority of the officers. Several of the 
ablest and most experienced officers, however, 
favored the direct advance proposed by the 
President.* But the army still remained in its 
old position for some time subsequent to this 


decision, and no movement was made for an || 


advance by either route. 

For the more complete organization of so 
large an army, and to render it more efficient 
in the field, it was deemed necessary to divide 
it into army corps. The President, accord- 
ingly, in March, before any movement was 
made, issued an order for the organization of 
army corps, each consisting of two or more 
divisions. General McDowell was appointed 
to the command of the first army corps; Gen- 
eral Sumner to that of the second; General 
Heintzelman to that of the third, and General 
Keyes to that of the fourth. The troops under 
General Banks, in the vicinity of Harper’s 
Ferry, were also organized as a fifth army corps, 
under command of General Banks. General 
McClellan assumed command of the whole of 
these forces; and upon taking the field, was 
relieved from the command of all the other 
military departments which had previously 
been under him as general-in-chief. These 
other military departments were established 
anew, the several departments west of a line 


* The officers who favored the movement by way of the Rap- 
pahannock, were Generals Keyes, Fitz John Porter, Andrew 
Porter, Franklin, W. F. Smith, McCall, Blenker, and Naglee. 
Those who opposed it were Generals Sumner, Heintzelman, 
McDowell, and Barnard. 


UNITED STATES. 


drawn north and south through Knoxville, 
Tennessee, being consolidated as the department 
of the Mississippi, under the command of Gen- 
eral Halleck, a new department between the 
department of the Mississippi and the depart- 
ment of the Potomac being established, and 
called the mountain department, to which 
General Fremont was assigned. Subsequently 
that portion of Virginia and Maryland lying 
between the mountain department and the — 
Blue Ridge was made a separate department, 
called the department of the Shenandoah, 
under the command of General Banks, who, 
with his forces, was thereby detached from 
the army of the Potomac. 

Early in March the rebels suddenly Atos 
doned their batteries on the Potomac, the navi- 
gation of which they had so long obstructed, 
and fell back to the position occupied by their 
mainarmy. Ina few days it was rumored that 
the entire rebel army had fallen back from its 
position at Manassas, and had withdrawn to 
the south side of the Rappahannock. Some 
adventurous civilians proved the truth of the 
rumor before any reconnoissance by the army 
had discovered the fact. But the federal army 
was now ready to move, and an advance was 
immediately made towards Manassas, it being 
supposed by some that the enemy were yet in 
the vicinity of their old position. The works 
at Manassas were found to be somewhat formi- 
dable, and there were indications that the rebel 
army in Virginia was large; but, according to 
good military authority, the position was by . 
no means impregnable, or the rebel forces prob- 
ably sufficient to withstand an attack by the | 
large federal force that could have been brought 
against them. The rebels were soon discovered 
to have fallen back upon the Rappahannock and 
Rapid Ann, where they could hold a stronger 
line of defence. But an advance in this direc- 
tion had been decided against by General 
McClellan and a majority of the officers who 
were consulted ; and after making this move- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ment to Manassas, which was in the nature of 
a feint, the army was marched back again to 
the Potomac for transportation to a new base. 
The plan of advance for which General McClel- 
lan had before expressed a preference, by way 
of the Rappahannock, was now relinquished, 
and a council of the commanders of army corps 
decided in favor of a movement by way of 
the peninsula between the York and James 
Rivers, which had also been suggested by Gen- 
eral McClellan as more advantageous than a 
direct advance. 

The army had moved forward with great 
enthusiasm, and appeared eager to meet the 
enemy. The brilliant victories and general 
success of their brethren at the west, inspired 
the soldiers with a desire to achieve equal 
success, and to strike even a more severe blow 
against the rebellion. The retreat of the ene- 
my was a great disappointment to the army, 
and the orders for a backward movement would 
have, without doubt, in some degree a demoral- 
izing effect if no explanation were given. It 
was on the eve of the backward movement that 
General McClellan, in whom the army had the 
fullest confidence, issued the following address, 
which was calculated to relieve the disappoint- 
ment, and to account for a movement the object 
of which could not be avowed : — 


+s Heapquarters ARMY OF THE Potomac, 
Farrrax Court Hovusn, Va., March 14. 


¢ Somprers or THE Army oF THE Poromac: For 
a long time I have kept you inactive, but not 
without a purpose. You were to be disciplined, 
armed, and instructed. The formidable artil- 
lery you now have, had to be created. Other 
armies were to move and accomplish certain 
results. J have held you back that you might 
give the death blow to the rebellion that has 
distracted our once happy country. The pa- 
tience you have shown, and your confidence in 
your general, are worthy of a dozen victories. 


These preliminary results are now accomplished. , 


I feel that the patient labors of many months 


501 


have produced their fruit. The army of the | 
Potomac is now a real army, magnificent in 
material, admirable in discipline and instruc- 
tion, and excellently equipped and armed. 
Your commanders are all that I could wish. 
The moment for action has arrived, and I know 
that I can trust in you to save our country. 
“As I ride through your ranks, I see in your 
faces the sure prestige of victory. I feel that 
you will do whatever ILask of you. The period 
of inaction has passed. I will bring you now 
face to face with the rebels, and only pray that 
God may defend the right. In whatever direc- 
tion you may move, however strange my actions 
may appear to you, ever bear in mind that my 
fate is linked with yours, and that all I do is to 
bring you where | know you wish to be — on 
the decisive battle field. It is my business to 
place you there. I am to watch over you as 
a parent over his children; and you know that 
your general loves you from the depths of his 
heart. It shall be my care —it has ever been 
—to gain success with the least possible loss ; 
but I know that, if it 1s necessary, you will fol- 
low me to your graves for our righteous cause. 
God smiles upon us. Victory attends us. Yet 
I would not have you think that our aim is to 
be obtained without a manly struggle. I will 
not disguise it from you, that you have brave 
foes to encounter ; foemen well worthy of the 
steel that you will use so well. I shall demand 
of you great, heroic exertions, rapid and long 
marches, desperate combats and privations, per- 
haps. We will share all these together; and 
when this sad war is over, we will all return 
to our homes, and feel that we can ask no higher 
honor than the proud consciousness that we 
belonged to the army of the Potomac. 


“Gro. B. McCretian, 
“ Major-General commanding.” 


The army was marched back to Alexandria, 
where they were to embark, and waited some 
time for transports, which had not yet been 


502 


provided in sufficient numbers, the movement 
down the Potomac and Chesapeake Bay ap- 
parently not having been definitely determined 
upon in season to provide them. It was neces- 
sary in changing the operations of the army to 
a new base at a distance from Washington, and 
not between that city and the enemy, that a 
sufficient force should be left for its protection. 
It was agreed by all military authority, that a 
considerable force was required for this pur- 
pose; but the number of troops to be left was 
a question upon which there was some differ- 
ence of opinion. In this state of affairs, the 
President, in approving of the movement de- 
cided upon by the general officers, stipulated 
only that a sufficient force should be left in 
front of Washington to render the capital safe, 
and to prevent the enemy from re-occupying his 
old position and line of communication. Gen- 
eral McClellan desired to have as large a force 
as possible for his movement upon the penin- 
sula; and considering the danger of an advance 
by the rebels against a eh iadon as incon- 
siderable, was disposed to leave a force which 
by some of the most experienced officers was 
not considered adequate, and by the President 
was deemed altogether insufficient, according 
to the understood opinions of the generals com- 
prising the council of war above mentioned. 
The forces in and about Washington were under 
the command of General Wadsworth, who also 
reported the number which was left at his 
disposal as inadequate for the important trust 
committed to his charge. Adjutant-General 
Thomas, and General Hitchcock, an old and 
experienced officer, concurred in this opinion. 
This state of affairs led the President to detain 
the army corps of General McDowell, which 
was the last one to embark. But exclusive of 
this corps, according to the official reports, the 
number of troops which moved down to the 
peninsula was upwards of one hundred thou- 
sand, while the advance of this corps to a 
position between Washington and the rebel 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


capital might not only serve to protect the 
seat of government from a daring rebel, move- 
ment, but would enable it to codperate with 
the army of General McClellan. 

The first division of the army sailed from 
Alexandria on the 22d of March, and arrived 
at Fortress Monroe on the 23d. The trans- 
portation continued till April 2d, when the 
greater part of the army had arrived at Old 
Point, and being landed, soon commenced a 
movement towards Yorktown. Before enter- 
ing upon a narrative of the peninsula cam- 
paign, some events which occurred previously 
to any important operations by General McClel- 
lan’s army should be recorded. 


CHAPTER LXVI. 


Naval Preparations of the Rebels. — The United States Vessels 
sunk at Norfolk.— The steamer Merrimac raised and iron- 
plated.— Contradictory Reports of the Experiment. — Danger 
to United States Wooden Vessels and Northern Ports. — Ad- 
vent of the Merrimac in Hampton Roads. — The frigates Cum- 
berland and Congress at Newport News. — Appearance of the 
Merrimac. — Preparations on board the Frigates for Defence. 
— Attack by the Merrimac on the Cumberland. —Invulnera- 
bility of the Merrimac. —She strikes the Cumberland with 
her “ Ram.” — The Cumberland disabled and sunk. — Des- 
perate and gallant Defence. — Scenes on board the sinking 
Vessel. — Attack on the Congress, — Spirited Defence. — 
Death of Captain Smith.— The Flag hauled down. — Un- 
successful Attempt to take the Crew Prisoners. — The Con- 
gress burned. — Heavy Losses. — Movements of the Ships 
of War near Fortress Monroe.— The Minnesota aground. — 
Attack by the Merrimac. — Withdrawal of the Rebel Ves- 
sels. — Arrival of the Iron-clad Monitor. — Her Appearance. 
— Preparations to meet the Merrimac. — Reappearance of 
the Rebel Vessels. — Battle between the Merrimac and the 
Monitor. — The Merrimac injured and compelled to retire. 
— The Monitor uninjured. — Lieutenant Worden. — Effects 
of the Rebel Fire. — The Success of the Monitor, and Relief 
to the Public Mind. — Official Reports. 


Arrer the abandonment of the Norfolk navy 
yard by the federal officers at the commence- 
ment of the rebellion, the rebels early took 
measures to avail themselves of the means 
thus acquired, for the creation of a naval force. 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


sels, which were speedily armed, but were by 
no means formidable; and as the federal fleet 
in Hampton Roads soon became strong, they 
scarcely ventured to show themselves within 
long range of the ships of war and forts. The 
vessels which had been sunk at Norfolk, with 
the exception of the steamer Merrimac, were 
old and of little value for the purposes of 
modern warfare. The Merrimac, which was 
needlessly, if not treacherously abandoned, al- 
though set on fire before she sunk, was not 
damaged beyond repair, and as she was one of 
the finest steam frigates in the United States 
navy, was a valuable acquisition to the rebels 
if she could be raised. They soon attempted 
to avail themselves of this valuable prize; and 
after many delays and frequent reported fail- 
ures, they succeeded in raising the steamer, 
and at once commenced preparations to trans- 
form her into a more formidable war vessel 
than any in the United States navy. The most 
common reports of their proceedings repre- 
sented that the vessel was badly damaged, and 
would prove worthless; that the work of re- 
pair and alteration was slow, and, when it was 
certain that she was to be heavily iron-plated, 
that the experiment was proving a failure even 
before completion. These reports were gen- 
erally credited by the naval authorities, though 
the government took precautions to prepare 
to some extent for so formidable a war vessel, 
should the rebels partially succeed in their 
efforts. 

The work, however, went on as rapidly and 
successfully as the means at the command of 
the rebels permitted, and early in the year 
(1862) it was reported that the Merrimac— 
called by the rebels the “ Virginia” — was 
nearly or quite ready for a trip down the river 
to Hampton Roads. Then again followed re- 
ports of the impossibility of the vessel passing 
down the river, on account of the deep draught 
caused by her armor and armament, and that 
she was unmanageable for the same reason. 


503 


The frequent recurrence of such reports 
caused the naval authorities and the northern 
public to believe that the vessel, from which 
the rebels had threatened so much, and which 
had caused no little trepidation among those 
interested in the cémmercial marine of the 
north, would after all prove a failure. Whether 
the rebels encouraged these reports or not, it 
at last became evident that their work was not 
altogether a failure; and about the Ist of 
March the appearance of the Merrimac was 
almost daily looked for in Hampton Roads, 
Some of the naval officers, still wanting con- 
fidence in iron armor for vessels, doubted the 
ability of the Merrimac to do much damage, or 
to prove an unequal foe to the heavily armed 
wooden vessels. The advent of the vessel was, 
however, looked for with fear and anxiety, as 
well as curiosity. If she was as formidable and 
invulnerable as had been represented, and had 
sufficient motive and steering power to be well 
controlled, she might, deed, prove not only a 
terrible antagonist for the naval vessels opposed 
to her, but a scourge to northern ports and 
commerce. 

On Saturday, the 8th of March, the Merri- 
mac, as the vessel was generally still named, 
sailed from Norfolk, accompanied by the armed 
steamers Jamestown and Yorktown, and sey- 
eral tugboats. ‘The approach of the rebel ves- 
sels was first discovered on board the federal 
fleet and in the forts.at about noon, and as the 
appearance of the principal rebel vessel indi- 
cated that it was none other than the Merrimac, 
preparations were made for the expected at- 
tack. The frigates Cumberland and Congress, 
both sailing vessels, had been for some time 
anchored off Newport News Point, for the pro- 
tection of the federal troops there from an at- 
tack by water. They were, therefore, some six 
miles or more above Fortress Monroe and the 
other large vessels of the federal fleet. Coming 
out from the Elizabeth River, the Merrimac 
and her consorts steamed directly across the 


504 


Roads towards these two frigates, the intention 
of the rebel officers being to destroy these ves- 
sels, which were practically blockading James 
River, and which being without steam power, 
would be comparatively helpless against the 
manoeuvres of the Merrimac. For the destruc- 
tion of these vessels the rebel crew were prom- 
ised large shares of prize money. 

The appearance of the Merrimac was grim 
and mysterious. Covered by an iron-plated 
roof, the sides of which rose from the water, 
with no signs of life on board, but moving 
silently under a dense cloud of smoke issuing 
from her huge smoke-stack, she was at once an 
object of wonder and alarm. Her heavy guns 
protruded through narrow ports which closed 
with iron shutters, and at her bow was a huge 
“ram,” or extended prow of iron, designed to 
cut through the sides of wooden vessels below 
the water line. With such formidable offensive 
and defensive armor the strange vessel moved 
steadily towards the object of attack. 

As the rebel “monster” approached, prepa- 
rations were made on board the Cumberland 
and Congress to resist the attack. The former, 
which was the first object of attack, was swung 
across the channel, so as to bring a broadside to 
bear upon the Merrimac; and when the iron- 
clad was about a mile distant, the Cumberland 
commenced firing some of her heavy guns. The 
shot which struck the Merrimac glanced off 
her mailed sides without effect, and she con- 
tinued to approach, regardless of the Cumber- 
land’s broadside, which was discharged when 
within suitable range. Firing a few shot at 
the Congress as she passed, the apparently in- 
vulnerable assailant steamed directly towards 
the Cumberland, and struck that vessel with 
her formidable ram near the bow, crashing 
through the wooden walls with irresistible force, 
and making a large hole, through which the 
water poured into the hold with fearful rapid- 
ity. Then backing off, the rebel vessel dis- 
charged her heavy guns at the ill-fated frigate 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


while preparing for another assault with her 
‘ram. A second blow cut another hole in the 
bottom of the Cumberland, which had already 
lbegun to settle in the water, and the continued 
fire of the Merrimac’s guns at short range did 
fearful execution upon the frigate’s crew. But 
though contending under such fearful disad- 
vantages, the federal officers and crew, with 
noble heroism, continued to fight, and poured 
a storm of shot and shell upon the Merrimac, 
which would have nearly destroyed an ordinary 
vessel, but which fell almost harmless from the 
iron armor. One or two of the Cumberland’s 
shots took effect in the ports of the Merrimac, 
disabling one gun, and wounding several men. 

As the vessel began to sink rapidly the scene 
on board the Cumberland was fearful. The 
decks were strewn with the dead and wounded, 
and the fragments of the vessel and disabled 
gun carriages; but the gallant men who yet 
survived unharmed remained at the guns, and 
continued firing till the rapid settling of the 
ship caused the order to be given for them to 
save themselves. Attempts had already been 
made to remove a part of the wounded; but 
before many could be brought up from the 
cockpit it was filled with water. Several brave 
fellows, also, who remained in one of the mag- 
azines to pass up the ammunition as long as 
possible, were at last prevented from escape 
by the sudden rush of the water. When there 
was no longer any use in remaining at the 
guns, the men serving them sought. their own 
safety, several of the guns being discharged 
just before they sunk beneath the surface of 
the water. After a most noble, but utterly 
unequal contest, of about three quarters of an 
hour, the Cumberland went down, with her flag 
still flymg; and as her masts rose above the 
surface of the water, it waved over the spot 
illustrated by the most signal yet hopeless 
bravery and devotion to duty. 

The fate of the Cumberland being sealed, the 
Merrimac was directed. towards the Congress. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


The officers of that vessel seeing the danger of 
remaining within the reach of the iron ram of 
the Merrimac, had made sail, and attempted to 
run into shoal water, where the iron-clad could 
not follow. The latter, however, safely encased 
in armor which defied the shot of her antago- 
nist, with her heavy guns, discharged at short 
range, could make fearful work upon a wooden 
vessel. She sailed slowly about the Congress, 
not venturing to strike with the iron beak, but 
firing her guns with a precision which made 
almost every shot destructive ; first raking the 
frigate fore and aft, and then moving slowly 
back and forth within one hundred yards, pour- 
ing broadside after broadside into her wooden 
sides, assisted also by the other rebel vessels at 
longer range. The fire was returned by the 
Congress with spirit and determination. Every 
gun that could be brought to bear upon the 
rebel vessel was rapidly discharged; but the 
shot had little apparent effect upon the iron 
armor, which left no vulnerable point. One 
shot, however, disabled one of the rebel guns, 
and it was believed that others had caused more 
or less injury to tlre armor of the Merrimac. 
The Congress was several times set on fire, but 
the flames were soon extinguished. Some of 
her guns were disabled, until at last only two 
could be brought to bear upon the Merrimac; 
the other rebel vessels were firmg some dam- 
aging shots, and the loss of.men in the unequal 
fight was becoming serious. Lieutenant Joseph 
B. Smith, the commanding officer, a brave and 
persistent man, was killed, and the command 
devolving upon Lieutenant Pendergrast, after 
consultation with his officers, he considered it 
wisest to spare a further loss of life, and he 
accordingly hauled down the national flag, and 
raised a white flag in its place. The Merrimac 
soon ceased firing, and a rebel tug proceeded 
to the Congress with officers to take charge of 
what they considered their prize, and to make 
prisoners of the crew. The federal officers re- 


fused to go on board the tug, trusting to the 
64 


505 


nearness of the shore for escape. <A portion of 
the men, however, through mistake or alarm, 
went on board the tug, when it was driven off 
by the fire of troops on shore. The Merrimac 
then again opened fire upon the Congress, not- 
withstanding the white flag was flying, but it 
was not long continued, and the iron-clad moved 
away, as if for an attack on vessels below. The 
smaller rebel vessels did not again approach, 
and the surviving officers and crew of the Con- 
gress abandoned the vessel, which was now on 
fire, and safely reached the shore. The fire 
spread through the ship slowly but surely, and 
before midnight reached the magazines, when, 
with a terrible explosion, the Congress was 
blown up. 

The Cumberland and Congress were fine 
specimens of their class, the old sailing frigate ; 
but as the event too conclusively showed, they 
were in no way equal to a contest with steam, 
and iron-armor, and improved ordnance com- 
bined. But the bravery with which they were 
defended, especially the Cumberland, was worthy 
of the fame achieved by the American navy in 
its former palmiest days. The loss was very 
heavy on board each of these vessels, being 
nearly a third of those on board the Cumber- 
land, and a fourth of those on board the Con- 
gress. The gallantry of officers and crews was 
justly honored with the heartiest praise and 
thanks, although it had proved so unavailing. 

When the Merrimac and attendant vessels 
first appeared in the upper Roads, and it was 
evident that they were out on an errand of 
mischief, the steam frigates Roanoke and Min- 
nesota, sailing frigate St. Lawrence, and other 
vessels lying in the lower Roads and near 
Fortress Monroe, were signalled to prepare for 
action, and move up to meet the enemy. The 
Roanoke, whose machinery was out of repair, 
and the St. Lawrence were towed by tugboats, 
and before reaching any considerable distance 
got aground, and were unable to do more than 
to respond with an ineffectual fire to the shots 


506 


from Sewall’s Point. ‘The Minnesota proceeded 
farther up the Roads, but when within a mile 
and a half of Newport News got aground, and 
all efforts to force the vessel over the shoal, or 
to get her into deeper water, were fruitless. The 
Minnesota was thus placed in a most danger- 
ous position, where sheewould be exposed to 
the attack of the Merrimac, and would be in 
a comparatively helpless condition. Tow-boats 
sent to the assistance of the Minnesota, were 
unable to render any service, and it seemed 
probable that the rebel vessels, having accom- 
plished their work at Newport News, would 
soon come down to continue their successful 
operations. But the officers and men of the 
Minnesota were prepared to make a strong re- 
sistance, and the little gunboat Dragon, which 
had attempted to get the frigate afloat, lay by 
to render any assistance possible. 

Leaving the Congress, as before stated, the 
Merrimac steamed slowly down the Roads, to- 
wards the Minnesota, but either for fear of get- 
ting aground, or, as was afterwards suggested, 
because they desired to capture rather than de- 
stroy the Minnesota, the rebel officers did not 
approach within a mile of the frigate. The rebel 
vessels — the Jamestown and another, accom- 
panying the Merrimac — took positions, and 
opened fire upon the Minnesota. The shots 
from the Merrimac were poorly aimed, and but 
one struck the frigate; but some rifled guns on 
the other steamers caused some damage and loss 
of life. A few shells, thrown from one of the 
heavy guns of the Minnesota, drove these ves- 
sels away, one of them apparently damaged 
and set on fire by the explosion of a shell. At 
nightfall the Merrimac also withdrew towards 
Sewall’s Point, much to the relief of those who, 
knowing the fate of the Cumberland and Con- 
gress, had expected to see the Minnesota de- 
stroyed with scarcely more delay. 

The achievements of the Merrimac had natu- 
rally created great alarm in Hampton Roads, 
and although the destructive monster had re- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


tired for a time, it seemed but too probable 
that the rebels, thus encouraged, would make 
renewed and greater efforts to destroy the fed 
eral vessels one by one, while only some acci 
dent, or singular good fortune on the part of a 
federal gun, could prevent the threatened de- 
struction. Gloomy forebodings were, therefore, 
indulged in by many during this night of sus- 
pense, while on the part of the officers and crew 
of the Minnesota there was only a determina- 
tion to resist to the last. But in the night* 
came a protection for the federal ships and 
national honor. 

The iron-clad battery “ Monitor,’ constructed 
by Captain J. Ericsson, of New York, upon a 
plan devised and matured by himself, arrived 
at Hampton Roads on the evening of the 8th, 
and was soon sent up the Roads to assist the 
Minnesota against an attack from fhe Merri- 
This vessel, of comparatively small size, 
was strongly built and heavily plated with iron, 
sitting very low in the water, and having the 
appearance of a raft, rather than of a well-con- 
structed vessel, Midway from stem to stern 
rose an iron revolving turret, in which were 
two heavy guns, which composed the entire 
armament of the vessel. These guns, protrud- 
ing through narrow ports, which were closed 
except when the guns were run out, revolved 
with the turret, and were discharged as soon as 
brought to bear upon the object of attack. A 
small iron pilot house andthe heavy smoke- 
stack were all that broke the surface of the 
broad iron deck, which was itself but little 
above the surface of the water. Singular in its 
appearance, and somewhat insignificant com- 
pared with the more ponderous Merrimac, the 
Monitor appeared as if it must be but a feeble 
antagonist for the formidable rebel iron-clad. 
The sequel, however, proved_that it was the 
least vulnerable and the more efficient of the 
two. Taking a position in the night behind 
the Minnesota, the coming of daylight and he 
rebel vessels was anxiously awaited. 


mac. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 507 


The next morning the Merrimac, with the | 
other rebel vessels, steamed out from the vi- 
cinity of Sewall’s Point in the direction of the 
Minnesota. As the rebel fleet approached, the 
Monitor, which had been lying under the shad- 
ow of the Minnesota with steam up, started out 
upon a reconnoissance, and proceeded to meet 
the rebel vessels. The latter continued their 
course, entirely ignorant of the character of the 
singular craft which now made its appearance 
in these waters for the first time. The wooden 
steamers kept on with the Merrimac until a 
shell from one of the Monitor’s guns apparently 
disabled one of them, and kept them afterwards 
at a safer distance, where they could fire only 
at long range. . 

The Merrimac, however, continued her course, 
and a battle between the iron-clads soon com- 
menced in earnest. They approached each 
other to a distance not exceeding forty or fifty 
yards, and sometimes to within as many feet, 
and during the four hours’ contest which en- 
sued, they were not at any time more than two 
hundred yards apart. ‘The firing from each 
vessel was rapid, the Merrimac sometimes dis- 
charging a broadside at the Monitor, while the 
latter, from her two eleven-inch guns, as the 
turret revolved, threw her immense shot at her 
antagonist. Upon each vessel the shot rattled 
like gigantic hail, glancing or falling off, for the 
most part, harmless. In the mean time each 
was moving about as if to obtain some advan- 
tage; the Monitor apparently endeavoring to 
obtain a position from which she could throw 
her shot at the stern of the Merrimac, which 
was supposed to be the most vulnerable part, 
and the Merrimac attempting to run down the 
Monitor with her iron beak. During these 
movements the Merrimac got aground for a 
short time, and the Monitor, sailing about her, 
continued to fire her heavy missiles, two or) 
three of which apparently took effect. Suc-| 
ceeding in getting afloat again, the Merrimac. 
again attempted to run down her antagonist, 


and this time succeeded in striking the Monitor 
amidship. The shock careened the Monitor a 
little and threw her out of her course, but 
caused no serious damage. The Merrimac, 
however, had been considerably damaged by 
the fire of the Monitor, and because of these 
injuries began to retire from the contest. It 
appeared that she leaked considerably, and ac- 
cording to the testimony of parties on board 
of her who subsequently deserted, the engineer 
had reported serious damage by two or three 
shots from the Monitor. The latter, which was 
uninjured to any extent, followed the rebel ves- 
sels for some distance; but finally abandoned 
the pursuit, the Merrimac with her attendant 
vessels making for the Elizabeth River, and 
thence up to Norfolk, where it was soon ascer- 
tained she was undergoing considerable repairs. 
~ To the Monitor, in this long conflict of four 
hours, but little damage was done, and there 
were no casualties on board, except to her brave 
and enterprising commander, Lieutenant Wor- 
den. While looking through a narrow aper- 
ture in the little iron pilot house of his vessel, 
just as the Merrimac was withdrawing, worsted, 
from the conflict, a shell burst upon the out- 
side of this house close to the aperture, and 
minute scales of iron were forced through it, 
severely injuring the face and eyes of Lieu- 
tenant Worden. The wound was painful and 
dangerous, and following a great prostration 
of strength, caused by a long imprisonment at 
the hands of the rebels, the young officer who 
had dared so much in an untried experiment, 
was for a long time a sufferer, and.his sight 
nearly despaired of. Universal sympathy and 
gratitude was felt towards him by the loyal 
people, who heartily rejoiced when he was at 
last restored to the service he had honored. 
The contest had not been confined entirely 
to the two iron-clads. The Merrimac, finding 
that the Monitor was as invulnerable as herself, 
had discharged her guns more frequently at the 
Minnesota. and that vessel had replied with 


508 


occasional shot during the whole period of the 
battle, but evidently with little or no effect upon 
the Merrimac. 
struck the boiler of the small gunboat Dragon, 
which lay near the Minnesota, causing an ex- 
plosion of steam, which slightly damaged the 
vessel and scalded some of the men. Beyond 
this no serious damage was done to the federal 
vessels, and the wooden vessels of the rebels 
kept at so great a distance that they were 
scarcely exposed to the fire of the former. 

The relief afforded by the result of this day’s 
battle to the minds of the loyal persons in 
Hampton Roads and at Fortress Monroe, and 
indeed throughout the north, can hardly be 
expressed. The formidable rebel iron-clad, so 
much dreaded after the destruction of the Cum- 
berland and Congress, had found more than a 
match in the little Monitor, and the success of 
this vessel was an honor to its ingenious in- 
ventor as well as a subject for congratulation 
among the loyal people. The efficiency of 
iron-clad ships of war had never before been 
practically tested, and both the achievements 
of the Merrimac against wooden vessels and 
her encounter with the Monitor, were regarded 
with much interest in Europe as well as the 
United States. The invulnerability of Erics- 
son’s vessel and its successful operation, induced 
the government to order at once the construc- 
tion of others upon the same plan, the result 
of the conflict demonstrating, in some degree, 
the superiority of this mode of construction 
over the ordinary plan of plating vessels which 
had been adopted in Europe. 

The following are among the official reports 
of the events above described. Commander 
Radford, of the Cumberland, was serving as a 
member of a court of inquiry on board the 
Roanoke at the time of the appearance of the 
Merrimac, and although he made every effort to 
reach his ship, he did not arrive at her station 
until she had sunk. The Cumberland was, 
therefore, at the time, under the command of 


A shot from the latter had, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


|Lieutenant George M. Morris, who made the 


following report : — 


LIEUTENANT MORRIS’S REPORT. 
‘“‘Newrort News, Va., March 9, 1862. 

“Sir: Yesterday morning, at nine A. M., 
I discovered two steamers at anchor off 
Smithfield Point, on the left hand or western 
side of the river, distant about twelve miles. 
At twelve meridian, I discovered three vessels 
under steam, standing down the Elizabeth River, 
towards Sewall’s Point. I beat to quarters, 
double-breeched the guns on the main deck, 
and cleared ship for action. 

“At one P.M. the enemy hove in sight, 
gradually nearing us. The iron-clad steamer 
Merrimac, accompanied by two steam gun- 
boats, passed ahead of the Congress frigate and 
steered down towards us. We opened fire on 
her. She stood on and struck us under the 
starboard fore-channels. She delivered her 
fire at the same time. The destruction was 
great. We returned the fire with solid shot 
with alacrity. _ 

« At thirty minutes past three the water had 
gained upon us, notwithstanding the pumps 
were kept actively employed, to a degree that 
the forward magazine being drowned, we had 
to take powder from the after magazine for the 
ten-inch gun. At thirty-five minutes past three 
the water had risen to the main hatchway, and 
the ship cantered to port, and we delivered a 
parting fire —each man trying to save himself 
by jumping overboard. 

“Timely notice was given, and all the wound- 
ed who could walk were ordered out of the 
cockpit ; but those of the wounded who had 
been carried into the sick bay and on the berth 
deck were so mangled that it was impossible 
to save them. 

“Tt is impossible for me to individualize. 
Alike, the officers and men all behaved in the 
most, gallant manner. Lieutenant Selfridge 
and Master Stuyvesant were in command o€ 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the gun-deck divisions, and they did all that 
noble and gallant officers could do. Acting 
Masters Randall and Kennison, who had charge 
each of a pivot-gun, showed the most perfect 
coolness, and did all they could to save our 
noble ship; but, I am sorry to say, without 
avail. Among the last to leave the ship were 
Sergeant Martin and Assistant-Surgeon Ker- 
shaw, who did all they could for the wounded 
promptly and faithfully. 

“The loss we sustained I can not yet inform 
you of, but it has been very great. The war- 
rant and steerage officers could not have been 
more prompt and active than they were at 
their different stations. Chaplain Lenhart is 
missing. Master’s mate John Harrington was 
killed. I should judge we have lost upwards 
of one hundred men. I can only say, in con- 
clusion, that all did their duty, and we sank 
with the American flag flying at the peak. 

‘I iam,;,siry&e., 
“Gro. M. Morris, 
“ Treutenant and Kxecutive Officer. 


Lieutenant Pendergrast, upon whom de- 
volved the command of the Congress after the 
death of Lieutenant Smith, reported that after 
learning the death of his superior officer, he 
took command. “Seeing that our men were 
being killed without the prospect of any relief 
from the Minnesota, which vessel had run ashore 
in attempting to get up to us from Hampton 
Roads, not being able to get a single gun to 
bear upon the enemy, and the ship being on 
fire in several places, upon consultation with 
Commander William Smith, we deemed it prop- 
er to haul down our colors, without any further 
loss of life on our part. We were soon boarded 
by an officer of the Merrimac, who said he would 
take charge of the ship. He left shortly after- 
wards, and a small tug came alongside, whose 
captain demanded that we should surrender and 
get out of the ship, as he intended to burn her 
immediately. A sharp fire with muskets and 


509 


artillery was maintained from our troops ashore 
upon the tug, having the effect of driving her 
off The Merrimac again opened upon us, 
although we had a peak to show that we were 
out of action. After having fired several shells 
into us, she left us, and engaged the Minnesota 
and the shore batteries.” 


Captain John Marston,commanding the Roan- 
oke, was the senior officer of the fleet, and acting 
flag-officer. His report is as follows: — 


‘“Unitep Srares SreameR Roanoxe, 
Hampton Roaps, March 9, 1862. 

“Str: I have the honor to inform you that 
yesterday, at one o’clock, one of the look-out 
vessels reported by signal that the enemy was 
coming out. I immediately ordered the Min- 
nesota to get under way, and as soon as the 
two tugs appointed to tow this ship came along- 
side I slipped our cable. 

“The Merrimac was soon discovered passing 
out by Sewall’s Point, standing up towards 
Newport News, accompanied by several small 
gunboats. Hvery exertion was made by us to 
get all the speed on the Roanoke that the two 
tugs were capable of giving her, but in con- 
sequence of our bad steerage we did not get 
ahead as rapidly as we desired to. 

“The Merrimac went up and immediately 
attacked the Congress and Cumberland, but 
particularly the latter ship, which was hid from 
us by the land. When about seven or eight 
miles from Fortress Monroe the Minnesota 
grounded. We continued to stand on, and 
when we came in sight of the Cumberland we 
saw that she had careened over, apparently 
full of water. 

“The enemy, who had been joined by two 
or three steamers from James River, now de- 
voted themselves exclusively to the Congress; 
but she being aground, could bring but five 
guns to bear on them, and at ten minutes be- 
fore four o’clock we had the mortification of 
seeing her haul down her flag. I continued to 


510 


stand on until we found ourselves in three and 
a half fathoms of water, and was on the ground 
astern. 

“Finding that we could go no further, I 
ordered one of the tugs to tow us round, and 
as soon as the Roanoke’s head was pointed down 
the bay, and I found she was afloat again, I 
directed the tugs to go to the assistance of the 
Minnesota, under the hope that, with the assist- 
ance of the two others which had accompanied 
her, they would be able to get her off; but up 
to the time that I now write they have not 
succeeded in doing so. 

“ At five o’clock the frigate St. Lawrence, in 
tow of the Cambridge, passed us, and not long 
after she also grounded; but by the aid of the 
Cambridge she was got afloat again, and being 
unable to render any assistance to the Minne- 
sota, came down the harbor. 

“In passing the batteries at Sewall’s Point, 
both going and returning, the rebels opened 
fire upon us, which was returned from our pivot 
guns; but the range was too great for them, 
while the enemy’s shots fell far beyond us. 
One shot went through our foresail, cutting 
away two of our shrouds, and several shells 
burst over and near the ship, scattering their 
fragments on the deck. Between seven and 
eight o’clock we discovered that the rebels had 
set fire to the Congress, and she continued to 
burn until one o’clock, when she blew up. This 
was a melancholy satisfaction to me; for as she 
had fallen into the hands of the enemy, it was 
far better to have her destroyed than that she 
should be employed against us at some future 
day. 

“Tt was the impression of some of my officers 
that the rebels hoisted the French flag. 

“T heard that the Monitor had arrived, and 
soon after Lieutenant-Commanding Worden 
came on board, and I immediately ordered him 
to go up to the Minnesota, hoping she would 
be able to keep off an attack on the Minnesota 
until he had got her afloat again. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


“This morning the Merrimac renewed the 
attack on the Minnesota, but she found, no 
doubt greatly to her surprise, a new opponent 
in the Monitor. 

“The contest has been going on during most 
of the day between these two armored vessels, 
and most beautifully has the little Monitor 
sustained herself, showing herself capable of 
great endurance. 

“T have not received any official accounts 
of the loss of the Congress and Cumberland, 
but no doubt shall do so, when they will be 
transmitted to you. 

“J should do injustice to this military depart- 
ment did I not inform you that every assistance 
was freely tendered to us, sending five of their 
tugs to the relief of the Minnesota, and offering 
all the aid in their power. 

“JT would also beg leave to say that Captain 
Poor, of the ordnance department, kindly vol- 
unteered to do duty temporarily on board this 
ship, and from whom I have recéived much 
assistance. 

“T am, very respectfully, 
“ Your obedient servant, 
“Joun Marston, 
“Captain and Semor Officer. 


«To Hon. Gipron WELLEs, Secretary of the Navy.” 


Captain Van Brunt, who commanded the 
Minnesota, and participated in the general en- 
gagement, and who, from his position, had an 
opportunity of witnessing the contest between 
the Merrimac and Monitor, made the following 
report : — 

REPORT OF CAPTAIN VAN BRUNT. 


‘‘Unirep Sratses Steamer MINNESOTA, 
March 10, 1862. 


“Sir: On Saturday, the eighth instant, at 
forty-five minutes after twelve o’clock P. M., 
three small steamers, in appearance, were dis- 
covered rounding Sewall’s Point, and as soon as 
they came into full broadside view, I was con- 
vinced that one was the iron-plated steam-bat- 
tery Merrimac, from the large size of her smoke- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION, 511 


pipe. They were heading for Newport News, 
and I, in obedience to a signal from the senior 
officer present, Captain John Marston, immedi- 
ately called all hands, slipped my cables, and 
got under way for that point, to engage her. 
While rapidly passing Sewall’s Point, the rebels 
there opened fire upon us from a rifle-battery, 
one shot from which going through and crip- 
pling my mainmast I returned the fire with 
my broadside-guns and forecastle-pivot. We 
ran without further difficulty within about one 
and a half miles of Newport News, and there, 
unfortunately, grounded. The tide was run- 
_ning ebb, and although in the channel there 
was not sufficient water for this ship, which 
draws twenty-three feet, I knew the bottom 
was soft and lumpy, and endeavored to force 
the ship over, but found it impossible so to do. 
At this time it was reported to me that the 
Merrimac had passed the frigate Congréss and 
run into the sloop of war Cumberland, and in 
fifteen minutes after, I saw the latter going 
down by the head. The Merrimac then hauled 
off, taking a position, and about half past two 
o'clock P. M., engaged the Congress, throwing 


shot and shell into her with terrific effect, while | 


the shot from the Congress glanced from her 
iron-plated sloping sides, without doing any 
apparent injury. At half past three o’clock 
P. M., the Congress was compelled to haul down 
her colors. Of the extent of her loss and in- 
jury, you will be informed from the official 
report of her commander. 

“ At four o’clock P. M., the Merrimac, James- 
town, and Patrick Henry, bore down upon my 
vessel. Very fortunately, the iron battery drew 
too much water to come within a mile of us. 


She took a position on my starboard bow, but. 


did not fire with accuracy, and only one shot 
passed through the ship’s bow. The other two 


steamers took their position on my port bow 
| with no more effect, apparently, than so many 


and stern, and their fire did most damage in 


that I could bring to bear upon them, I drove 
them off, one of them apparently in a crippled 
state. I fired upon the Merrimac with my ten- 
inch pivot-gun, without any apparent effect, and 
at seven o’clock P. M., she too hauled off, and 
all three vessels steamed towards Norfolk. 

“The tremendous firing of my broadside guns 
had crowded me further upon the mud bank, 
into which the ship seemed to have made for 
herself a cradle. From ten P. M., when the tide 
commenced to run flood, until four A. M., I had 
all hands at work, with steamtugs and hawsers, 
endeavoring to haul the ship off the bank, but 
without avail; and as the tide had then fallen 
considerably, I suspended further proceedings 
at that time. 

“At two A. M., the iron-battery Monitor, Com- 
mander John L. Worden, which had arrived 
the previous evening at Hampton Roads, came 
alongside and reported for duty, and then all 
on board felt that we had a friend that would 
stand by us in our hour of trial. 

“At six A. M, the enemy again appeared, 
coming down from Craney Island, and I beat 
to quarters; but they ran past my ship, and 
were heading for Fortress Monroe, and the re- 
treat was beaten, to allow my men to get some- 
thing to eat. The Merrimac ran down near 
the Rip Raps, and then turned into the channel 
through which | had come. Again all hands 
were called to quarters, and opened upon her 
with my stern guns, and made signal to the 
Monitor to attack the enemy. She immediately 
ran down in my wake, right within the range 
of the Merrimac, completely covering my ship, 
as far as was possible with her diminutive di- 
mensions, and, much to my astonishment, laid 
herself right alongside of the Merrimac, and the 
contrast was that of a pygmy to a giant. Gun 
after gun was fired by the Monitor, which was 
returned with whole broadsides from the rebels, 


killing and wounding men, inasmuch as they | pebble stones thrown by a child. After a while 


fired with rifled guns; but with the heavy gun 


| they commenced manoeuvring, and we could 


512 HISTORY OF THE 


see the little battery point her bow for the 


ing a shot through her bow porthole; then she 
would shoot by her, anc rake her through her 
stern. In the mean time the rebels were pour- 
ing broadside after broadside, but almost all her 
shot flew over the little submerged propeller; 
and when they struck the bomb-proof tower, 
the shot glanced off without producing any 
effect, clearly establishing the fact that wooden 
vessels cannot contend successfully with iron- 
clad ones, for never before was any thing like 
it dreamed of by the greatest enthusiast in 
The Merrimac finding that 
she could make nothing of the Monitor, turned 
her attention once more to me in the morning. 
She had put one eleven-inch shot under my 

counter, near the water-line, and now, on her 
~ second approach, I opened upon her with all ny 
broadside guns and ten-inch pivot —a broadside 
which would have blown out of water any tim- 
ber-built ship in the world. She returned my 
fire with her rifled bow-gun, with a shell which 
passed through the chief engineer’s state room, 
through the engineer’s mess room amidships, 
and burst in the boatswain’s room, tearing four 
rooms all into one, in its passage exploding two 
charges of powder, which set the ship on fire, 
but it was promptly extinguished by a party 
headed by my first lieutenant. Her second 
went through the boiler of the tugboat Dragon, 
exploding it, and causing some consternation 
on board my ship for the moment, until the 
matter was explained. This time I had con- 
centrated upon her an incessant fire from my 
gun-deck, spar-deck, and forecastle pivot-guns, 
and was informed by my marine officer, who 
was stationed-on the poop, that at least fifty 
solid shot struck her on her slanting side, with- 
out producing any apparent effect. By the 
time she had fired her third shell, the little 
Monitor had come down upon her, placing her- 
self between us, and compelled her to change 
her position, in doing which she grounded, and 


maritime warfare. 


UNITED STATES. 


again I poured into her all the guns which could 
rebels, with the intention, as I thought, of send-' 


be brought to bear upon her. As soon as she 
got off she stood down the bay, the little bat- 
tery chasing her with all speed, when suddenly 
the Merrimac turned around, and ran full speed 
For a moment I was anx- 
ious, but instantly | saw a shot plunge into the 
iron roof of the Merrimac, which surely must 
have damaged her, for some time after the reb- 
els concentrated their whole battery upon the 
tower and pilot house of the Monitor, and soon 
after the latter stood down for Fortress Monroe, 
and we thought it probable she had exhausted 
her supply of ammunition, or sustained some 
injury. ‘Soon after the Merrimac and the two 


into her antagonist. 


other steamers headed for my ship, and I then 


felt to the fullest extent my condition. I was 
hard and immovable aground, and they could 
take position under my stern and rake me. [I 
had expended most of my solid shot, and my 
ship was badly crippled, and my officers and 
men were worn out with fatigue; but even in 
this extreme dilemma I determined never to 
give up the ship to the rebels, and after con- 
sulting my officers, I ordered every preparation 
to be made to destroy the ship, after all hope 
was gone to save her. On ascending the poop 
deck, I observed that the enemy’s vessels had 
changed their course, and were heading for 
Craney Island ; then I determined to lighten 
the ship by throwing overboard my eight-inch 
guns, hoisting out provisions, starting water, 
&e. At two P. MI proceeded to make another 
attempt to save the ship, by the use of a num- 
ber of powerful tugs and the steamer S. R. 
Spaulding — kindly sent to my assistance by 
Captain Talmadge, Quartermaster at Fortress 
Monroe — and succeeded in dragging her half 
a mile distant, and then she was again im- 
movable, the tide having fallen. At two A. M., 
this morning I succeeded in getting the ship 
once more afloat, and am now at anchor oppo- 
site Fortress Monroe. 

“It gives me great pleasure to say, that dur- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ing the whole of these trying scenes the officers 
and men conducted themselves with great 
courage and coolness. 
“T have the honor to be your very obedient 
servant, G. J. Van Brunt, 
“Captain U. S. Navy, com. Frigate Minnesota. 


‘‘ Hon. Gipron WELLES, Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.” 


CHAPTER LXVII.. 


Federal Movement in North Carolina. — Expedition against 
Newbern. — Debarkation of Troops. — March towards New- 
bern. — Bivouac near the Rebel Lines. — Rebel Fortifications 
and Troops. — The Advance for Attack. — The Battle. — Gal- 
lantry of Federal Troops.— Fortifications stormed.— Suc- 
cessful Assaults by the three Brigades. —The Works carried. 
— Flight of the Rebels. — Movements of the Gunboats. — 
Batteries and Obstructions. — The Obstacles overcome. — 
The Gunboats at Newbern. — Burning of the Railroad Bridge 
and Houses in Newbern. —The Town occupied. — Federal 
Military Authority. — Official Reports. 


In North Carolina, after the capture of Roan- 
oke Island and the destruction of the rebel 
flotilla at Elizabeth City, as narrated in a pre- 
vious chapter,* no new movement was made 
for upwards of a month. In the mean time 
reconnoissances were made, and General Burn- 
side, while receiving additional troops and 
supplies, and making the necessary prepara- 
tions for an advance, had obtained information 
respecting the rebel position and the waters 
and coast of the state. Early in March prepa- 
rations were made for an immediate movement 
against Newbern, situated at the confluence of 
the Neuse and Trent Rivers, a town of some 
commercial importance, but of much more con- 
sequence as a strategic point in the military 
occupation of the state. 

General Burnside embarked parts of three 
brigades, under Generals Foster, Reno, and 
Parke, on board his transports on the 11th of 
March, and on the 12th sailed from Hatteras 
Inlet, where his vessels had been directed to 


* Chapter LIX. 
65 


513 


rendezvous, in company with a small flotilla 
of gunboats, under the command .of Com- 
modore Rowan. The vessels arrived the same 
night at the point for debarkation at the mouth 
of Slocum’s Creek, about eighteen miles below 
Newbern, and early the next morning the 
troops commenced landing and moving up the 
bank of the river. The debarkation, owing 
to the shoal water, was necessarily slow and 
tedious ; but in the course of the day the whole 
force was landed, and the advance had moved 
on some twelve miles towards Newbern. With 
the troops, which were entirely of infantry 
were eight howitzers from the gunboats and 
transports. ‘These were drawn and manned by 
sailors, but were under the command of the 
military. A heavy rain had made the progress 
of the troops very difficult, and it required a 
large number of soldiers to aid in dragging the 
artillery through the-mud. As the column 
moved the gunboats sailed up the river, shell- 
ing the woods in its advance, to compel any 
rebel force there to retire, or to reveal their 
position. On the march some formidable but 
unfinished fortifications were found, which a 
few weeks later might have added more serious 
obstacles to the success of the expedition 
There were signs of hasty retreat from these 
points, but no rebel forces were discovered, and 
at night the advance of the federal troops 
bivouacked within a mile and a half of the ene- 
my’s stronghold, the rebel pickets then first 
being met. After their wet and toilsome march, 
the federal soldiers found only the moist ground 
on which to rest, and their blankets to protect 
them from the rain; but they were full of en‘ 
thusiasm and confidence, and by their bivouac 
fires they cheerfully bore their hardships, in 
anticipation of a victory on the morrow. 
Although the lower or outer fortifications 
had not been completed, the approaches to 
Newbern were defended by extensive works, 
consisting of a line of water batteries on the 
river, which were connected with field works, 


o14 


mounted with heavy cannon, and rifle pits and 
redoubts, reaching some three miles from the 
town. They had mounted upwards of forty 
heavy guns, and had also three field batteries, 
while according to subsequent reports, there 
were eight regiments of infantry and about 
five hundred cavalry, in addition to the light 
artillery, to defend the works and the town. 
To attack so strongly fortified a position, held 
by so considerable a force, was a formidable 
undertaking for an army no larger than Gen- 
eral Burnside’s, and having only eight guns of 
comparatively light calibre; but the attempt 
was to be made, in the fullest confidence of 
success. — 

Early in the morning of the 14th the whole 
division was ordered to advance in three col- 
umns. General Foster’s brigade, on the right, 
moved by the main road to attack the enemy’s 
left; General Reno’s brigade moved along the 
railroad, which ran near the river directly to- 
wards Newbern, to engage the enemy’s right; 
while General Parke’s brigade followed for 
some distance the route taken by General 
Foster’s, for the purpose of attacking the rebel 
front, and to support either of the other brig- 
ades. The several brigades moved forward 
promptly and with the steadiness of veterans. 
General Reno’s troops, on the railroad, were 
the first to meet with the enemy. A railroad 
train, which had apparently brought reénforce- 
ments from Newbern, was discovered on the 
track in their front, and men were engaged in 
unloading a heavy rifled gun, when the sudden 
advance of General Reno’s force drove the reb- 
els hastily into their intrenchments, and the 
train moved back towards the town. Finding 
his advance troops close upon the formidable 
earthworks of the enemy, General Reno formed 
his brigade in line of battle in the woods, which 
extended on either side of the railroad, and 
opened fire with musketry upon the rebels 
occupying the main fortifications and the rifle 
pits on the left. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


In the mean time General Foster’s brigade 
had advanced along the carriage road through 
the woods, which for the most part covered the 
country, until they came to the clearing in front 
of the rebel position. Here General Foster 
soon disposed of his troops in line of battle. and 
commenced the attack on the enemy’s left. 
General Parke’s brigade, which had also ad- 
vanced by the same road, was brought into 
position between General Foster’s and General 
Reno’s, and thus the line of battle was com- 
pleted along the whole front of the rebel works. 
The naval artillery was placed in position in 
the centre, and was worked with the greatest 
gallantry by the officers and men in charge. 

The federal troops had hardly formed in line 
of battle and opened fire upon the enemy, 
when the latter replied with their numerous 
pieces of artillery and heavy volleys of mus- 
ketry, which took serious effect upon the un- 
protected Union troops. They fought, however, 
like veterans, and pressed forward in spite of 
the damaging fire, and notwithstanding the 
nature of the ground, which was in many places 
such as to give great advantage to the enemy. 
The right wing of General Reno’s brigade, a 
part of the twenty-first Massachusetts, pressed 
forward by the railroad, and succeeded in enter 
ing the rebel breastworks, where they charged 
upon the rebel battery of artillery, and drove 
the men from their pieces. The national colors 
were planted within the works, and could this 
regiment have been immediately supported, the 
battle here would have been quickly decided. 
But the rebels immediately brought up two 
regiments to meet the four companies which 
entered the works, and the latter were com- 
pelled to retire. But the success with which 
they had met encouraged the federal soldiers 
to renewed efforts, and a report of the condition 
of affairs behind the rebel breastworks induced 
Colonel Rodman, of the fourth Rhode Island, 
which: was next in line to the twenty-first Mas- 
sachusetts, without the orders of General Parke, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


in whose brigade he was, to charge upon the 
battery. His regiment moved quickly and 
firmly forward, and succeeded in entering the 
breastwork on the flank of the battery. Here 
it was speedily formed, and charged upon the 
gunners, driving them, completely routed, from 
their pieces, and capturing the whole battery. 
Being soon supported by the other regiments 
of General Parke’s brigade, the rebels fled from 
this part of the field with precipitation, leaving 
the federal troops in undisputed possession of 
the ground, and the arms which they had so 
gallantly captured. 

Almost simultaneously with the assault in 
the centre, the extreme right of General Fos- 
ter’s brigade, the twenty-fourth Massachusetts, 
which had pressed forward under a galling fire 
and very great disadvantages of ground, planted 
their colors upon the parapet of the rebel for- 
tifications in their front, and this gallant regi- 
ment, followed by the whole brigade, poured into 
the rebel works. The rebel forces fled in dismay, 
abandoning all that encumbered their flight. 

Quickly following this success was a charge 
by General Reno’s brigade, which had contended 
against a series of forts and rifle pits for several 
hours, and had suffered severely in the contest. 
Bringing up a regiment held in reserve, Gen- 
eral Reno ordered a charge by the whole brig- 
ade; and in the face of the heavy fire of the 
rebels, which had not abated in this part of their 
works, and in spite of the abatis and other 
obstacles which met them on the acclivity up 
which they moved, the troops advanced quickly 
and steadily, carrying the works immediately 
before them in a gallant manner. At the same 
time a supporting charge, by a part of Gen- 
eral Parke’s brigade within the intrenchments, 
completed the rebel rout and the federal vic- 
tory. The whole line of works had been carried, 
and almost as if by the same order the troops 
in the several brigades had stormed the ene- 
my’s position along its whole front, and won 
a speedy victory. 


‘moved up the river. 


515 


While the army marched from the place of 
debarkation and attacked the rebels by land, 
the gunboat flotilla proceeded up the river to 
attack the batteries constructed for defence 
from a naval attack. The first day two bat- — 
teries, some miles below Newbern, were en- 
countered. The first, mounting four guns, was 
speedily silenced by the fire of the gunboats, 
the rebel garrison abandoning their guns in 
haste after the discharge of a few shot. The 
next mounted twelve or fifteen guns, but the 
rebel force in the work appeared to be terror- 
stricken at the approach of the gunboats, and 
a few shots sufficed to drive them precipitately 
from their guns and to seek safety in flight. A 
small cavalry force was also compelled to beat a 
hasty retreat by the shells thrown among them 
by the gunboats. The national flag was raised 
over the captured forts, and the flotilla came to 
anchor for the night. 

On the 14th, when the attack by General 
Burnside’s forces was made, the gunboats again 
About six miles below 
Newbern they came upon some formidable ob- 
structions, which were evidently expected by 
the rebels to prevent any nearer approach by 
the navy to the town. The river was at this 
point divided by a shoal into two channels, one 
of which was obstructed by the sinking of nu- 
merous vessels in such a manner as to present 
an impassable barrier, and in the other were 
sunk heavy spars pointed down the river, the 
ends of which were armed with sharpened iron, 
so as to run through the bows or sides of a 
vessel moving up the river. There were also 
several torpedoes sunk in this channel, designed 
to explode by the contact of a vessel with tim- 
bers projecting from them. A battery was 
constructed on the bank to command the river 
at this point, and to rake the approaching ves- 
sels while detained by the obstructions. Com- 
modore Rowan, after briefly examining the 
obstructions, ordered the gunboats to follow the 
‘flag-ship Delaware, and boldly pressed through 


516 HISTORY OF 


the dangerous channel without serious injury 
to any of the vessels. During the passage of 
the gunboats through the obstructions a brisk 
fire was kept up by the battery, but without 
much effect upon the flotilla, and a few well- 
directed shot from the gunboats soon silenced 
the guns and drove the men from the works. 

Having passed the barrier which was so con- 
fidently expected to prevent the federal gun- 
boats from ascending the river, still another 
fort opposed the advance of the flotilla. But 
this, too, after a short engagement, was aban- 
doned by the rebels, who were now flying from 
all their works before the assault of the federal 
troops and the approach of the ever dreaded 
gunboats. Proceeding up the river to the town, 
a few shot and shell were thrown at the rebels, 
who were seen hurrying away in trains upon 
the railroad. 

The rebel force having safely crossed the 
river into the town of Newbern, the railroad 
bridge was burned, whether by accident or for 
the purpose of preventing pursuit by the victori- 
ous national troops, did not appear. General 
Burnside ordered his forces forward, expecting 
at first to-meet with another line of defence. 
Their progress, however, was altogether unob- 
structed by any rebel force, and they marched 
to the river, which they were unable immediate- 
ly to cross, on account of the burning of the 
railroad bridge and the destruction of the draw 
in the bridge of the common road. The gun- 
boats having arrived at this point, after a brief 
delay, a part of the troops were transported 
across the river, but the rebel force had re- 
treated beyond the town, which had been fired 
in several places by the flying soldiers or fright- 
ened citizens. Measures were at once taken to 
extinguish the flames and to quiet the alarm 
of the comparatively few people who remained 
in the town. The federal troops were so posted 
as to hold their position against attack, and 
Newbern was soon quietly under the military 
rule of the United States. Many of the peo- 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


ple were induced to return to their homes and 
occupations, and from the strict discipline of 
the federal troops, and the firm but moderate 


rule of General Foster, who was appointed mil- 


itary governor, they found quite as much safety, 
unless openly demonstrative of their sympathy 
with rebellion, as they had enjoyed under the 
rebel authorities, and much greater prospect 
of prosperity. 

The following are the official reports of Gen- 
eral Burnside and Commodore Rowan :— 


GENERAL BURNSIDE’S REPORT. 


‘‘ HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF NortH CAROLINA, 
NEWBERN, March 16, 1862. 


“GENERAL: I have the honor to report that, 
after embarking the troops with which I in- 
tended to attack Newbern, in conjunction with 
the naval force on the morning of the 11th, 
a rendezvous was made at Hatteras Inlet. Flag- 
Officer Goldsborough having been ordered to 


| Hampton Roads, the naval fleet was left in com- 


mand of Commander Rowan. Larly on the 
morning of the 12th, the entire force started 


for Newbern, and that night anchored off the 


mouth of Slocum’s Creek, some eighteen miles 
from Newbern, where I had decided to make a 
landing. The landing commenced by seven 
o'clock the next morning, under cover of the 
naval fleet, and was effected with the greatest 
enthusiasm by the troops. Many, too impa- 
tient for the boats, leaped into the*water, and 
waded, waist deep, to the shore, and then, after 
a toilsome march through the mud, the head 
of the column marched within a mile and a 
half of the enemy’s stronghold, at eight P. M.,, 
a distance of twelve miles from the point of 
landing, where we bivouacked for the night, 
the rear of the column coming up with the 
boat-howitzers about three o’clock next morn- 
ing, the detention being caused by the shocking 
condition of the roads, consequent upon the 
heavy rain that had fallen during that day and 
the whole of the night, the men often wading 
knee deep in mud, and requiring a whole regi- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ment to drag the eight pieces which had been 
landed from the navy and our own vessels. 

“By signals agreed upon, the naval vessels, 
with the armed vessels of my force, were in- 
formed of our progress, and were thereby en- 
abled to assist us much in our march by shelling 
the road in advance. 

“At daylight, on the morning of the 14th, 
I ordered an advance of the entire division, 
which will be understood by the enclosed 
pencil sketch. General Foster’s brigade was 
ordered up the main country road, to attack 
the enemy’s left; General Reno up the rail- 
road, to attack their right, and General Parke 
to follow General Foster, and attack the enemy 
in front, with instructions to support either or 
both brigades. 

“T must defer, for want of time, a detailed 
account of the action. It is enough to say that, 
after an engagement of four hours, we succeed- 
ed in carrying a continuous line of field works 
of over a mile in length, protected on the river 
bank by a battery of thirteen heavy guns, and 
on the opposite bank by a line of redoubts of 
over half a mile in length, for riflemen and 
field pieces, in the midst of swamps and dense 
forests, which line of works was defended by 
eight regiments of infantry, five hundred cav- 
alry, and three batteries of field artillery, of six 
gunseach. The position was finally carried by 
a most gallant charge of our men, which enabled 
us to gain the rear of all the batteries between 
this point and Newbern, which was done by a 
rapid advance of the entire force up the main 
road and the railroad, the naval fleet meantime 
pushing its way up the river, throwing their 
shots into the forts and in front of us. 

“The enemy, after retreating in great confu- 
sion, throwing away blankets, knapsacks, arms, 
&c., across the railroad bridge and country road, 
burned the former, and destroyed the draw of 
the latter, thus preventing further pursuit, and 
causing detention in occupying the town by our 
military force; but the naval force had arrived 
at the wharves, and commanded it by their 


d17 


guns. I at once advanced General Foster’s 
brigade, to take possession of the town, by 
means of the naval vessels, which Commander 
Rowan had kindly volunteered for the purpose. 
The city was set on fire by the retreating reb- 
els in many places; but, owing to the exertions 
of the naval officers, the remaining citizens were 
induced to aid in extinguishing the flames, so 
that but little harm has been done. Many of 
the citizens are now returning, and we are now 
in quiet possession of the city. We have-cap- 
tured the printing press, and shall at once issue 
a daily sheet. By this victory our combined 
force have captured eight batteries, containing 
forty-six heavy guns, and three batteries of 
hght artillery, of six guns each, making in all 
sixty-four guns; two steamboats, a number of 
sailing vessels, wagons, horses, a large quantity 
of ammunition, commissary and quartermaster’s 
stores, forage, the entire camp equipage of the 
rebel troops, a large quantity of rosin, tur- 
pentine, cotton, &c., and over two hundred 
prisoners. 

“Our loss, thus far ascertained, will amount 
to ninety-one killed, and four hundred and 
sixty-six wounded, many of them mortally. 
Among these are some of our most gallant 
officers and men. The rebel loss is severe, but 
not so great as our own, they being effectually 
covered by their works. 

“'T'oo much praise cannot be awarded to the 
officers and men for their untiring exertion, 
and unceasing patience, in accomplishing this 
work. ‘The effecting of the landing, and the 
approach to within a mile and a half of the 
enemy’s works on the 13th, I consider as 
great a victory as the engagement of the 
14th. 

“Owing to the difficult nature of the land 
ing, our men were forced to wade ashore waist 
deep, march through mud to a point twelve 
miles distant, bivouac on low, marshy ground, 
in a rain storm, for the night, engage the enemy 
at daylight in the morning, fighting them for 
four hours, amid a dense fog, that prevented 


518 HISTORY OF THE 


them from seeing the position of the enemy, 
and finally advancing rapidly over bad roads 
upon the city. In the midst of all this, not a 
complaint was heard ; the men were only eager 
to accomplish their work. Every brigade, and 
in fact every regiment, and I can almost say 
every officer and man of the force landed, was 
in the engagement. 

“The men are all in good spirits, and, under 
the circumstances, are in good health. 

“T beg to say to the general commanding 
that I have under my command a division that 
can be relied upon in any emergency. 

“A more detailed report will be forwarded 
as soon as I receive the brigade returns. The 
brigadier-generals, having been in the midst 
of their regiments whilst under fire, will be 
able to give me minute accounts. I beg to say 
to the general commanding the army, that I 
have endeavored to carry out the very minute 
instructions given me by him before leaving 
Annapolis, and thus far events have been sin- 
gularly coincident with his anticipations; I only 
hope that we may in future be able to carry 
out in detail the remaining plans of the cam- 
paign. The only thing I have to regret, is the 
delay caused by the elements. 

“I desire again to bear testimony to the 
gallantry of our naval fleet, and to express my 
thanks to Commander Rowan, and the officers 
under him, for their hearty and cheerful codper- 
ation in this movement. Their assistance was 
timely and of great service in the accomplish- 
ment of our undertaking. 

“JT omitted to mention that there was a large 
arrival of reénforcements of the enemy in New- 
bern during the engagement, which retreated 
with the remainder of the army by the cars 
and the country roads. 

“J have the honor, general, to be 
“Your obedient servant, 
“A. EK. Burnsipe, 
“ Brig-Gen. com’g Department of North Carolina. 


“ General L. Tuomas, Adjutant-General United States Army.” 


UNITED STATES. 


COMMODORE ROWAN’S REPORT. 


‘‘UnITED STares FLAG-STEAMER PHILADELPHIA, 
Orr Newsern, N.C., March 16. 


“Sm: I have the honor to report the capture 
of all the rebel batteries upon the Neuse River, 
the complete defeat and rout of the enemy’s 
forces in this vicinity, and the occupation of the 
city of Newbern by the combined forces of the 
army and navy of the United States on yester- 
day, Friday, at noon. The incidents of th 
expedition, briefly stated, are these: 

“The fleet under my command, and that of 
the army, left Hatteras Inlet at half past seven 
on Wednesday morning, the 12th instant, and 
arrived, without accident or delay, on the point 
selected for disembarking the troops, and with- 
in sight of the city of Newbern, at sunset on 
the evening of the same day, where we an- 
chored for the night. 

“On Thursday morning I hoisted my pennant 
on board the steamer Delaware. 

“At half past eight A. M., our gunboats com- 
menced shelling the woods in the vicinity of 
the proposed place of landing, taking stations 


at intervals along the shore, to protect the ad- 


vance of the troops. 
“At half past nine A.M, the troops com- 


_menced landing, and at the same time six naval 


boat-howitzers, with their crews, under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant R. 8. McCook, of the Stars 
and Stripes, were put on shore to assist the 
attack. The army commenced to move up the 
beach at about half past eleven A. M., the de- 
barkation of troops still continuing. In the 
mean time our vessels were slowly moving up, 
throwing shell in the wood beyond. 

“ At a quarter past four P. M., the first of the 
enemy’s batteries opened fire on the foremost 
of our gunboats, which was returned by them 
at long range. The troops were now all dis- 
embarked, and steadily advancing without re- 
sistance. At sundown the firing was discon- 
tinued, and the fleet came to anchor in position 
to cover the troops on shore. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“ At half past six A. M., on Friday, the 14th 
instant, we heard a continuous firing of 
heavy guns and musketry inland, and immedi- 
ately commenced throwing our shells in advance 
of the position supposed to be held by our 
troops. The fleet steadily moved up, and grad- 
ually closed in towards the batteries. The 
lower fortifications were discovered to have 
been abandoned by the enemy. A boat was 
despatched to it, and the stars and stripes 
planted on the ramparts. 

« As we advanced, the upper batteries opened 
fire upon us. The fire was returned with effect, 
the magazine of one exploding. 

“ Having proceeded in an extended line as far 
as the obstructions in the river would permit, 
the signal was made to follow the movements 
of the flag-ship, and the whole fleet advanced in 
order, concentrating our fire on Fort Thompson, 
mounting thirteen guns, on which rested the 
enemy’s land defences. The army having with 
great gallantry driven them out of those de- 
fences, the forts were abandoned. 

“ Several of our vessels were slightly mjured 
in passing the barricades of piles and torpedoes 
which had been placed in the river. 

“The upper battery having been evacuated 
on the approach of the combined forces, it was 
abandoned, and subsequently blew up. 

“We now steamed rapidly up to the city. 
The enemy had fled, and the place remained 
im our possession. 

“Upon our approach, several points of the 
city were fired by the enemy where stores had 
been accumulated. Two small batteries, con- 
structed of cotton bales, and mounting two guns 
each, were also fired by them. ‘Two small 
steamers were captured, another having been 
burnt. A large raft, composed of barrels of 
pitch and bales of cotton, which had been pre- 
pared to send down upon the fleet, was fired, 
and floating against the railroad bridge, set it 
on fire, and destroyed it. In addition to the 
prizes, a quantity of cotton, pitch, tar, a gun- 


519 


boat, and another vessel on the stocks, several 

schooners afloat, and an immense quantity of 

arms and munitions of war, fell into our hands. 

“At about four P. M.,I sent several of our 

vessels to the right bank of the Trent River, to 

carry General Foster’s brigade to occupy the 
city of Newbern. 

“T am, respectfully, 
“S. C. Rowan, 
“ Com. U. S. Naval Forces in Pamlico Sound. 


“ Flag-Officer L. M. Gotpssoroven, commanding 
North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, &c.” 


CHAPTER LXVIUII. 


Movement of General Banks’s Corps. — Advance to Winchester. 
— Reconnoissance in Force. — Rebel Force of General Jack- 
son. — Strategy of General Shields. — Departure of a Part 
of General Banks’s Forces. — Advance of the Rebels. — Skir- 
mishes. — General Shields wounded.— Peparations to meet 
the Enemy. — Attack by the Rebels. — The Battle. — Re- 
pulse of the Rebels on the Federal left. — Formidable Attack 
on the Federal right. — Counter Movements. — Federal 
Charge. — The Rebels routed. — The Pursuit. — Results of 
the Battle. — Official Reports. 


Tue force under General Banks, which had 
been posted on the Upper Potomac, advanced, 
when the army of the Potomac moved, from 
Harper’s Ferry towards Winchester, in the val- 
ley of the Shenandoah, thence to form a junc- 
tion with the federal forces near Manassas, and 
establish a more perfect protection for Wash- 
ington. After some skirmishes with rebel cay- 
alry, the greater part of General Banks’s forces 
reached the vicinity of Winchester. From this 
point a reconnoissance in force was made by the 
division under command of General Shields, in 
the direction of Mount Jackson, with the view 
of ascertaining whether any considerable force 
of the enemy was in that part of the valley, and, 
if necessary, to give battle before a portion of 
General Banks’s command was moved to Cen- 
treville, near Bull Run. This reconnoissance 
was made on the 18th and 19th of March, and 
resulted in the discovery of a large force of 


520 


rebels, under the command of General Jack-| 
son,* strongly posted, and in communication | 
with other forces at Luray and Washington, 
farther up the valley. 

Not deeming it expedient to attack the rebel 
force in so strong a position, General Shields 
sought to draw Jackson from it, and separate 
him from his supports. To effect this, he fell 
back upon Winchester on the 20th of March, 
in such a manner as to give the impression of 
a hasty retreat. The movement, however, ap- 
parently failed to deceive the wary Jackson, 
who did not follow to attack the retreating fed- 
eral force, and after a day’s delay, preparations 
were made for the march of the division which 
was to go to Centreville, the greater part of 
which moved on the 22d. General Shields’s 
division being so posted as to conceal its real 
strength, the rebel scouts and citizens of Win- 
chester were under the impression that only a 
few regiments remained to garrison the place. 
This impression was speedily communicated to 
Jackson, and the rebel force immediately ad- 
vanced from its position towards Winchester. 
In the afternoon of the day on which the last 
of the troops destined for Centreville moved 
from. the town, the rebel cavalry, under Colonel 
Ashby, drove in the federal pickets, when Gen- 
eral Shields threw a few regiments between the 
advancing enemy and Winchester to repulse 
them. This was done in a manner to deceive 
the enemy into the belief that the whole of the 
garrison was thrown out for the defence of their 
post, but the object was accomplished, and the 
enemy held in check till the federal troops 
could be properly disposed to meet the attack. 
In a skirmish which followed General Shields 
was wounded in the arm and shoulder by a 
fragment of a shell, and so much injured that 
he was unable to keep the field. He showed, 
however, a true soldier’s courage, and vigorous- 


* Familiarly known as “ Stonewall” Jackson, because he had 
declared at the battle of Bull Run that the brigade under his 
ommand would stand as firm as a stone wall. 


HISTORY OF THE UNIFED 


STATES. 


ly continued his preparations to repulse the 
enemy. 

A reconnoissance on the following morning 
discovered no rebel force except Ashby’s cav- 
alry, and it was concluded by the federal officers 
that Jackson did not intend to make any seri- 
ous attack. General Banks and staff accord- 
ingly left for Washington, thence to join his 
division at Centreville. General Shields, how- 
ever, held his troops in position, ready to meet 
the enemy, one brigade being strongly posted 
in advance, about two miles from the town,and 
the others ready to support it and to meet any 
attack upon the federal flanks. The precau- 
tions of General Shields were wisely taken ; for 
early in the forenoon it became evident that 
a considerable force of the enemy, in addition 
to Ashby’s cavalry, was in front, and was ap- 
proaching so much under cover of the woods 
that it was impossible to estimate the number. 
Colonel Kimball, who commanded in the field, 
opened fire with a portion of his artillery, with 
the view of unmasking the enemy’s position 
and line of approach, and soon it was evident 
that Jackson’s whole force was coming to at- 
tack. The rebel artillery responded, as they 
brought up battery after battery to strong po- 
sitions, and opened fire along their whole line. 
The artillery fire on both sides continued with 
little effect for several hours, the rebels grad 
ually approaching and bringing up their sup- 
ports. They soon advanced a column of in- 
fantry and cavalry on the left flank of the 
federal force, but an active body of skirmishers, 
supported by several pieces of artillery and a 
brigade of infantry, was advanced to meet it, 
and after a brisk fire and a determined resist- 
ance, the rebel column was repulsed. 

Having failed in this attempt, the rebel gen- 
eral moved the greater portion of this force 
from his right to the support of his left and 
centre, and then made a more formidable attack 
upon the federal right. He concentrated a large 
|portion of his artillery upon this part of the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


field, advantageously posted, and then moved a 
heayy column upon the federal position. The 
federal batteries posted on the right wing, 
though well served, were found entirely in- 
adequate to check the advance of this column, 
which approached steadily, as if with a deter- 
mination to overwhelm the federal force op- 
posing it, turn the right flank, and with this 
advantage soon utterly defeat the federal army. 
General Shields directed the movements of the 
day from his couch, notwithstanding his wound, 
and when the advance of this formidable rebel 
force was reported to him, he at once issued 
orders to meet the emergency, and even before 
the rebel infantry could commence the attack, 
a counter movement was made, and the attack 
was opened by the federal troops. The brigade 
under General Tyler was ordered to advance 
and carry the enemy’s batteries, and turn his 
left flank if possible. This brigade moved with 
great spirit to their work. They drove the rebel 
skirmishers hastily back, and steadily advanced 
till they approached a stone wall, behind which 
the rebels were securely posted, and poured 
upon them a destructive fire. The brigade 
wavered but foramoment. Several regiments 
were already coming rapidly up to their sup- 
port, ‘soon the whole force charged upon 
the rebel position, and drove the enemy from 
their shelter. They fought with spirit, but 
soon fell back in great disorder through the 
woods to their supports. Here they rallied, 
and formed a new line of resistance; but the 
federal troops, encouraged by their success, 
advanced with great enthusiasm, and by a 
steady and destructive fire again drove the 
rebels from their position, and soon the whole 
force of the enemy were in full retreat, leaving 
their killed and wounded on the field. Night, 
and the exhaustion of the federal troops, pre- 
vented pursuit; and the rebels, after retreating 
about five miles, took up a position for the 
night. © 

It seemed evident to General Shields that 

66 


521 


Jackson would not have ventured this battle 
so far from the main body of the rebel army 
unless he had expected reénforcements, and 
fearing that these might be brought up in such 
numbers as to lead to a renewal of the rebel 
attack in overwhelming force, General Shields 
made preparation for such a turn. He brought 
together all the troops at his command, and 
despatched. a messenger for the last brigade 
which had left for Centreville to march at once 
to Winchester during the night, (an order 
which General Banks, hearing the cannonade, 
had already anticipated ;) and he also prepared 
to follow up his success, and if possible to ha- 
rass and drive the rebel forces before their 
reénforcements could arrive. arly on the fol- 
lowing morning the federal artillery opened 
fire in the direction of the enemy, and the 
troops. moved forward again in pursuit. No 
reénforcements had arrived to enable Jackson 
to again resume the offensive, and he accord- 
ingly retreated before the advance of the fed- 
eral force, of which General Banks, who had 
returned from Harper’s Ferry, now assumed the 
command. The retreat was at first orderly, but 
the defeat of the previous day, and the constant 
pressure of the pursuing force, demoralized the 
rebel troops, and their retreat was soon acceler- 
ated into disorderly flight. The federal force 
followed as far as Woodstock, but there the 
pursuit ended, in consequence of the exhaustion 
of the men, and the apparently complete rout 
of the rebels. 

The federal success was decided and impor- 
tant at this juncture, while the movement of 
Jackson indicated the necessity of retaining a 
considerable force in the valley of the Shenan- 
doah. The force with which Jackson moved 
towards Winchester was composed of eleven 
regiments and an Irish battalion of infantry, a 
very efficient body of cavalry, under Colonel 
Ashby, with thirty-six pieces of artillery. The 
whole force numbered about eleven thousand 
men, of whom fifteen hundred were cavalry. 


522 HISTORY OF THE 


The federal force left with General Shields, after 
the movement of a part‘of the army corps to 
Centreville, numbered ‘about six thousand in- 
fantry, seven hundred and fifty cavalry, with 
twenty-four pieces of artillery. The federal 
loss was about one hundred killed, and upwards 
of two hundred wounded, while the rebel loss 
was much greater, the number of killed being 
estimated at three hundred, and one hundred 
and fifty of their wounded were left on the 
field, in addition to a large number who were 
taken with them in their retreat. About two 
hundred prisoners were also captured, and the 
rebels abandoned two pieces of artillery and a 
large number of small arms. 

The following official reports of General 
Shields and of Colonel Kimball, who com- 
manded in the field, give a more detailed 
account of the battle, of which the general fea- 
tures and movements are given above : — 


OFFICIAL REPORT OF GENERAL SHIELDS. 


‘¢ HEADQUARTERS SHIELDS’s Division, 
WincuHetstir, VA., March 29, 1862. 


«Sim: I have the honor to report that during 
my reconnoissance of the 18th and 19th in- 
stants, in the direction of Mount Jackson, | 
ascertained that the enemy under Jackson was 
strongly posted near that place, and in direct 
communication with a force at Luray and an- 
other at Washington. It became important, 
therefore, to draw him from his position and 
supporting force if possible. To endeavor to 
effect this, I fell back to Winchester on the 
20th, giving the movement all the appearance 
of a retreat. The last brigade of the first 
division of Banks’s corps darmée, General Wil- 
liams commanding, took its departure for Cen- 
treville by way of Berryville, on the morning 
of the 22d, leaving only Shields’s division and 
the Michigan cavalry in Winchester. Ashby’s 
cavalry, observing this movement from a dis- 
tance, came to the conclusion that Winchester 
was being evacuated, and signalized Jackson to 


that effect. We saw their signal fires and di- 


UNITED STATES. 


vined their import. On the 22d, about five 
o’clock P. M., they attacked and drove in our 
pickets. By order of General Banks, I put my 
command under arms, and pushed forward one 
brigade and two batteries of artillery to drive 
back the enemy, but, to keep him deceived as 
to our strength, only let him see two regiments 
of infantry, a small body of cavalry, and part 
of the artillery. While directing one of our 
batteries to its position I was struck by the 
fragment of a shell, which fractured my arm 
above the elbow, bruised my shoulder, and in- 
jured my side. The enemy being driven from 
his position, we withdrew to Winchester. The 
injuries I had received completely prostrated 
me, but were not such as to prevent me from 
making the required dispositions for the ensu- 
ing day. Under cover of the night, I pushed 
forward Kimball’s brigade nearly three miles on 
the Strasburg road. Daum’s artillery was post- 
ed in a strong position to support his brigade 
if attacked. Sullivan’s brigade was posted in 
the rear of Kimball’s, and within supporting 
distance of it, covering all the approaches. to 
the town by Cedar Creek, Front Royal, Berry- 
ville, and. Romney roads. This brigade and 
Broadhead’s cavalry were held in resegye, so as 
to support our force in front at any pot where 
it might be attacked. These dispositions being 
made I rested for the night, knowing that all 
the approaches by which the enemy might pen- 
etrate to this place were effectually guarded. 
“JY deem it necessary in this place to give a 
brief description of these approaches, as well as. 
of the field, which next day became the scene 
of one of the bloodiest battles of the war. Win- 
chester is approached from the south by three 
principal roads—the Cedar Creek road on 
the west, the Valley Turnpike road leading to 
Strasburg in the centre, and the Front Royal 
road on the east. There is a little village, 
called Kernstown, on the Valley road, about 
three and a half miles from Winchester. On 


‘the west side of this road, about half a mile 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


north of Kernstown, is a ridge of ground which 
commands the approach by the turnpike anda 
part of the surrounding country. This ridge was 
the key-point of our position. Here Colonel 
Kimball, the senior officer in command on the 
field, took his station. Along this ridge Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Daum, chief of artillery, posted 
three of his batteries, keeping one of his bat- 
teries in reserve some distance in the rear. Part 
of our infantry was first placed in position in 
the rear and within supporting distance of these 
batteries, well sheltered in the windings and 
sinuosities of the ridge. The main body of the 
enemy on the ridge was posted in order of 
battle about half a mile beyond Kernstown, his 
line extending from the Cedar Creek road to a 
little ravine near the Front Royal road, a dis- 
tance of about two miles. This ground had 
been so skilfully selected that, while it afforded 
facilities for manceuvring, it was completely 
masked by high and wooded ground in front. 
These woods he filled with skirmishers, sup- 
ported by a battery on each flank ; and so adroit- 
ly had this movement been conducted, and so 
skilfully had he concealed himself, that at eight 
o'clock A. M., on the 23d, nothing was visible 
but the same force under Ashby which had 
been repulsed the previous evening. Not being 
able to reconnoitre the front in person, I de- 
spatched an experienced officer, Colonel John 
T. Mason, of the fourth Ohio volunteers, about 
nine o’clock A. M., to the front, to perform that 
duty, and to report to me, as promptly as possi- 
ble, every circumstance that might indicate the 
presence of the enemy. About an hour after 
Colonel Mason returned, and reported to me 
that he had carefully reconnoitred the country 
in front and on both flanks, and found no indi- 
cations of any hostile force except that of 
Ashby’s. 

“J communicated this information to Major- 
General Banks, who was then with me, and 
after consulting together, we both concluded 
that Jackson could not be tempted to hazard 


523 


himself so far away. from his main support. 
Having both come to this conclusion, General 
Banks took his departure for Washington, being 
already under orders to that effect. The officers 
of his staff, however, remained behind, intend- 
ing to leave for Centreville in the afternoon. 
Although I began to conclude that Jackson 
was nowhere in the vicinity, knowing the crafty 
enemy we have to deal with I took care not to 
omit a single precaution. Between eleven and 
twelve o’clock A. M., a message from Colonel 
Kimball informed me that another battery on 
the enemy’s right had opened on our position, . 
and that there were some indications of a 
considerable force of infantry in the woods in 
that quarter. On receiving this information I 
pushed forward Sullivan’s brigade, which was 
placed, by order of Colonel Kimball, in a posi- 
tion to oppose the advance of the enemy’s right 
wing. ‘The action opened with a fire of artil- 
lery on both sides, but at too great a distance 
to be very effective. The initiative was taken 
by the enemy. He pushed forward a few more 
guns to his right, supported by a considerable 
force of infantry and cavalry, with the apparent 
intention of enfilading our position and turning 
our left flank. An active body of skirmishers, 
consisting of the eighth Ohio, Colonel Carroll, 
and three companies of the sixty-seventh Ohio, 
was immediately thrown forward on both sides 
of the Valley road to resist the enemy’s advance. 
These skirmishers were admirably supported 
by four pieces of artillery under Captain Jenks, 
and Sullivan’s gallant brigade. This united 
force repulsed the enemy at all points, and 
gave him such a check that no further dem- 
onstration was made upon that flank during the 
remainder of the day. The attempt against 
our left flank having thus failed, the. enemy 
withdrew the greater part of his force¥o the 
right, and formed it into a reserve to support 
his left flank in a forward movement. He then 
added his original reserve and two batteries to 
his main body, and then, advancing with this 


524 


combined column, under shelter of the bridge 
on his left, on which other batteries had been 
previously posted, seemed evidently determined 
to turn our right flank or overthrow it. Our 
batteries on the opposite ridge, though admira- 
bly managed by their experienced chief, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Daum, were soon found insuffi- 
cient to check, or even retard, the advance of 
such a formidable body. At this stage of the 


combat a messenger arrived from Colonel Kim- 


ball, informing me of the state of the field, and 
requesting direction as to the employment of 
the infantry. I saw there was not a moment 
to lose, and gave positive orders that all the dis- 
posable infantry should be immediately thrown 
forward on our right to carry the enemy’s bat- 
teries, and to assail and turn his left flank, and 
hurl it back on the centre. Colonel Kimball 
carried out these orders with promptitude and 
ability. He intrusted this movement to Tyler's 
splendid brigade, which, under its fearless leader, 
Colonel Tyler, marched forward with alacrity 
and enthusiastic joy to the performance of the 
most perilous duty of the day. The enemy’s 
skirmishers were driven before it and fell back 
upon the main body, strongly posted behind 
a high and solid stone wall, situated on an ele- 
vated ground. Here the struggle became des- 
perate, and for a short time doubtful; but 
Tyler’s brigade being soon joined on the left 
by the fifth Ohio, thirteenth Indiana, and sixty- 
second Ohio, of Sullivan’s brigade, and the four- 
teenth Indiana, eighty-fourth Pennsylvania, 
seven companies of the sixty-seventh Ohio, and 
three companies of the eighth Ohio, of Kimball’s 
brigade, this united force dashed upon the enemy 
with a cheer and yell that rose high up above 
the roar of battle, and though the rebels fought 
desperately, as their piles of dead attest, they 
were#forced back through the woods by a fire 
as destructive as ever fell upon a retreating foe. 
Jackson, with his supposed invincible stone-wall 
brigade and the accompanying brigades, much 
to their mortification and discomfiture, were 


s 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


compelled to fall back in disorder upon their 
reserve. Here they took up a new position for 
a final stand, and made an attempt for a few 
minutes to retrieve the fortunes of the day; 
but again rained down upon them the same 
close and destructive fire. Again cheer upon 
cheer rang in their ears. A few minutes only 
did they stand up against it, when they turned 
dismayed and fled in disorder, leaving us in 
possession of the field, the killed and wounded, 
three hundred prisoners, two guns, four caissons, 
and a thousand stand of small arms. Night 
alone saved him from total destruction. The 
enemy retreated above five miles, and, judging 
from his camp fires, took up a new position for 
the night. Our troops, wearied and exhausted 
with the fatigues of the day, threw themselves 
down to rest on the field. 

“Though the battle had been won, still I 
could not have believed that Jackson would 
have hazarded a decisive engagement at such 
a distance from the main body without expect- 
ing reénforcements. So, to be prepared for such 
a contingency, I set to work during the night 
to bring together all the troops within my 
reach. I sent an express after Williams’s divis- 
ion, requesting the rear brigade, about twenty 
miles distant, to march all night and join me in 
the morning. I swept the posts and route in 
my rear of almost all their guards, hurrying 
them forward by forced marches, to be with me 
at daylight. I gave positive orders also to the 
forces in the field to open fire on the enemy as 
soon as the light of day would enable them to 
point their guns, and to pursue him without 
respite, and compel him to abandon his guns 
and baggage or cut him to pieces. These orders 
were implicitly obeyed as far as possible. It 
now appears that I had rightly divined the in- 
tentions of our crafty antagonist. On the morn- 
ing of the 23d, a reénforcement from Luray, of 
five thousand, reached Front Royal, on their 
way to joi Jackson. This reénforcement was 
being followed by another body of ten thou- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


sand from Sperryville; but recent rains having 
rendered the Shenandoah River impassable, 
they found themselves compelled to fall back, 
without being able to effect the proposed junc- 
tion. At daylight, on the morning of the 24th, 
our artillery again opened on the enemy. He 
entered upon his rétreat in very good order, con- 
sidering what he had suffered. General Banks, 
hearing of our engagement on his waysto Wash- 
ington, halted at Harper’s Ferry, and with re- 
markable promptitude and sagacity, ordered 
back Wiliams’s whole division, so that my ex- 
press found the rear brigade already en route to 
join us. The general himself returned here 
forthwith, an@Safter making me a hasty visit, 
assumed command of the forces in pursuit of 
the enemy. The pursuit -was kept up with 
vigor, energy, and activity, until they reached 
Woodstock, where the enemy’s retreat became 
flight, and the pursuit was abandoned because 
of the utter exhaustion of our troops. 

“The killed and wounded in this engage- 
ment cannot even yet be accurately ascertained. 
Indeed, my command has been so overworked, 
that it has had but little time to ascertain any 
thing. The killed, as reported, are one hundred 
and three,and among them we have to deplore 
the loss of the brave Colonel Murray, of the 
eighty-fourth Pennsylvania volunteers, who fell 
at the head of his regiment while gallantly lead- 
ing it in the face of the enemy. The wounded 
are four hundred and forty-one, many of them 
slightly, and the missing are twenty-four. The 
enemy’s loss is more difficult to ascertain than 
ourown. Two hundred and seventy were found 
dead on the battle field. Forty were buried by 
the inhabitants of the adjacent village, and by 
a calculation made by the number of graves 
found on both sides of the valley road between 
here and Strasburg, their loss in killed must 
have been about five hundred, and in wounded 
one thousand. The proportion between the 
killed and wounded of the enemy shows the 
closeness and terrible destructiveness of our 


525 


fire—nearly half the wounds being fatal. The 
enemy admit a loss of between one thousand and 
one thousand five hundred killed and wounded. 
Our force in infantry, cavalry, and artillery did 
not exceed seven thousand. That of the enemy 
must have exceeded eleven thousand. Jackson, 
who commanded on the field, had, in addition to 
his own stone-wall brigade, Smith’s, Garnett’s, 
and Longstreet’s brigades. Generals Smith and 
Garnett were here in person. The following 
regiments were known to have been present, 
and from each of them were made prisoners on 
the field: the second, fourth, fifth, twenty-first, 
twenty-third, twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, 
thirty-third, thirty-seventh, and forty-second 
Virginia ; first regiment provisional army, and 
an Irish battalion. None from the reserve were 
made prisioners. Their force in infantry must 
have been nine thousand. The cavalry of the 
united brigades amounted to one thousand five 
hundred. Their artillery consisted of thirty-six 
pieces. We had six thousand infantry, and a 
cavalry force of seven hundred and fifty, and 
twenty-four pieces of artillery. 

“J cannot conclude this report without ex- 
pressing thanks and gratitude to officers and 
soldiers of my command for their valuable con- 
duct on this trying day. It was worthy of the 
great country whose national existence they 
have pledged their lives to preserve. Special 
thanks are due to Colonel Kimball, command- 
ing first brigade, and senior officer in the field. 
His conduct was brave, judicious, and efficient. 
He executed my orders, in every instance, with 
vigor and fidelity, and exhibited wisdom and 
sagacity in the various movements that were 
necessarily intrusted to his direction. Colonel 
Tyler, commanding third brigade, has won my 
admiration by his fearless intrepidity. His 
brigade is worthy of such af intrepid leader. 
This brigade, and the regiments accompanying 
it, achieved the decisive success of the day. 
They drove the forces of the enemy before 
them on the left flank, and by hurling this flank 


526 


back upon the reserve, consummated this glo- 
rious action. High praise is due to Colonel 
Sullivan, commanding second brigade, for the 
manner in which he contributed to the first 
repulse of the enemy in the morning. To him 
and Colonel Carroll of the eighth Ohio volun- 
teers, who commanded the skirmishers, is the 
credit due of forcing back the right wing of the 
enemy, and of intimidating and holding him in 
check on our left during the rest of the day. 
The chief of artillery, Lietenant-Colonel Daum, 
deserves high commendation for the skilful 
manner in which he managed his batteries dur- 
ing the engagement. This skilful management 
prevented the enemy, doubtless, from using ef 
fectually his formidable artillery. The cavalry 
performed its duty with spirit in_ this engage- 
ment, and, with its gallant officers, exhibited 
activity which paralyzed the movements of the 
enemy. The commanders of regiments are 
also entitled to especial mention, but sufficient 
justice cannot be done them im this report. I 
must, therefore, refer you on this head to the 
report of the brigade commanders. The officers 
of my staff have my thanks for the fidelity with 
which they discharged the trying duties that 
devolved upon them. They had to penetrate 
the thickest of the fight to bring me intelligence 
of the state of the field, and performed their 
perilous duty throughout the day with cheer- 
ful alacrity. It affords me pleasure, as it is my 
duty, to recommend all the officers whose names 
I have specially mentioned, to the considera- 
tion of the government. 
“T have the honor to be, 
“ Your obedient servant, 
“ Jas. SHIELDS, 

“ Brigadier-General commanding. 
‘To Major-General Banks.” 
REPORT OF ACTING BRIGADIER-GENERAL KIMBALL. 


‘*Heapauarters SureLtps’s Dryision, 
Camp NEAR Srraspure, Va., March 26, 1862. 


“Sm: I have the honor to submit the follow- 
ing report of the battle which was fought near 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


Winchester, Virginia, on Sunday, the 23d in- 
stant, between the forces composing this division, 
which I had the honor to command, and the 
rebel forces under General Jackson. 

“Karly in the morning of the 23d the enemy 
commenced the attack, advancing from Kerns- 
town, and occupying a position with their bat- 
_teries on the heights to the right of the road, 
and theewood in the plain to the left of the 
road, with cavalry, infantry, and one battery. 
I at once advanced the eighth Ohio, Colonel 
Carroll, with fou¥ companies, taking the left, and 
Lieutenant-Colonel Sawyer, with three com- 
panies, taking the right of the turnpike road. 
Colonel Carroll advanced stedllily, coming up 
with two companies of the sixty-seventh Ohio, 
who had been out as pickets, and uniting them 
with his command, drove one of the enemy’s 
batteries, which had opened a heavy fire upon 
him, and after a sharp skirmish, routing five 
companies of the infantry which were posted 
behind a stone wall, and supported by cavalry, 
holding this position during the whole day, thus 
frustrating the attempt of the enemy to turn our 
left. The right of the eighth Ohio remained 
in front until about four o’clock P. M., when 
they were recalled to support one of our bat- 
teries on the heights. The sixty-seventh Ohio 
was thrown on a hill to our right, to support 
Jenks’s battery, which had been advanced to a 
position commanding the village of Kernstown 
and the wood on the right. 

“'The fourteenth Indiana was sent forward to 
support Clark’s battery, which advanced along 
the road. The eighty-fourth Pennsylvania was 
thrown over the hills to the right, to prevent a 
flank movement of the enemy. The second 
brigade, commanded by Colonel Sullivan, com- 
posed of the thirteenth Indiana, fifth Ohio, 
sixty-second Ohio, and thirty-ninth Illinois, were 
sent. to the left, supporting Carroll’s skirmishers, 
a section of Davis’s battery, and Robinson’s 
first Ohio battery, and to prevent an attempt 

Finich was made to turn that flank. We had. 


; ° 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 527 


succeeded in driving the enemy from both flanks 
and the front until four o’clock P. M., when 
Jackson, with the whole of his infantry, sup- 
ported by artillery and cavalry, took possession 
of the hillside on the right, and planted his 
batteries in a commanding position, and opened 
a heavy and well-directed fire upon our bat- 
teries and their supports, attracting our atten- 
tion whilst he attempted to gain our right flank 
with his infantry. At this juncture, I ordered 
the third brigade, Colonel E. B. Tyler, seventh 
Ohio, commanding, composed of the seventh 
and twenty-ninth Ohio, first Virginia, seventh 
Indiana, and one hundred and tenth Pennsyl- 
vania, to move to the right, to gain the flank 
of the enemy, and charge them through the 


woods to their batteries posted on the hill. 


They moved forward steadily and gallantly, 
opening a galling fire on the enemy’s infantry. 
“The right wing of the eighth Ohio, the four- 
teenth and thirteenth Indiana, sixty-seventh 
and fifth Ohio, and eighty-fourth Pennsylvania, 
were sent forward to support Tyler’s brigade, 
each one in its turn moving forward gallantly, 
sustaining a heavy fire from both the enemy’s 
batteries and his musketry. Soon all the regi- 
ments above named were pouring forth a well- 
directed fire, which was promptly answered by 
the enemy, and after a hotly-contested action 
of two hours, just as night closed in, the enemy 
gave way, and were soon completely routed, 
leaving their dead and wounded on the field, 
together with two pieces of their artillery and 
four caissons. Our forces retained possession 
of the field, and bivouacked for the night. The 
batteries, under their chief, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Daum, were well posted and admirably served 
during the whole action. 
“] respectfully refer you to the several 
accompanying mene for the details of the 
agement. regret to report the loss of 
ccs. Colonel Murray, of the eighty-fourth 
Pennsylvania, whotfell while bravely leading 
forward his men amidst a fearful storm of shot 


and shell. When all have done so well, both 
officers and men, and achieved so much, it would 
be seemingly invidious to particularize any in- 
dividual officer, yet I can say, without doing 
injustice to others, that Colonel Tyler deserves 
the highest commendations for the gallant man- 
ner in which he led his brigade during the con- 
flict, and the gallant Carroll, Harrow, Foster, 
Lewis, Patrick, Thoburne, Sawyer, Buckley, 
Cheek, and Creighton deserve well of their 
country. Colonel Sullivan, Candy’s brigade, on 
the left, was not attacked in ‘force. His bat- 
teries and skirmishers engaged the enemy, and 
prevented the turning of that flank; and he, 
too, merits the highest commendation. 
“Naraan Krpatt, 


“ Colonel commanding Sluelds’s Division. 
‘¢Major H. G. Armsrrone, A. A. A. General.” 


CHAPTER LXIX. 


Rebel Fortifications on the Mississippi.— Advantages of the 
Possession of the River.— Necessity for opening the River, 
and Preparations therefor. — Gunboats. — Isiand No. Ten. — 
Military Expedition to New Madrid. — Operations of Gen- 
eral Pope.— Evacuation of New Madrid by the Rebels. — 
Advantage gained by the Federal Forces. — Movement of the 
Gunboats. — Bombardment of the Rebel Forts. Slow Prog- 
ress. — Construction of a Canal by General Pope’s Forces for 
Passage of Transports. — Success of the Work. — Passage of 
Gunboats by the Island.— Attack on the Forts below New 
Madrid, and crossing of General Pope’s Forces. — Evacuation 
of Rebel Fortifications. — Retreat “of Rebels interrupted. — 
Their Confusion and Disorganization. — Capture of the Rebel 
Army. — Surrender of Island No. Ten. — Prisoners and Ma- 
terial captured. — The Result and its Advantages. — Official 
Report. 


By the occupation of the outlet of the Mis- 
sissippi River, and the seizure and fortification 
of strong points upon its banks, nearly up to 
the Ohio, the rebels secured a most important 
means of communication through the south- 
western states, and inflicted a serious damage 
upon the north-west by closing the natural 
channel by which its immense products found 
passage to the markets of the world. The 


528 


fortifications at Columbus and other points had 
effectually closed the river to the hitherto un- 
restricted navigation of the numerous steamers 
of the north-western states, and a vast amount 
of northern property had been detained within 
the limits of secession, and confiscated or stolen. 
The possession of many valuable river boats 
gave the rebels great facilities for the trans- 
portation of troops and supplies, and for a time 
enabled them, with extemporized gunboats, to 
threaten the comparatively unprotected cities 
upon the banks of the Mississippi and Ohio, 
and to interfere with the military preparations 
of the federal government. 

To the north-western states it was of the 
utmost importance that the Mississippi should 
be opened to their commerce, while in a mili- 
tary view its possession was a great advantage 
and source of strength to the rebels, and its 
loss to them would prove a blow that would 
seriously weaken if not completely overthrow 
the rebel power in the south-west. It was, 
therefore, early felt to be necessary that the 
federal government should open the Mississippi, 
and maintain its free navigation to the loyal 
north-western states, while from its banks the 
rebellion ghould be pressed back into the inte- 
rior, where it could not be sustained. Prepara- 
tions were accordingly made for an expedition 
down the river, and to this General Fremont, 
during his command in the western depart- 
ment, gave much attention. 

There were, however, various obstacles to 
the early success of the purposed plans. The 
rebels had not been content with taking the 
states which had, in form at least, voluntarily 
seceded, but intent upon having all the slave 
states, they had invaded Kentucky and Mis- 
sourl, and occupied important points in such‘ 
force that it became necessary first to protect 
the loyal people of those states, and to drive 
the rebel forces beyond their limits. Other 
preparations and expeditions interfered with 
the accomplishment of the grand movement 


° ’ 
HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


which had long been‘in contemplation. There 
is reason to believe, too, that the early plans 
for an expedition to open the Mississippi were 
almost exclusively of a military character. 
But it became evident that gunboats might 
play an important part in the expedition. 
General Fremont made some attempt to supply 
these important auxiliaries, but his efforts in 
this direction met with some disfavor. Several 
gunboats, however, were soon after constructed, 
and their successful service mn affairs of minor 
importance led to the construction of others 
of an improved and more formidable charac- 
ter. The beginning of the year 1862 saw, 
therefore, a very large and powerful fleet of 
gunboats, several of which were wholly or 
partially iron-clad, and most of them heavily 
armed. In addition to these was a fleet of mor- 
tar-boats or rafts, each carrying a mortar of 
the largest size. The value of the gunboats 

was realized in the reduction of Fort Henry — 
and in the expeditions up the Cumberland and 
Tennessee Rivers, and they would, doubtless, 
have played an important part in the reduction 
of Columbus, had not ‘hat point been evacu- 
ated without attack. 

But though the rebels had retired from their 
position at Columbus, which was not tenable 
after the fall of Forts Henry and Donelson 
and the advance of the federal forces into Ten- 
nessee, they held other points which were 
equally strong in natural position and the for- 
tifications constructed upon them, and which 
secured to them the exclusive navigation of 
the Mississippi so long as they held them, and 
prevented the passage of the federal gunboats. 
The first, and at this time the most important 
of these positions, was at New Madrid and 
Island No. Ten;* this island being about forty- 
five miles, by the river, below Columbus, and 
New Madrid lying five miles farther down on 
the Missouri side of the river. > 


*The islands in the Mississippi, Pisw the confluence of the 
Ohio, are designated by numbers. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Having driven the rebel forces essentially 
from Kentucky, and forced them to abandon 
their stronghold at Columbus, the federal au- 
thorities prepared to continue the progress of 
the Union forces down the Mississippi. A fleet 
of eight gunboats and a number of mortar 
rafts, with numerous despatch and ammunition 
boats and transports, were collected at Cairo, 
under the command of Commodore Foote, in 
whose skill and bravery the government and 
people had the most perfect confidence. But 
while the naval preparations were yet in prog- 
ress, a military expedition, under command of 
General Pope, had moved from St. Louis to- 
wards New Madrid by land. They had several 
skirmishes on the march, and arriving before 
tis town on the 3d of March, General Pope 
found it occupied by a considerable force of 
infantry and artillery, and protected by fortifi- 
cations which commanded the approaches to the 
town, while several steamboats, carrying from 
four to eight heavy guns each, lay in the river, 
and owing to the high stage of the water, were 
sufficiently high to throw their shot over the 
surrounding country. This force, well in- 
trenched, and supported by such formidable 
batteries as the gunboats presented, rendered 
the position too strong for an assault. The 
fortifications might have been carried by such 
assault, indeed, but the gunboats which com- 
manded them would have driven the federal 
troops speedily out. General Pope, accord- 
ingly, without exposing his force to the danger 
of a conflict which would have proved so use- 
less, annoyed the enemy as much as possible 
with his light guns and infantry, while he sent 
to Cairo for heavy ordnance with which to con- 
tend on more equal terms with the rebel bat- 
teries. In the mean time he also sent a part 
of his force to Point Pleasant, about twelve 
miles below New Madrid, with a field battery 
of Parrott guns, to take up a position there, 
and construct rifle pits and sunken batteries, by 
which they could command the river and pre- 

> 67 


529 


vent the passage of gunboats or transports. 
This work was successfully accomplished after 
a slight opposition on the part of some boats 
lying near the point. The rifle pits were con- 
structed, the guns placed in position, and the 
forces so disposed that subsequent attempts 
made by the rebel gunboats to dislodge them 
were unavailing, and the river was quite effect- 
ually closed to transports or even gunboats. 

The heavy guns for which General Pope had 
sent arrived at his position on the 12th, and at 
night were mounted in redoubts speedily con- 
structed upon ground from which the enemy’s 
pickets had been driven. The next morning 
fire was opened from these heavy guns upon 
the enemy’s works, and especially upon the 
gunboats. Both the land batteries and gun- 
boats of the rebels replied with a furious can- 
nonade; but while General Pope’s forces and 
batteries suffered but little from their fire, he 
succeeded in disabling some of the boats and 
damaging the works of the enemy. At the 
same time he was threatening an assault on 
another side, and pushing forward his trenches 
with a view to advance his heavy batteries 
near the banks of the river, and thus be able 
more effectually to silence or destroy the gun- 
boats. The work was pushed on vigorously 
through the night, during the greater part of 
which a severe thunder storm prevailed, and 
the programme of the commanding general 
would, without doubt, have been successfully 
carried out had not the rebels, without further 
coercion, evacuated their fortifications and beat 
a precipitate retreat. 

At daylight it was announced that the rebel 
fortifications were abandoned, and upon exam- 
ination it appeared that the report was true. 
The federal troops were at once put in motion, 
and soon entered the works of the enemy. 
Every thing here indicated that the rebels had 
evacuated their position in great haste, leaving 
all their artillery, a large quantity of ammuni- 
tion, and a great variety of public stores and 


530 


private property. A large amount of this 
property was hastily thrown into the river, but 
in such a position that guns and other articles 
of value were easily recovered. ‘The artillery 
was nearly all spiked, but so indifferently that 
a short time sufficed to restore the greater part 
of it to use, and the guns were turned upon 
the river face of the works to bear upon any 
of the rebel gunboats that should attempt to 
come down the river from Island No. Ten. The 
gunboats and transports which lay in the river 
had disappeared, some of them having prob- 
ably gone up to the island, while possibly 
others had succeeded in passing the batteries 
at Point Pleasant and escaped down the river. 
Most of the rebel troops, it was found, had been 
transported across the river, and had landed 
upon the Tennessee shore, to move, as best 
they, might, away from the threatening federal 
forces. The artillery captured amounted to 
thirty-three pieces, many of them heavy siege 
guns. The small arms were generally of an 
inferior quality, but quite numerous, and there 
was a large amount of ammunition, which the 
rebels apparently made no attempt to carry 
away or destroy. 

The capture of the rebel fortifications at 
New Madrid was an important success, for the 
federal forces now held a position, strongly for- 
tified, below the rebel works at Island No. Ten, 
and prevented any reénforcements or supplies 
reaching that place by water, and the land on 
the Tennessee side was of such a character as 
to render it very difficult to transport supplies 
or move considerable bodies of troops. It ap- 
peared certain, therefore, that the island must 
soon surrender or be evacuated if the federal 
gunboats and troops should come down the 
river and make an attack. The place, how- 
ever, was strongly fortified and well supplied, 
and it was considered of so much importance 
by the rebels, as the key to the Mississippi, 
that it was not likely to be speedily surren- 
dered. They, moreover, considered the posi- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


tion impregnable. So long as the rebels held 
the island it seemed impossible for the federal _ 
gunboats or transports to pass down the river, 
and the capture of New Madrid would prove 
of comparatively little importance if this ob- 
struction remained. But, as already stated, 
the position had now become a critical one, 
with the only valuable means of communica- 
tion cut off, and the reduction of the place was 
but a question of time. 

On the 14th of March the flotilla of gun- 
boats and mortars, under Commodore Foote, 
together with a number of transports and sup- 
ply boats, sailed from Cairo and proceeded 
down the Mississippi to operate against Island 
No. Ten. There was some anxiety felt for the 
situation of General Pope’s forces, and it jas 
considered necessary, in order to secure his 
safety, that the fleet should wait no longer. 
With few delays it proceeded down the river 
to the vicinity of the bend where the waters 
turn again towards the north, some five or six 
miles above the celebrated island. At this 
point the boats anchored or made fast to the 
shore, and a reconnoissance was made. It was 
discovered that the rebels had established bat- 
teries on the Tennessee side of the river, com- 
manding the approach to the bend, and still 
others commanding the bend, and near the 
latter an extensive camp was seen, showing 
the presence of a large body of troops. These 
batteries were in part upon higher land than 
Island No. Ten, and owing to the bend in the 
river, were thought by the federal officers to 
be more formidable obstacles to the passage 
of the boats than the works on the island. It 
was at least evident that these fortifications, 
whether the main works or not, must be dis- 
posed of before operations could be commenced 
by the gunboats against the island, except at 
long range, across the point of land around 
which the river bends. Fire was opened upon 
the nearest batteries by one or two of the gun- 
boats, to which the rebels responded, oe 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the position of their guns. Some of the mor- 
tar boats were then placed in position near the 
shore, and out of the reach of the rebel shots, 
and the crews commenced practice with their 
huge pieces of ordnance, throwing enormous 
shells into the vicinity of the rebel works. In 
the mean time some of the transports had 
landed troops on the Missouri shore, and prep- 
arations were made for more serious and vigor- 
ous operations. 

From this time a continual bombardment of 
the rebel works and camps was kept up from 
the gunboats and mortars the greater part of 
the time during two weeks. The first or upper 
battery of the enemy was silenced, and a small 
party of soldiers succeeded in spiking the guns. 
Rut notwithstanding the expenditure of shot 


and shell, and the skill and courage of the) 


naval officers, little progress appeared to be. 


made towards the reduction or surrender of 
the position. The military force which accom- 
panied Commodore Foote was not sufficiently 
large to operate against the enemy, and the 
swampy nature of the point which lay between 
them and the island was altogether unfavor- 
able for military operations or the construction 
of batteries. The success of the movement 
against this real stronghold of the rebels, 
except by storming the garrison, soon appeared 
somewhat doubtful. General Pope’s position 
at New Madrid and Point Pleasant prevented 
the rebels from receiving reénforcements or 
new supplies by water, and the chances of 
getting them through the swamps which en- 
closed them on the south were very small. 
But they had large supplies on hand, and a 
regular siege would prove a tedious process, 
and might seriously retard other operations 
already commenced. 

Upon the evacuation of New. Madrid, the 
rebels had constructed batteries along the Ten- 
nessee shore from the vicinity of Island No. 
Ten to Tiptonville, their lowest landing place, 
which was now bleckaded by General Pope’s 


pel 


Point Pleasant batteries. They feared an at- 
tack upon the rear of their position, to codp- 
erate with the gunboat attack in front. But 
General Pope had no means of crossing the 
river. The rebels had escaped with their boats 
which lay at New Madrid, and there was no 
federal boat in the Mississippi below Island No. 
Ten. General Pope informed Commodore Foote 


|of his operations to blockade the river below 


the rebel position, and desired, if possible, that 
a gunboat might run by the rebel works, and 
then transport his troops across the river in 
such force as should prevent the retreat of the 
rebels, and soon compel them to surrender. 
But this was considered too dangerous an exper- 
iment, and was not then attempted. At this 
juncture, General Hamilton, who commanded 
a brigade of General Pope’s forces, suggested 
the possibility of excavating a canal through 
the tongue of land on the Missouri shore, so 
as to pass gunboats and transport steamers 
from above the island to a point below, in 
communication with General Pope’s forces. 
A regiment of engineers under Colonel Bissell 
were sent to perform this work, if found prac- 
ticable, and Colonel Bissell’s energy and skill 
soon discovered a feasible passage through the 
swamps and bayous, upon which his troops, with 
other men from the forces above the island, 
were immediately set at work to excavate and 
clear a channel or canal fora distance of twelve 
miles. It was a work of great difficulty, inas- 
much as it was necessary, for a great part of 
the distance, to saw off the trunks of large 
trees several feet below the surface of the wa- 
ter. It was intended to have the canal suffi- 
ciently deep for the passage of gunboats; but 
the difficulties to be overcome, and the longer 
time which would be required, caused that 
purpose to be abandoned, and it was only made 
navigable for transports which were of lighter 
draught. 

While this work. was in progress, General 


| Pope, knowing that it would be impracticable, 


oop 


without the protection of gunboats, to cross his 
army in the face of the batteries which the 
rebels had constructed along the river bank 
from Island No. Ten as far as the high land 
extended, and believing that the gunboats 
above the island could not pass down to his 
aid, constructed a floating battery of great 
strength, and armed with heavy guns, which 
should serve the purpose of a gunboat in silen- 
cing some of the enemy’s guns, or covering 
the passage of his troops. This was ready for 
use when the canal was finished, and the trans- 
ports succeeded in passing through ; but its use 
was superseded by the access of more service- 
able vessels. 

The canal was completed on the 4th of 
April, and the transports and barges were 
brought through to its outlet, near New Madrid. 
The same night Commodore Foote, deter- 
mined to codperate with General Pope, if pos- 
sible, sent one of his gunboats, the Carondelet, 
a wooden, vessel without armor, under com- 


mand of Captain Walke, to attempt a passage 
The attempt was | 
entirely successful, the boat running the gant-| 
let of the rebel guns without injury. With} 


by the enemy’s batteries. 


this gunboat Captain Walke ran down the 
river, shelling the enemy’s batteries from the 
point opposite New Madrid to the lowest one, 
nearly opposite Point Pleasant. The last one 
he succeeded in silencing, and a small infantry 
force, being landed, spiked the guns. The next 
night Commodore Foote sent down the Pitts- 
burg, an iron-clad gunboat, which also passed 
the rebel works without injury. With the two 
gunboats to cover the passage of his troops, 
General Pope brought his transports from the 
canal, embarked a division. under General 
Paine, and prepared to cross as soon as the 
rebel batteries near the point selected for 
landing should be silenced. The gunboats 
and the heavy batteries on the opposite side 
of the river accomplished this part of the work 
in a few hours, and the troops were immedi- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


ately transported across the river and landed 
without opposition. Indeed, as soon as the 
crossing commenced, the rebels apparently 
abandoned their shore batteries and began to 
retreat. The federal troops were hurried 
forward, to intercept the retreat or flight of the 
enemy, to Tiptonville, the lowest point of dry 
land above named, nearly opposite Point Pleas- 
ant. To this place it was found that the 
greater part of the rebel force was hastily 
moving, in the hope of escaping down the 
river by boats. The federal forces, however, 
succeeded in turning them back; and they 
were consequently detained upon what was 
little better than an island, the swamps and 
bayous on the south-east being scarcely more 
passable than the river itself The leading 
division under General Paine was promptly 
supported by the greater part of General 
Pope’s forces, and the escape of the rebels was 
wholly cut off’ One or two attempts to resist 
the fedéral troops were at first made, but they 
were feeble and ineffectual; and finally, the 
rebels, retreating from the different points 
which they had occupied, met in great confu- 
sion in the night, and were so disorganized 
that they were easily and speedily driven back 
into the swamps by the advancing federal 
troops. Here they were soon forced to sur- 
render, only a few escaping through the forests 
and swamps into the interior of Tennessee. 
The garrison on Island No. Ten was at this 
time a small one; and finding that they had 
been deserted by their friends on the main 
land, and knowing that General Pope’s forces 
had crossed the river so as to be able to attack 
their position in the rear, they surrendered to 
Commodore Foote, who had continued a slow 
bombardment during the preparations and 
movements of General Pope, and was now 
prepared to codperate with him by a closer 
and more vigorous attack. Previous to the sur- 
render, a formidable floating battery, mounting 
sixteen heavy guns, which had been partially 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


disabled by the federal shots in the first en- 
gagement in which it was used, was turned 
adrift,and stranded on the shore below New 
Madrid. The batteries on the island and along 
the Tennessee shore were strong earthworks, 
supplied with a large number of heavy guns. 
But guns, ammunition, and stores were all 
abandoned by the rebels in their precipitate 
flight, without destruction or material injury. 
Four steamers afloat, and two which had been 
sunk, were captured, together with a gunboat, 
which was also sunk. The supply of ammuni- 
tion captured was very large, indicating the 
expectation of the rebel authorities that the 
position would be desperately defended. 

The number of prisoners captured by Gen- 
eral Pope and surrendered to Commodore 
Foote was about seven thousand, of whom 
there were three general and two hundred 
and seventy-three other commissioned offi- 
cers. The artillery numbered one hundred 
and twenty-three pieces, a large proportion of 
which were of the most approved patterns. 
Seven thousand stand of small arms were also 
captured, and the supplies of almost all kinds, 
as well as the transportation, showed a liberal 
provision for the forces which were expected to 
hold this important post. 

For the federal cause this was another grati- 
fying and important success. It opened the 
Mississippi for a long distance, and removed 
another of the obstructions which the rebels 
had raised to the progress of northern arms, 
and to the free navigation of this natural high- 
way to the sea, so important to the north- 
western states. This success was due chiefly 
to the energy and vigorous measures of Gen- 
eral Pope, and the engineering skill of Colonel 
Bissell, who opened the passage for transports 
«through the swamps and upland of the Mis- 
sourl shore, and to the energy and determi- 
nation of the troops. This point was, indeed, 
justly regarded by the rebels as the key to the 
passage down the river. No other position 


533 


throughout the course of the river possessed 
greater natural advantages, in some respects, 
or was at that time more strongly fortified, 
than Island No. Ten and the adjacent shore. 
Fort Pillow and Memphis were of little account 
when Island No. Ten was lost; and Vicksburg, 
which afterwards proved so long impregnable, 
was then but moderately defended by fortifica- 
tions. Two of the rebel strongholds on the 
river, Columbus and Island No. Ten, were lost, 
and the great river was open for progress into 
the heart of the rebel territory. It was a 
happy augury of further and early successes 
by the combined naval and military.forces of 
the United States, and was hailed with great 
satisfaction by the loyal people of the north- 
western states. 

‘The following are the official reports of the 
operations at Ne ew Madrid and Island No. Ten: — 


GENERAL POPE’ S OFFICIAL.REPORT OF THE CAP- 
TURE OF NEW MADRID. 


‘¢ HEADQUARTERS DisTRICT OF THE MISSISSIPPI, 
New Maprip, March 14, 1862. 


“ GrneRAL: I have the honor to submit, for 
the information of the general commanding 
the department, the following report of the 
operations which resulted in the capture of 
this place. 

“J arrived before this town with the forces 
under my command on Monday, the third in- 
stant. I found the place occupied by five 
regiments of infantry and several companies 
of artillery. One bastioned earthwork, mount- 
ing fourteen heavy guns, about half a mile 
below the town, and another irregular work at 
the upper end of the town, mounting seven 
pieces of heavy artillery, together with lines 
of intrenchments between them, constituted 
the defensive works. Six gunboats, carrying 
from four to eight heavy guns each, were an- 
chored along the shore, between the upper and 
lower redoubts. 

“The country is perfectly level for miles 
around the place, and as the river was so high 


534 


that the guns of the gunboats looked directly 
over the banks, the approaches to the town for 
seven miles were commanded by direct and 
cross fire from at least sixty guns of heavy 
calibre. 

“It would not have been difficult to carry 
the intrenchments, but it would have been 
attended with heavy loss, and we should not 
have been able to hold the place half an hour, 
exposed to the destructive fire of the gunboats. 
As there seemed no immediate hope of the 
appearance of our own gunboats, it became 
necessary to bring down a few heavy guns by 
land te operate against those of the enemy. 
They were accordingly sent for, and, mean- 
time, forced reconnoissances were pushed over 
the whole ground, and into several parts of the 
town. Some brisk skirmishes resulted, in which 
the enemy invariably retreated precipitately. 
It was found impossible to-induce them to 
trust any considerable force of their infantry 
outside of their intrenchments. As soon as | 
found that it would be necessary to await the 
arrival of our heavy guns, I determined to 
occupy some point on the river below, and es- 
tablish our small guns, if possible, in such a 
position as to blockade the river, so far as 
transports were concerned, and to cut off sup- 
plies and reénforcements for the enemy from 
below. | 

“Point Pleasant, twelve miles below, was 
selected, as being in a rich agricultural region, 
and being the terminus of the plank-road from 
the interior of Arkansas. I accordingly threw 
forward Colonel Plummer, eleventh Missouri, 
to that point, with three regiments of infantry, 
three companies of cavalry, and a field battery 
of ten-pound Parrott and rifled guns, with or- 
ders to make a lodgment on the river bank, to 
line the bank with rifle pits for a thousand 
men, and to establish his artillery in sunk bat- 
teries of single pieces between the rifle pits. 
This arrangement was made to present as 
small a mark as possible to the shells of the 


. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


gunboats, and to render futile the use of round 
shot from their heavy guns. Colonel Plummer 
marched with all speed, and, after some cannon- 
ading from gunboats which he found there, 
succeeded in making a lodgment, construct- 
ing his batteries and rifle pits, and occupy- 
ing them in sufficient force to maintain them 
against any open assault. 

“ After persistent and repeated cannonading 
from the gunboats, the enemy found it impos- 
sible to dislodge him, and he maintained obsti- 
nately his position, and the blockade of the 
river to transports, during the whole of our 
operations.. Meantime the enemy continued 
every day to reénforce New Madrid from Is- 
land No. Ten, until, on the 12th, they had nine 
thousand infantry, besides a considerable force 
of artillery, and nine gunboats. The fleet was 
commanded by Commodore Hollins, the land 
forces by Generals McCown, Stewart, and 
Gantt. On the 11th the siege guns were de- 
livered to Colonel Bissell’s engineer regiment, 
who had been sent to Cairo for the purpose. 
They were at once shipped to Sikeston, reached 
here at sunset on the 12th, were placed in bat- 
tery during the same night, within eight hun- 
dred yards of the enemy’s main work, so as 
to command that and the river above it, and 
opened fire at daylight, on the 13th, just 
thirty-four hours after they were received at 
Cairo. One brigade, consisting of the tenth 
and sixteenth Illinois, under Colonel Morgan, 
of the tenth, was detailed to cover the con- 
struction of the battery, and to work in the 
trenches. They were supported by Stanley’s 
division, consisting of the twenty-seventh and 
thirty-ninth Ohio, under Colonel Groesbeck, 
and the forty-third and sixty-third Ohio, under 
Colonel Smith. Captain Mower, first United 
States infantry, with companies A and H of his 
regiment, was placed in charge of the siege 
euns. 

“The enemy’s pickets and grand guards were 
driven in by Colonel Morgan, from the ground 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


selected for the battery, without firing a shot, 
although the enemy fired several volleys of 
musketry. The work was prosecuted in silence 
and with the utmost rapidity, until, at three 
o’clock A. M., two small redoubts, connected by 
a curtain, and mounting the four heavy guns 
which had been sent me, were completed, to- 
vether with rifle pits in front and on the 
flanks for two regiments of infantry. Our bat- 
teries opened as soon as the day dawned, and 
were replied to in front and on the flanks by 
the whole of the enemy’s heavy artillery on 
land and water. As our supply of ammuni- 
tion for heavy artillery was very limited, I di- 
rected Captain Mower to fire only occasionally 
at the enemy’s land batteries,and to concen- 
trate all his fire upon the gunboats. Our guns 
were served by Captain Mower with vigor and 
skill, and in a few hours disabled several of the 
gunboats, and dismounted three of the heavy 
guns in the enemy’s main work. Shortly after 
‘our batteries opened, one of the twenty-four 
pound guns was struck in the muzzle by a 
round shot from the enemy’s batteries and 
disabled. . 

“The cannonading was continued furiously 
all day by the gunboats and land batteries of 
the enemy, but without producing any impres- 
sion upon us. Meantime, during the whole 
day, our trenches were being extended and 
advanced, as it was my purpose to push for- 
ward our heavy batteries in the course of the 
night to the bank of the river. While the 
cannonading was thus going on on our right, 
I instructed General Paine to make demon- 
strations against intrenchments on our left, and 
supported his movements by Palmer's division. 
The enemy’s pickets and grand guards were 
driven into his intrenchments, and the skir- 
mishers forced their way close to the main 
ditch. 

“A furious thunder storm began to rage 
about eleven o’clock that night, and continued 
almost without interruption until morning. 


089 


Just before daylight, General Stanley was re- 
lieved in his trenches, with his division, by 
General Hamilton. A few minutes after day- 
light, a flag of truce approached our batteries, 
with information that the enemy had evacu- 
ated his works. Small parties were at once 
advanced by General Hamilton to ascertain 
whether such was the fact, and Captain Mower, 
first United States infantry, with companies A 
and H of that regiment, was sent forward to 
plant the United States flag over the aban- 
doned works. 

“A brief examination of them showed how 
hasty and precipitate had been the flight of the 
enemy. Their dead were found unburied, 
their suppers untouched standing on the ta- 
bles, candles burning in the tents, and every 
other evidence of a disgraceful panic. Private 
baggage of officers and knapsacks of men were 
left behind. Neither provision nor ammuni- 
tion was carried off Some attempt was made 
to carry ammunition, as boxes without number 
were found on the bank of the river where 
the steamers had been landed. 

“Jt is almost impossible to give any exact 
account of the immense quantities of property 
and supplies left in our hands. All their artil- 
lery, field batteries and siege guns, amounting 
to thirty-three pieces, magazines full of fixed 
ammunition of the best character, several 
thousand stand of inferior small arms, with 
hundreds of boxes of musket cartridges, tents 
for an qrmy of ten thousand men, horses, 
mules, wagons, intrenching tools, &c.,are among 
the spoils. Nothing except the men escaped, 
and they with only what they wore. They 
landed on the opposite side of the river, and 
are scattered in the wide bottoms. I im- 
mediately advanced Hamilton’s division into 
the place, and had the guns of the’ enemy 
turned upon the river, which they completely 
command. 

“The flight of the enemy was so hasty that 
they abandoned their pickets, and gave no 


036 


intimation to the forces at Island No. Ten. The 
consequence is, that one gunboat and ten 
large steamers, which were there, are cut off 
from below, and must either be destroyed or 
fall into our hands. Island No. Ten must neces- 
sarily be evacuated, as it can neither be reén- 
forced nor supplied from below. 

“During the operations here, the whole of 
the forces were at different times brought un- 
der the fire of the enemy, and behaved them- 
selves with great gallantry and coolness. It 
seems proper, however, that I should make 
special mention of those more directly con- 
cerned in the final operations against the 
place. 

“The tenth and sixteenth Illinois, com- 
manded respectively by Colonels Morgan and 
J. R. Smith, were detailed as guards to the 


proposed trenches and to aid in constructing | 


them. They marched from camp at sunset on 
the 12th, and drove in the pickets and grand 
guards of the enemy, as they were ordered, at 
shouldered arms and without returning a shot; 
covered the front of the intrenching parties, 
and occupied the trenches and rifle pits during 
the whole day and night of the 13th, under 
furious and incessant cannonading from sixty 
pieces of heavy artillery. At the earnest re- 
quest of their colonels, their regimental flags 
were kept flying over our trenches, though 
they offered a conspicuous mark to the enemy. 
The coolness, courage, and cheerfulness of these 
troops, exposed for two nights and a day to 
the furious fire of the enemy at short range, 
and to the severe storm which raged during 
the whole night of the 13th, are beyond all 
praise, and delighted and astonished every 
officer who witnessed it. The division of Gen- 
eral Stanley, consisting of the twenty-seventh, 
thirty-ninth, forty-third, and sixty-third Ohio 
regiments, supported the battery from two 


o’clock A. M., on the 13th, to daylight on the 
14th, exposed to the full fury of the cannon-, 


ade without being able to return ashot, and to 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the severe storm of that night, and displayed 
coolness, courage, and fortitude worthy of all 
praise. In fact, the conduct of all the troops 
of this command so far exceeded my expecta- 
tions, that I was astonished and delighted, and 
feel very safe in predicting for them a brilliant 
career in arms. ; 

“Our whole loss during the operation was 
fifty-one killed and wounded. A detailed list 
will be transmitted as soon as it can be made. 
The enemy’s loss cannot be ascertained. A 
number of his dead were left unburied, and 
over a hundred new graves attested that he 
must have suffered severely. 

“JT am, general, respectfully, 

“ Your obedient servant, 
“Joun Pops, : 
“ Brigader-General commanding.” 


‘‘ Brigadier-General G. W. Cutium, Chief of Staff 
and of Engineers, Dep't. of the Mississippi, St. Louis.” 


GENERAL POPE’S OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE CAPTURE 
OF ISLAND NO. TEN. 


‘s HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE Mississippi, FIVE 
Migs rrom CorintuH, Miss., April 30, 1862. 


“GENERAL: I have the honor to submit the 
following report of the operations which re- 
sulted in the capture of Island No. Ten, and the 
batteries on the main shore, together with the 
whole of the land forces of the enemy in that 
vicinity. <A brief sketch of the topography of 
the immediate neighborhood seems essential 
to a full understanding of the operations of 
the army. 

“Tsland No. Ten lies at the bottom of a great 
bend of the Mississippi, immediately north of 
it being a long, narrow promontory on the 
Missouri shore. The river from Island No. Ten 
flows north-west to New Madrid, where it again 
makes a great bend to the south as far as 'Tip- 
tonville, otherwise called Merriweather’s Land- 
ing, so that opposite New Madrid also is a 
long, narrow promontory. From Island No. 
Hight; about four miles above Island No. Ten, 
the distance across the land to New Madrid is 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


six miles, while by river it is fifteen. So like- 
wise the distance over land from Island No. 
Ten to Tiptonville is five miles, while by water 
it is twenty-seven. 

“Commencing at Hickman, a great swamp, 
which afterwards becomes Reelfoot Lake, ex- 
tends along the left bank of the Mississippi, 
and discharges its waters into the river forty 
miles below Tiptonville, leaving the whole 
peninsula opposite New Madrid between it and 
the river. This peninsula, therefore, is itself 
an island, having the Mississippi on three sides, 
and Reelfoot Lake and the great swamps which 
border it on the other. A good road leads 
from Island No. Ten along the west bank of 
Reelfoot Lake to Tiptonville. The only means 
of supply, therefore, for the forces at and 
around Island No. Ten, on.this peninsula, was 
by the river. When the river was blockaded 
at New Madrid, supplies and reénforcements 
were landed at Tiptonville, and conveyed across 
the neck of the peninsula by land. There was 
no communication with the interior, except by 
a small flatboat, which plied across Reelfoot 
Lake, a distance of two miles, and that through 
an opening cut through cypress swamps for 
the purpose. Supplies and reénforcements, or 
escape, to any considerable extent, were there- 
fore impracticable on the land side. 

“One mile below Tiptonville begin the great 
swamps along the Mississippi, on both sides, 
and no dry ground is to be found, except in 
occasional spots, for about sixty miles below. 
By intercepting the navigation of the river 
below Tiptonville, and commanding by heavy 
artillery the lowest point of dry ground near 
that place, the enemy would be at once cut 
off from his resources, and prevented from 
escaping. 

“Immediately after the reduction of New 
Madrid, this subject engaged my attention. 
The roads along the river, in the direction of 
Point Pleasant, followed a narrow strip of dry 
land. between the swamps and the river, amd 


68 


537 


were very miry and difficult. With much la- 
bor the heavy guns captured from the enemy 
at New Madrid were dragged by hand and 
established in battery at several prominent 
points along the river, the lower battery be- 
ing placed immediately opposite the lowest 
point of dry ground below Tiptonville. This 
extended my lines seventeen miles along the 
river. A week was thus passed in severe labor. 
The enemy, perceiving the consequence of es- 
tablishing these batteries, attempted in every 
way by his gunboats to prevent their construc- 
tion. They were, therefore, in every case 
established in the night. As soon as daylight 
unmasked our lowest battery, the enemy saw 
at once that we must either be dislodged or 
all reliable communication with his forces would 
be cut off. Five gunboats, therefore, at once 
advanced against the battery, which consisted 
of two twenty-four pound siege guns and two — 
ten-pound Parrotts, manned by a detachment 
of the first United States infantry under Lieu- 
tenant Bates, and supported by General Palm- 
er’s division, encamped one and a half miles in 
the rear. Rifle pits for five hundred sharp- 
shooters were dug on the flanks of the battery 
close to the river bank, and were constantly 
occupied. The gunboats ran up within three 
hundred yards, and a furious cannonade was 
kept up for an hour and a half, when they 
were repulsed, with the loss of one gunboat 
sunk, several badly damaged, and many men 
shot down at their guns by our sharpshooters 
from the rifle pits. Our loss was one man 
killed. From that time no attempt against the 
battery was made, and all communication from 
below with the forces near Island No. Ten was 
cut off One of the gunboats would occasion- 
ally, during a dark night, steal up close along 
the opposite shore to Tiptonville, but always 
at such great risk that it was seldom under- 
taken. Neither supplies nor men could be 
taken up or carried off in this way. 

“Such was the condition of affairs on the 


538 HISTORY OF THE 
16th of March. The object for which the 
land forces had been moved on New Madrid 
was accomplished in the capture of that place 
and the blockade of the river to any supplies 
and reénforcements for the enemy at and 
around Island No. Ten. 

“Meantime the flotilla had been firing at 
long range, both from the gun .and mortar 
boats, at the batteries of the enemy in and 
opposite the island, for seven consecutive days, 
without any apparent effect, and without any 
advance whatever towards their reduction. 
This result was doubtless due to the defec- 
tive construction of the boats. 

“On the 16th of March I received your de- 
spatch directing me, if possible, to construct a 
road through the swamps to a point on the 
Missouri shore opposite Island No. Ten, and 
transfer a portion of my force, sufficient to 
erect batteries at that point, to assist in the 
artillery practice on the enemy’s batteries. I 
accordingly despatched Colonel J. W. Bissell’s 
engineer regiment to examine the country 
with this view, directing him at the same time, 
if he found it impracticable to build a road 
through the swamps and overflow of the river, 
to ascertain whether it were possible to dig or 
cut a canal across the peninsula from some 
point abdve Island No. Ten to New Madrid, in 
order that steam transports might be brought 
to me, which would enable my command to 
cross the river. The idea of the canal was 
suggested to me by General Schuyler Hamil- 
ton, in a conversation uportthe necessity of 
crossing the river and assailing the enemy’s 
batteries, near Island No. Ten, in the rear. 

“On the 17th of March I suggested to 
Commodore Foote, by letter, that he should 
run the enemy’s batteries with one of his 
gunboats, and thus enable me to cross the 
river with my command — assuring him that 
by this means I could throw into the rear 
of the enemy men enough to deal with any 
force he might have. This request the com- 


UNITED STATES. 


modore declined on the ground of impracti- 
cability. 

“ Colonel Bissell having reported a road im- 
practicable, but that a route could be found 
for a channel sufficient for small steamers, I 
immediately directed him to commence the 
canal, with the whole regiment, and to call on 
Colonel Buford, commanding the land forces 
temporarily on duty with the flotilla, — which 
had been placed under my command, — for any 
assistance in men or material necessary for 
the work. Supplies of such articles as were 
needed, and four steamers of light draught, 
were sent for to Cairo, and the work begun. 
It was my purpose to make the canal deep 
enough for the gunboats; but it was not found 
practicable to do so within any reasonable 
period. The work performed by Colonel Bis- 
sell and his regiment of engineers was beyond 
measure difficult, and its completion was de- 
layed much beyond my expectations. The 
canal is twelve miles long, six miles of which 
are through very heavy timber. An avenue 
fifty feet wide was made through it, by sawing 
off trees of large size four and a half feet under 
water. For nineteen days the work was pros- 
ecuted with untiring energy and determination, 
under exposures and privations very unusual 
even in the history of warfare. It was com- 
pleted on the 4th of April, and will long re- 
main a monument of enterprise and skill. 

“During all this time the flotilla had kept 
up its fire upon the batteries of the enemy, 
but without making any progress towards their 
reduction. It had by this time become very 
apparent that the capture of Island No. Ten 
could not be made unless the land forces could 
be thrown across the river, and their works 
carried from the rear; but during this long 
delay, the enemy, anticipating such a move- 
ment, had erected batteries along the shore 
from Island No. Ten entirely round to Tipton- 
ville, at every point where troops could be 
landed. ‘The difficulty of crossing the river in 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


force had, therefore, been greatly increased ; 
and what would have been a comparatively 
safe undertaking three weeks before had be- 
come one full of peril. 

“Tt is not necessary to state to you that the 
passage of a great river lined with batteries, 
and in the face of the enemy, is one of the 
most difficult and hazardous operations of war, 
and cannot be justified except in a case of 
urgent necessity. Such a case seemed pre- 
sented for my action. 

“ Without this movement, operations against 
Island No. Ten must have been abandoned, 
and the land forces at least withdrawn. It is 
but justice to say, that, although the full peril 
of the moment was thoroughly understood by 
my whole command, there was not an officer 
or a man who was not anxious to be placed in 
the advance. 

“ There seemed little hope of any assistance 
from the gunboats. I therefore had several 
heavy coal barges brought into the upper end 
of the canal, which, during the progress of the 
work, were made into floating batteries. 

“Kach battery consisted of three heavy 
barges lashed together, and bolted with iron. 
The middle barge was bulkheaded all around, 
so as to give four feet of thickness of solid 
timber both at the sides and on the ends. The 
heavy guns, three in number, were mounted 
on it,and protected by traverses of sand-bags. 
It also carried eighty sharpshooters. The 
barges outside of it had a first layer in the 
bottom of empty water-tight barrels, securely 
lashed, then layers of dry cotton-wood rails and 
cotton bales packed close. ‘They were then 
floored over at the top to keep every thing 
in its place, so that a shot penetrating the 
outer barges must pass through twenty feet 
of rails dnd cotton before reaching the 
middle one, which carried the men and the 
guns. The arrangement of water barrels and 
cotton bales was made in order that, even if 
penetrated frequently by the enemy’s shot, 


539 


and filled with water, the outer barges could 
not sink. 

“It was my purpose, when all was ready, 
to tow one or two of these batteries over the 
river to a point ‘opposite New Madrid, where 
swamps prevented any access to the river, and 
where the enemy, therefore, had been unable 
to establish his batteries. When near the shore, 
the floating batteries, with their crews, were to 
be cut loose from the steamer, and allowed to 
float down the river to the point selected for 
landing the troops. As soon as they arrived 
within a short range of it, they were to cast 
out their anchors so as to hold the barges 
firmly, and open fire upon the enemy’s bat- 
teries. « 

“J think that these batteries would have 
accomplished their purpose, and my whole 
force volunteered to man them. They were 
well provided with small boats, to be kept out 
of danger, and, even if the worst happened, 
and the batteries were sunk by the enemy’s 
fire, the men would meet with no worse fate 
than capture. | 

“On the Sth of April the steamers and 
barges were brought near to the mouth of the 
bayou which discharges into the Mississippi at 
New Madrid, but were kept carefully out of 
sight of the river, while our floating batteries 
were being completed. The enemy, as we 
afterwards learned, had received positive ad- 
vices of the construction of the canal, but were 
unable to believe that such a work was practi- 
cable. The first assurance they had of its 
completion was the appearance of the four 
steamers loaded with troops, on the morning 
of the 7th of April. 

«On the 4th Commodore Foote allowed one 
of the gunboats to run the batteries at Island 
No. Ten, and Captain Walke, U. 8S. N., who 
had volunteered,— as appears from the com- 
modore’s order to him, —came through that 
night with the gunboat Carondelet. Although 
many shots were fired at him as he passed the 


540 


batteries, his boat was not once struck. He 
informed me of his arrival early on the Oth. 

“Qn the morning of the 6th, I sent General 
Granger, Colonel Smith of the forty-third Ohio, 
and Captain L. H. Marshall of my staff, to 
make a reconnoissance of the river below, and 
requested Captain Walke to take them on 
board the Carondelet, and run down the river 
to ascertain precisely the character of the 
banks and the position and number of the 
enemy’s batteries. 

“The whole day was spent in this recon- 
noissance, the Carondelet steaming down the 
river in the midst of a heavy fire from the 
enemy’s batteries along the shore. The whole 
bank, for fifteen miles, was lined with heavy 
guns at intervals; in no case, I think, exceed- 
ing one mile. Intrenchments for infantry were 
also thrown up along the shore, between the 
batteries. 

“ On his return up the river, Captain Walke 
silenced the enemy’s battery opposite Point 
Pleasant, and a small infantry force, under 
Captain L. H. Marshall, landed and spiked the 
guns. On the night of the 6th, at my urgent 
request, Commodore Foote ordered the Pitts- 
burg also to run down to New Madrid. She 
arrived at daylight, having, like the Caron- 
delet, come through without being touched 
I directed Captain Walke to proceed down the 
river at daylight on the 7th, with the two gun- 
boats, and, if possible, silence the batteries near 
Watson’s Landing, the point which had been 
selected to land the troops; and at the same 
time I brought the four steamers into the 
river, and embarked Paine’s division, which 
consisted of the tenth, sixteenth, twenty-sec- 
ond, and fifty-first Illinois regiments, with 
Houghtaling’s battery of artillery. The land 
batteries of thirty-two pounders, under Captain 
Williams, first United States infantry, which I 
had established some days before, opposite 
the point where the troops were to land, were 
ordered to open their fire upon the enemy’s 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


batteries opposite as soon as it was possible t6 
see them. . 
“A heavy storm comecuces on the night 
of the 6th, and continued, with short intermis- 
sions, for several days. The morning of the 
7th was very dark, and the rain fell heavily 
until midday. As soon as it was fairly light, 
eur heavy batteries on the land opened their 
fire vigorously upon the batteries of the enemy, 
and the two gunboats ran down the river and 
joined in the action. I cannot speak too highly 
of the conduct of Captain Walke during the 
whole of these operations. Prompt, gallant, 
and cheerful, he performed the hazardous ser- 
vice assigned him with signal skill and success. 
About twelve o’clock M. he signalled me that 
the batteries near our place of landing were 
silenced, and the steamers containing Paine’s 
division moved out from the landing and began 
to cross the river, preceded by the gunboats. 
“The whole force designed to cross had been 
drawn up along the river bank, and saluted 
the passing steamers with shouts of exultation. 
As soon as we began to cross the river, the 
enemy commenced to vacate his positions 
along the banks and the batteries on the Ten- 
nessee shore, opposite Island No. Ten. His 
whole force was in motion towards Tiptonville, 
with the exception of the few artillerists on. 
the island, who, in the haste of the retreat, 
had been abandoned. As Paine’s division was 
passing opposite the point I occupied on the 
shore, one of my spies, who had crossed on 
the gunboats from the silenced battery, in- 
formed me of this hurried retreat of the 
enemy. I signalled General Paine to stop his 
boats, and sent him the information, with or- 
ders to land as rapidly as possible on the 
opposite shore, and push forward to Tiptonville, 
to which point the enemy’s force#were tend- 
ing from every direction. I sent no force to 
occupy the deserted batteries opposite Island 
No. 'Fen, as it was my first purpose to capture . 
the whole army of the enemy. 


: PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


' “At eight or nine o'clock that night, (the 
7th,) the small party abandoned on the island, 
finding themselves deserted, and fearing an 
attack in the rear from our land forces, which 
they knew had crossed the river in the morn- 
ing, sent a message to Commodore Foote, sur- 
rendering to him. The divisions were pushed 
forward to Tiptonville as fast as they were 
landed, Paine leading. The enemy attempted 
to make a stand several times near that place, 
but Paine did not once deploy hiscolumns. By 
midnight all our forces were across the river, 
and pushing forward rapidly to Tiptonville. 
The enemy retreating before Paine, and from 
Island No. Ten, met at Tiptonville during the 
night in great confusion, and were driven back 
_ into the swamps by the advance of our forces, 
until, at four o’clock A.M. on the 8th, find- 
ing themselves completely cut off, and being 
apparently unable to resist, they laid down 
their arms and surrendered at discretion. 
They were so scattered and confused that 
it was several days before any thing like 
an accurate account of their number could 
be made. 

“Meantime I had directed Colonel W. L. 
Elliott, of the second Iowa cavalry, who had 
crossed the river after dark, to proceed as soon 
as day dawned to take possession of the ene- 
my’s abandoned works on the Tennessee shore, 
opposite Island No. Ten, and to save the steam- 
ers if he possibly could. He reached there 
before sunrise that morning, (the 8th,) and took 
possession of the: encampments, the immense 
quantity of stores and supplies, and of all the 
enemy’s batteries on the main land. He also 
brought in almost two hundred prisoners. Af 
ter posting his guards and taking possession 
of the steamers not sunk or injured, he re- 
mained until the forces landed. As Colonel 
Buford was in command of these forces, Colo- 
nel Elliott turned over to his infantry force 
the prisoners, batteries, and captured property, 
for safe keeping, and proceeded to cross the 


O41 


country in the direction of Tiptonville, along 
Reelfoot Lake, as directed. 

“It is almost impossible to give a correct 
account of the immense quantity of artillery, 
ammunition, and supplies of every desu aye 
which fell into our hands. 

“Three generals, two hundred and seventy- 
three field and company officers, six thousand 
seven hundred prisoners, one hundred and 
twenty-three pieces of heavy artillery, all of 
the very best character and of the latest pat- 
terns, seven thousand stand of small arms, 
several wharf-boat loads of provisions, an im- 
mense quantity of ammunition of all kinds, 
many hundred horses and mules, with wagons 
and harness, &c., &c., are among the spoils. 
Very few if any of the enemy escaped, and 
only by wading and swimming through the 
swamps. The conduct of the troops was 
splendid throughout, as the results of this 
operation and its whole progress very plainly 
exhibit. We have crossed the great river, the 
banks of which were lined with batteries and 
defended by seven thousand men; we have 
pursued and captured the whole force of the 
enemy and all his supplies and material of 
war, and have again recrossed and occupied 
the camp at New Madrid, without losing a man 
or meeting with an accident. Such results 
bespeak efficiency, good conduct, high disci- 
pline, and soldierly deportment of the best 
character, far better than they can be exhibited 
in pitched battles or the storming of fortified 
places. Patience, willing labor, endurance of 
hardship and privation for long periods, cheer- 
ful and prompt obedience, order and discipline, 
bravery and spirit, are the qualities which 
these operations have developed in the forces 
under my command, and which assure for 
them a brilliant and successful career in arms. 
It is difficult to express the feeling which 
such conduct has occasioned me, fortunate 
enough to be the commander of such troops 
There are few material obstacles within the 


542 


range of warfare which a man of courage 
and -spirit would hesitate to encounter with 
such a force. 

“Our success was complete and overwhelm- 
ing, and it gives me profound satisfaction to 
report that it was accomplished without loss 
of life. 

* Joun Pops, 


“ Major-General commanding.” 


COMMODORE FOOTE’S OFFICIAL REPORT. 


“‘Fiac-suip Benton, Istanp No. Try, 
April 8, 1862. 

“TY have the honor to inform the department 
that since I sent the telegram last night, an- 
nouncing the surrender to me of Island No. 
Ten, possession has been taken both of the 
island and works upon the Tennessee shore by 
the gunboats and the troops under General 
Buford. Seventeen officers and three hundred 
and sixty-eight privates, besides one hundred 
sick and one hundred men employed on board 
transports in our hands, are unconditional pris- 
oners of war. I have caused a hasty exam- 
ination of the forts, &c, captured. There 
are eleven earthworks, seventy heavy cannon, 
ranging from thirty-two to one hundred pound- 
ers, rifled. The magazines are well supplied 
with powder, and there are large quantities of 
shot, shell, and other munitions of war; also 
great quantities, of provisions. 

“Four steamers afloat have fallen into our 
hands, and two others, with the rebel gunboat 
Grampus, are sunk, but can be easily raised. 
The floating battery of sixteen heavy guns, 
turned adrift by the rebels, is said to be lying 
on the Missouri shore below New Madrid. 

“The enemy upon the main land appear 
to have fled with great precipitation after dark 
last night, leaving in many cases half-prepared 
meals in their quarters. There seems to have 
been no concert of action between the rebels 
upon the island and those occupied on the 
shore; but the latter fled, leaving the former 


ae 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, 


to their fate. These works were erected with 
the highest engineering skill, and are of great 
strength, and with their natural advantages 
would have been impregnable if defended by 
men fighting in a better cause. 

“A combined attack of naval and land forces 
would have taken the place this afternoon or 
to-morrow morning, had not the rebels so has- 
tily abandoned their stronghold; to mature 
the plans of attack having absolutely required 
twenty-three days’ preparation. 

“General Pope is momentarily expected to 
arrive with his army at this point, he having 
successfully crossed the river yesterday under 
a heavy fire, which, no doubt, led to the hasty 
abandonment of the works last night. 

“T am unofficially informed that the two. 
gunboats, which so gallantly ran the fire of 
the rebel batteries a few nights since, yesterday 
attacked and reduced the fort of the enemy 
opposite, dismounting eight guns. 

“The following is a copy of the order of 


General McCall in assuming command of the 


rebel forces, 5th instant : — 


“¢Sorprers: We are strangers, commander 
and commanded, to each other. Let me tell 
you who lam. Iam a general made by Beau- 
regard—a general selected by Beauregard 
and Bragg for this command, when they knew 
it was in peril. 

“<They have known me for twenty years. 
Together we have stood on the fields of Mex- 
ico. You have given them: your confidence; 
now give it to me when I have earned it. 

“Soldiers: the Mississippi valley is intrusted 
to your courage, to your discipline, to your 
patience. Exhibit the vigilance and coolness 
of last night, and hold it. 

“¢W. D. McCat’ 


“TI regret that the painful condition of my 
feet still requires me to use crutches, and which 
prevented me from making a personal exami- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


nation of the works. I was, therefore, com- 
pelled to delegate Lieutenant -commanding 
Phelps, of the Benton. 

“A. H. Foors, Flag- Officer. 


‘To Hon. Grpron WELLES.” 
e 


CHAPTER LXxX. 


Advance of the Federal Forces in Tennessee. — General Grant’s 
Army. — Rebel Movements under General Beauregard. — 
Concentration of Rebel Forces. — Position of General Grant’s 
Army. — Aggressive Movement by the Rebels. — Battle of 
Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing. —Sudden Attack upon the 
Federal Camps. — Divisions of General Prentiss, General 
Sherman, and General McClernand driven back. — Occupa- 
tion of the Federal Camps by the Rebels. — Desperate Con- 
dition of the Federal Troops.— Continued Advance of the 
Rebel Forces. — Hurlbut’s and Wallace’s Divisions. —'The 
Federal Troops driven near the River. — Fire of Gunboats. 
— Approach of Night, and Failure of the Rebels to com- 
plete their Victory. — Losses and Condition of General 
Grant’s Army. — Arrival of General Buell’s Army and Lew. 
Wallace’s Division.— Preparations for Renewal of the Bat- 
tle. — Attack by the Federal Forces. — Severe Conflict. — 
The Enemy. driven from his Position. —Rebel Defeat and 
Retreat. — The Result. — Official Reports. 


Snortiy after the capture of Fort Donelson 
and the occupation of Nashville the federal 
forces made a further advance into the rebel 
territory. General Grant’s army, which had 
occupied different points in Western Kentucky, 
was concentrated, and reénforced by’a number 
of new regiments, moved up the Tennessee 
River in transports to Pittsburg Landing, a 
point near the southern line of Tennessee. 
Here and at Crump’s Landing, about six miles 
below, the forces debarked and established 
themselves in camps, awaiting the advance and 
cooperation of the army under General Buell. 
The latter gradually collected his forces from 
Eastern Kentucky, and prepared to move from 
Nashville to Columbia, and thence to codperate 
with General Grant against the rebel forces 
which were concentrating near the boundary 
line of Tennessee and Mississippi. 

The main part of the army of General 
Grant had been encamped near Pittsburg | 


o43 


Landing for about three weeks before there 
were any signs of a conflict or of active oper- 
ations. A few expeditions, not very formidable 
or effective, had been sent out to interrupt the 
rebel communications by the destruction of 
railroads; but while a severe blow in this way 
might have been struck, and the concentration — 
of the rebel forces thus materially delayed, no 
considerable damage was done to the railroads, 
and but slight interruption to* the rebel move- 
ments was caused. And although the federal 
forces had thus far advanced for an aggressive 
campaign, the necessary preparations for keep- 
ing their communications open and obtaining 
supplies, or some other cause, brought the ag- 
eressive movement to a stand, and the delay 
enabled the rebels to assume the offensive, and 
to attempt to drive out those whom they called 
invaders, This attempt on the part of the 
rebels was well conceived, and the movement 
was carried out with such promptness and 
spirit that it came near being successful. 

In view of the movements which were ex- 
pected to take place on the Mississippi, the 
rebel authorities had sent General Beauregard, 
whose skill as an engineer is admitted, to in- 
| spect and to command the defences which had 
| been constructed on the banks of the river and 
elsewhere. Whatever he imagined or advised 
the strength of these works to be, it seemed 
probable that before the combined attack of 
the land and naval forces they must sooner or 
later yield. But now the armies that had 
moved down through Kentucky into Tennessee 
were in advance of the expedition down the 
river, and unless they were repulsed, the forti- 
fications on the river would be of as little 
account as was Columbus after the fall of Forts 
Henry and Donelson. The rebel general saw 
the necessity of this, and prepared with spirit 
and promptness to defeat the purposes of Gen- 
eral Grant. He called upon the governors of 
the neighboring states to furnish additional 
troops, while he concentrated all the available 


544 


forces of his own command, and received large 
reénforcements from Mobile and Pensacola, 
under General Brage. To these forces was 
also added those under the command of Gen- 
eral A. 8. Johnston, then the general-in-chief 
of the rebel army, which were in South-eastern 
Tennessee. These rebel forces were rapidly 
concentrated, considering the moderate facili- 
ties for their movement, while greater activ- 
ity on the part ‘of the federal forces, such as 
has since been exhibited under similar circum- 
stances, might have greatly interrupted, if not 
wholly defeated, the rebel plans. As it was, 
General Beauregard concentrated an army of 
sixty thousand men, or upwards, at Corinth, in 
the northern part of the state of Mississippi, 
only about twenty miles from the federal posi- 
tion at Pittsburg Landing. He knew, through 
his scouts and the information so easily ob- 
tained from his friends in Tennessee within the 
federal lines, that General Buell’s forces were 
moving so as to form a junction with General 
Grant, and that their combined armies could 
easily drive him from his position at Corinth ; 
and he therefore determined to advance at 
once against General Grant, and by his supe- 
rior numbers completely overwhelm him before 
General Buell could render him any assistance. 
The army of the latter, not so large as Gen- 
eral Grant’s, could then be speedily defeated, 
and the federal forces thus be driven from 
Tennessee. To carry out his plans, General 
Beauregard moved his whole army from Cor- 
inth on the 4th and 5th of April, and ad- 
vanced towards the federal camps. 

The position occupied by the federal forces 
was on an undulating table land on the west 
side of the Tennessee, elevated some eighty 
or one hundred feet above the river, and lying 
between Lick Creek on the south and Snake 
Creek on the north. Near the river the ground 


is broken by some deep ravines, and towards | 


Lick Creek rises into hills of considerable 
height, which have a gradual slope on the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. - 


north, but are steep and abrupt on the side of 
the creek. Much of the country was covered 
with woods, through most of which troops could 
move without difficulty ; but there were occa- 
sional thickets of underbrush, and in some 
places were cultivated fields of considerable 
extent. Upon one of the roads leading from 
Pittsburg Landing towards Corinth was a little 
church called Shiloh Church, from which the 


region took its name among the people of 


the vicinity. 

General Grant’s forces were encamped from 
two to five miles out from Pittsburg Landing. 
They were composed of five divisions, of which 
Brigadier-General Sherman’s was in the most 
advanced position, and extended along a front 
of about four miles, one brigade under Colonel 
Stuart occupying the extreme left of the fed- 
eral line, and another nearly the extreme right., 
Close to General Sherman’s line were the divis- 
ions of Brigadier-General Prentiss and Major- 
General McClernand, partially filling the gaps 
left between the brigades of General Sher- 
man’s division. General Prentiss’s division was 
on the left, next to Colonel Stuart’s brigade, 
and General Sherman’s was on the right of 
Prentiss, and a little more in the rear. These 
three divisions formed the front of General 
Grant’s army, and back of them, within a mile 
of the Landing, were the division of General 
Hurlbut on the left and the division of Gen- 
eral W. H. Wallace on the right. At Crump’s 
Landing, some six miles below, was the divis- 
ion of General Lew. Wallace. 

This position of the army was on some ac- 
counts a good one, affording excellent camping | 
orounds, and offering some advantages for de- 
fence in case of attack. But the disposition ~ 
of the forces has been severely criticised. The 
extended line of thé advance, showing gaps of 
which an enemy could easily take advantage 
and which were not covered by the supporting 
line, and the separation of the brigades of Gen- 
eral Sherman’s division, were serious defects in 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 


~ 


040 


the occupation of the ground, and were the || dawn the pickets of General Prentiss’s division 


immediate causes of the disasters which fol- 
lowed. While the ground also offered oppor- 
tunities for works of defence, and the position 
could thus have been greatly strengthened by 
redoubts, even if of slight construction, by rifle 
pits, and in some places by formidable abatis, 
the troops were encamped here for three weeks, 
and no measures for such defence were taken. 
There was, for some days at least, reason to 
suppose that an attack might be made by the 
rebels, whose movements were but partially 
known, and General Grant expected such an 
attack, while General Sherman declared that 
the position he occupied was dangerous. Yet 
nothing was done to strengthen the position, 
to occupy more favorable ground, or to make 
a more thorough disposition of the troops for 
meeting the anticipated attack. And it would 
seem that, notwithstanding the expectations 
and declarations of the generals, the additional 
precautions of stronger and more advanced 
pickets, and more extensive scouting, were not 
observed. Yet the officers highest in command 
were esteemed able and comparatively experi- 
enced, and since that time have proved them- 
selves among the most competent and skilful 
generals; and it is difficult to believe that 
with any real expectations of attack they 
should neglect to adopt such common pre- 
cautions, unless they entirely underrated the 
rebel forces. 

The rebel army numbered sixty thousand 
men, and was composed of three grand divis- 
ions, under the command of Generals Beaure- 
gard, Bragg, and Hardee, General Johnston, as 
general-in-chief, having command of the whole 
army, though the plan of attack and’ disposi- 
tion of the forces were Beauregard’s. These 
forces arrived at a position a comparatively 
short distance from the federal pickets, on the 
evening of Saturday, the 5th of April, and the 
several divisions were disposed for an attack 
early on the following morning. Shortly after 

° 69 


were driven in, and immediately afterwards a 


part of General Sherman’s pickets were also 
compelled to fall back before the advancing 
enemy. ‘The attack was unexpected, and the 
federal camps were but just astir, and as unpre- 
pared as if no enemy were within striking 
distance. When the pickets, after a few shots 
(which, from the too frequent and causeless 
occurrence of such reports, at first created little 
alarm), rushed into the camps, the troops were 
yet in confusion. Arms and accoutrements 
had hardly been seized, ammunition was but 
ill-supplied, and, roused by the sudden alarm, 
the soldiers, in haste and confusion, were just 
rushing to form the regimental lines. The 
advance of the enemy was close upon the 
heels of the pickets, and before the federal 
lines could be formed the rebel artillery had 
already commenced throwing shot and shell 
into the camps. Not yet in line and under the 
control of their officers, nor feeling the confi- 
dence which discipline and organization in- 
spire, many of the soldiers fled in alarm. A 
great part of them were new troops, who had 
never before been under fire or exposed to 
attack, and were therefore less prompt to rally 
to meet the enemy who came so suddenly. 
But though their ranks were thinned by the 
flight of the cowardly, and soon by the fall of 
numbers before the fierce fire of the rebels, 
most of the regiments made a spirited resist- 
ance, as soon as they could rally and form for 
the purpose. The rebels, however, came sweep- 
ing on in such strong and compact columns, 
that the federal troops were obliged at once to 
abandon their camps, leaving in some cases 
men not yet out of their tents to be taken 
prisoners, and not a few wounded and dead, 
who had fallen even before they had taken 
their arms. 

Falling rapidly back through the woods in 
the rear of their camp, the broken regiments 
of General Sherman’s division were finally 


e 
546 


formed behind a ridge which afforded them 


some protection, and succeeded in checking for | 
General 


a time the advance of the enemy. 
Sherman himself, and many of his officers, 
showed great courage and determination in 
rallying the troops; they exposed themselves 
freely to the dangers of the field, encouraged 
their men by their presence and gallantry, and 
demanded only that the soldiers should follow 
where they led. By their spirited efforts the 
division was saved from utter destruction, and 
the rebels were for a time held in check, and 
thus prevented from carrying out their plan 
of completing the ruin or capture of General 
Grant’s army by that day’s battle. But Gen- 
eral Sherman’s troops were compelled to retire 
before the greater numbers and more compact 


masses of the rebels, who pressed on, flushed | 
The shattered brigades of this: 
division fell back, still fighting, but in some dis- | 
order, till they came to the position occupied | 


with success. 


by General McClernand’s division, the greater 
part of which was posted in the rear of Gen- 
eral Sherman’s camps. 
resisted the rebel advance with great energy, 
and, inspired by his example, his troops re- 


peatedly manifested a valor which might 
have repulsed the enemy, but for his superior | 


numbers. 
General McClernand’s troops to the front. 
portion of the latter had, indeed, been brought 
into action earlier to support the left of Gen- 
eral Sherman’s line, which was being pressed 
more rapidly back; but the whole of General 
Sherman’s line was now driven back, and fall- 
ing behind General McClernand’s troops, the 
latter were soon engaged with the advancing 
enemy. 

Meanwhile General Prentiss’s division was 
attacked by the enemy quite as vigorously as 
General Sherman’s. Most of his troops rallied 
to the battle call, and were formed in line; 


The retreat of his brigades brought 


but unfortunately they were formed in an open 
fielil, while the rebels advanced under the cover 


General Sherman had 


AL 


?| 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


of a thicket in front. Notwithstanding this, 
the troops held their ground bravely for a time, 
and would have repulsed the enemy but for 
the overwhelming numbers which he threw 
against the federal lines. The other federal 
divisions were not in position to cover the gaps 
on either side of General Prentiss, and to pro- 
tect his flanks, and the enemy, while pushing 
him fiercely in front, closed in upon each side. 
Thus situated, the divison fell back more and 
more rapidly, and their resistance became more 
faint and irregular. A part of the division, 
under the immediate command of General 
Prentiss, standing its ground more firmly than 
the others, became separated. These troops 
held their position some time longer, but they 
were at. last surrounded by the rebels, so that 
they were obliged to surrender. Three regi- 
ments, or what remained of them, and a divis- 
ion commander were thus made prisoners. The 
remainder of the division was now far in the 
rear, and so shattered that it was virtually de- 
feated, and presented no front to the enemy. 
When General Sherman’s division fell back, 
pressed by the rebel forces, General McCler- 
nand was obliged to bring his whole division 
into action. But the defeat of General Pren- 
tiss’s division, and the retiring of General 
Sherman’s, exposed the flanks of General 
McClernand’s line. The rebels were prompt to 
avail themselves of the advantage thus gained, 
and they advanced in large numbers through 
the federal camps, to turn McClernand’s right. 
Artillery was promptly placed in position to 
meet this movement, and played upon the rebel 
columns with great slaughter. But they ad- 
vanced in spite of this severe fire, and addition 
al forces coming up, they pressed upon the 
federal lines with a fierce fire of musketry, and 
in some places with desperate charges. The 
federal troops fought well, and several times 
repulsed the enemy; but they were again and 
again driven further back with heavy losses. 
Many officers fell, the regiments were greatly 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


547 


weakened by the loss of men, and a number||ridge to ridge, till at last, much broken and 
of pieces of artillery were either abandoned |! discouraged, it retired behind the lines of Gen- 


for want of horses to draw them off, or were 
captured in the charges of the enemy. The 
rebel numbers and their determined spirit were 
too much for the federal troops to withstand, 
and McClernand’s division, with Sherman’s shat- 
tered brigades, were driven back to the position 
occupied by General Hurlbut’s division, which 
was scarcely a mile out from the river. 

While these events were transpiring more 
directly in the front or centre of the federal 
position, one brigade of General Sherman’s 
division, under Colonel Stuart, which was posted 
on the extreme left of the federal line, was en- 
gaged with the enemy by itself While the 
conflict with General Prentiss’s division was 
going on this brigade was not attacked, but 
when that division met with disaster, a column 
of rebel troops suddenly made its appearance 
in front of Colonel Stuart’s force. The reg- 
iment in advance fell back to. its supports, 
and the advancing column turned towards the 
retreating troops of General Prentiss. But 
shortly after a battery of rebel artillery opened 
upon them from the bluffs along Lick Creek, 
and under cover of this fire the rebel infantry 
advanced rapidly upon them. For a few min- 
utes the brigade met the enemy with a steady 
fire of musketry and the section of a battery ; 
but it was very soon evident that its position, 
exposed to the shells from the rebel batteries and 
a destructive fire from the advancing infantry, 
was untenable, and it was withdrawn in good 
order to the next wooded ridge. Here an at- 
tack was threatened by a body of rebel cavalry 
which had gained their flank, but the dispo- 
sition of his forces by Colonel Stuart and the 
nature of the ground kept the cavalry from 
making a charge. 
soon advanced, and a portion of them came in 
from the pursuit of General Prentiss’s troops, 
upon the right of the federal brigade. Thus it 


The rebel infantry, however, | 


was hard pressed, and was in fact driven from | 


= 


eral W. H. L. Wallace’s troops, a part of which 
had been thrown forward in this direction to 
support it. 

It was hardly noon when the entire line of 
federal troops was thus driven back upon their 
reserves. The camps of three divisions, with 
all their equipage and a quantity of supplies, 
were in the possession of the rebels. In the 
camps were a considerable number of the fed- 
eral sick and wounded, some of whom suffered 
anew from the shot of their own friends, dis- 
charged at the enemy as he occupied or marched 
through the grounds. The ranks of the sev- 
eral divisions had been thinned by the fall of 
many brave men, and the flight of a larger 
number of the timid and undisciplined. All 
along the river bank near Pittsburg Landing 
were hundreds and even thousands of men 
who should have been in the front fighting the 
enemy, but were, instead, crouching under the 
bluff Some of them had come there early 
in the day, saying that their regiments were cut 
to pieces and the federal troops utterly defeated ; 
others had straggled in later with as fearful 
tales, until the fugitives could be numbered 
almost by regiments. For many of them it was 
their first engagement, and the suddenness of 
the attack, and the lax discipline of most of the 
regiments, produced this unfortunate thinning 
of the federal ranks, against which no precau- 
tion had been, or perhaps could be, taken. But 
while there was this large number of the timid 
and demoralized, the greater part of the troops 
had fought bravely, though at great disadvan- 
tage and against superior numbers. They had 
repeatedly, for a time, repulsed the rebel forces; 
but the latter were well handled, and fresh 
troops were pressed on with so much vigor that 
it was impossible to withstand them. Each 
commander of division, and in some cases even 
brigade commanders, had thus far fought the 
battle as best they might, without much con- 


048 HISTORY OF THE 


cert, and no general direction of a superior, 
but with spirit and ability. And now they had 
been driven back, with forces shattered and in 
‘confusion, within a mile of the Landing. The 
losses had already been heavy. Besides the 
fall of many brave officers and men upon the 
obstinately contested portions of the field, a 
large part of the field artillery of the three 
divisions had been lost, and the army thus ma- 
terially weakened in this most important arm 
as well as in numbers. The condition of the 
federal troops was, therefore, not a little criti- 
cal, and even desperate, for so early an hour 
in the day. 

General Grant, who was on the river and 
some miles away from the battle field, did not 
arrive until most of these disasters had occurred. 
But his arrival and assuming direction of the 
disposition of the troops, with the knowledge 
that General Lew. Wallace’s division was mov- 
ing from Crump’s Landing, and that General 
Buell’s advance was near the river and rapidly 
approaching, gave a less discouraging aspect to 
affairs, and nerved officers and men to a more 
determined resistance. As the shattered divis- 
ions which had been in front fell back to the 
positions now occupied and bravely defended 
by the divisions of Generals Hurlbut and W. 
H. L. Wallace, the officers again rallied their 
men, and the regiments were quickly reorgan- 
ized, formed again in line of battle, and posted 
as supports to the forces which were in their 
turn receiving the brunt of the rebel attack. 
Parts of these two divisions had been, early in 
the day, advanced to the support of those in 
front, and had been long engaged with the 
enemy. But the whole federal line was now 
forced back, even beyond the camping ground 
of General Hurlbut’s division. Here, where 
more favorable ground was found, a most de- 
termined stand was taken. The line was now 
composed of General Hurlbut’s and General 
W. H. L. Wallace’s divisions, with detached 
parts of the divisions which had been driven 


UNITED STATES. 


from the front, General Hurlbut having com- 
mand of the left and General Wallace of the 
right. As the rebels pressed on, they were 
almost every where met with such a terrible 
fire of artillery and musketry that their lines 
wavered and were repulsed. In several in- 
stances gallant charges were made by the 
federal troops upon some bodies of the rebel 
forces, as they wavered under this fire, and they 
were driven back in confusion. But they were 
quickly rallied and supported, and returned to 
the attack in such numbers, that the Union sol- 
diers, though they fought bravely, were gradu- 
ally pressed back from the ground they had 
thus gained. 

For five or six hours this last position of the 
federal forces was gallantly maintained, with 
an occasional temporary advance. The rebel 
troops were brought up repeatedly, to be driven 
back with great loss, but again to return to 
the onset, under the direction of officers who 
evinced the fiercest determination to achieve 
a complete victory. They were handled with 
ability, and quickly supported by their re- 
serves wherever they were repulsed. Num- 
bers of troops, comparatively fresh, were thus 
repeatedly thrown upon the federal lines, even 
the reserves of which were wearied with a long 
and unequal contest. The rebels pressed so 
desperately upon General Hurlbut’s division 
that at last it was compelled to yield the ground 
it had so long held, and this part of the line 
retired in good order, nearly half a mile farther 
towards the Landing. The enemy advanced 
as the federal troops retired, and occupied and 
passed through the camps of General Hurlbut’s 
division. They were not able, however, to 
drive the federal troops, who withdrew steadily, 
with artillery so posted as to keep the enemy 
in check. | 

The troops under General Wallace still held 
their ground, and had several times driven the 
enemy back with heavy loss. They were eager 
to remain in their position, even after the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


troops on their left had retired, and were con- 
fident that they could keep the rebels in check. 
But the falling back of General Hurlbut’s divis- 
ion exposed their flank, and enabled the rebel 
officers to concentrate their forces upon this 
gallant division and the troops which were co- 
operating with them. It would, therefore, have 
been rash.to have continued the contest under 
such circumstances, and this division also was 
ordered to fall back. At this time General 
Wallace, who had given evidence of the great- 
est bravery and marked ability as an officer, 
received a mortal wound, and was borne from 
the field. The troops, however, were not dis- 
organized by the fall of their general, in whom 
they had the greatest confidence, but retired 
in good order, the artillery playing upon the 
enemy with great effect whenever the nature 
of the ground admitted it. 

The greater part of the army was now with- 
in half a mile of Pittsburg Landing, occupying 
a position immediately about the camps of 
General Wallace’s division. They were crowded 
into a rather narrow compass for effective oper- 
ations, and a further repulse would drive them 
to the river bank, where, in a confused mass, | 


they would be utterly unable to contend against | 


a pursuing enemy, and equally unable to escape | 
across the river. All that could now be done 
would be to keep the rebel forces back until | 
night should put an end to the battle. Gen-| 
eral Grant and his officers were not discouraged. 
They were confident that for an hour or two 
longer they could keep the enemy at bay, until | 
darkness should prevent his further movements; 
while before another morning General Lew. Wal- 
lace’s division, which should already have ar- 
rived, would come up from Crump’s Landing, 
and General Buell’s forces, which were known 
to be near, would arrive, and these fresh troops 
would drive the enemy back from his advanced 
position, and wrest from him the victory which 


he might fancy was already won. Disposition 
of the troops was immediately made for the | 


* 


549 


desperate resistance which would be necessary 
if the rebels continued their attacks. 

After the last retreat there was a lull in the 
storm of battle. The enemy did not immedi- 
ately press forward, and fora brief period there 
was some doubt whether he intended to con- 
tinue the conflict and attempt to crush the 
federal army that night, or await the morning 
and reénforcemets, in the belief that they had 
ample time before General Buell could arrive. 
This delay on the part of the enemy was im- 
proved for the better disposition of the federal 
troops and the posting of the artillery where 
it could operate most effectively. It soon be- 
came evident that the rebel officers were only 
preparing for another, and, as they hoped, a 
final and successful attack. They brought up 
their freshest troops, and advanced them as 
much as possible under the cover of the woods 


and undergrowth. Suddenly, with a heavy 


volley of musketry from the woods, they re- 
commenced the battle, but it was at too great 
a distance to be effective. The attack was 
made on the federal left and centre, and antici- 
pating that this would be the point of attack, 
Colonel Webster, General Grant’s chief of staff, 
and an able artillery officer, placéd the guns 
which he could collect in position to sweep the 
rebel lines. The enemy’s musketry fire was 
a signal for these guns to open, and as the 
rebel lines emerged from the woods, they were 
met by a storm of shot and shell against which 
they could not advance. The rebel artillery 
responded, attempting to silence the guns that 
played so séverely upon their infantry, but in 
this they did not succeed ; and though the rattle 
of musketry in each army was continuous, the 
rebel infantry did not advance much, nor ob- 
tain any advantage in position. The rebel 
troops were pressed forward with desperate 
energy, and finding the centre of the federal 
lines.so strong, a movement was made more to 
the left. Night was approaching, and the vic- 
tory must be speedily won, if won at all, that 


500 


_ day. Heavy columns were, therefore, pushed 
forward, but. in moving against the left of the 
federal lines they approached the river, and 
were suddenly met by an unexpected fire. 

Two of the gunboats had moved up the 
river towards Lick Creek, and had been ready 
to aid the land forces with their heavy guns 
whenever an opportunity offered. General 
Hurlbut had communicated with the commander 
of the gunboats, and these were now lying op- 
posite a ravine, extending from the river for 
some distance through the bluff At a given 
signal, when the federal troops were out of 
range, the gunboats opened fire, directing the 
shots up the ravine directly into the rebel 
lines. With rapid and accurate fire the gun- 
boats drove back the advancing columns of the 
enemy, while the artillery of the army con- 
tinued to hold them in check in front. The 
federal troops, encouraged by the aid of the 
gunboats and the effect of their field artillery, 
were ready to meet the enemy more firmly 
than ever should he advance. But the heavy 
shot and shell from.the gunboats, and the con- 
tinuous fire of the‘land artillery, among which 
were two or three large siege guns, were too 
much for him to face, and night came on at 
last without any further advance of his forces. 
The fire of artillery was continued till it was 
evident that the rebel forces were withdrawn, 
disappointed in obtaining the victory which 
they might well have thought was within 
their grasp. | 

This last repulse settled the fortunes of the 
battle. The enemy had failed to accomplish 
his object of defeating General Grant’s army 
before it could be reénforced by General Buell. 
His only chance of ultimate success was in 
achieving it on the day of the attack. General 
Buell’s troops were already arriving on the 
other side of the river, and General Lew. Wal- 
lace’s division was approaching from Crump’s 
Landing. The latter had moved about noon, 
but had taken a road which led too far to the 


| 


enemy was supposed to hie. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


right, so that it would have been unable to 
have joined the other divisions of General 
Grant’s army, and might have been thoroughly 
routed by superior forces of the enemy. The 
error was seasonably discovered to save the 
division from defeat, but the retracing of some 
weary miles of its march delayed it so much 
that it did not reach the battle field, in season 
to take part in the conflict. An hour after the 
battle ceased, however, this division had arrived 
and taken position on the extreme right, near 
the camp of General W. H. L. Wallace’s divis- 
ion. General Nelson’s division of General 
Buell’s army had arrived on the other bank of 
the river, nearly opposite to Lick Creek, and 
during the night was ferried across, taking 
position on the extreme left. As two other 
divisions of General Buell’s army— General 
Crittenden’s and General McCook’s—arrived, 
they were assigned a position on General Nel- 
son’s right. General Grant’s divisions were re- 
organized, and filled the space between General 
McCook’s and General Lew. Wallace’s divisions. 
Thus a new and more extended line of battle 
was formed, strong in all its parts, and com- 
posed in a great measure of troops that had 
not yet been engaged, while many of them 
were the veterans of other fields. 

It was late in the night before these dispo- 
sitions of the troops were determined upon and 
carried into effect, and all of General Buell’s 
troops were not brought over to their positions 
till the next morning. But at last the wearied 
soldiers in the front lay down upon their arms, 
awaiting the renewal of the conflict, which they 
now felt confident would ultimately result in 
victory. The commanding generals continued 
their conferences till the plans of the morrow’s 
work were completed and the orders issued for 
itheir execution. Through the night the gun- 
boats fired occasionally: up the ravine, where 
they had checked the rebel columns, the shells 
‘bursting far away in the woods, in which the 
But no movement 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. vol 


was made by the rebel forces, except to with- 
draw from the position thus rendered danger- 
ous to them, and to prepare for the renewal of 
the battle, in which they perhaps had some rea- 


son to suspect that they would meet with a/|| 


reénforced enemy. The fallmg back beyond 
the reach of the shots from the gunboats was, 
in effect, a yielding of all the ground they had 
gained in the later conflicts of the day. They 
still held, however, the greater part of the field 
which had first been occupied by the federal 
army; and, as events proved, were preparing 
for an attack upon the right of the federal 
army, where they would be less exposed to the 
fire of the gunboats. 

It had been determined by the Union gen- 
erals to assume the offensive, and to make an 
attack early in the morning. Accordingly, soon 
after daybreak, on Monday, April 7, the fed- 
eral troops were put in motion, and the several 
divisions were advanced in line of battle. to- 
wards the enemy. It was supposed that the 
latter would also renew the battle at dawn, 
but the withdrawal of their advance had con- 
siderably increased the distance between the 
armies, and some time elapsed before the op- 
posing forces were brought within fighting dis- 
tance. Shortly before seven o’clock the battle 


was commenced by the artillery of General 


Wallace’s division, which opened upon certain 
rebel batteries strongly posted, and threatening 
to prevent his advance. General Wallace had 
ascertained the situation of these batteries the 
night before, and selected the positions from 
which his own artillery should open upon them. 
He had selected them well; and the rebel ar- 
tillery, after a brief duel, during which a body 
of infantry made a rapid advance through the 
low land in their front, as if for an assault, 
withdrew, and opened the way for the advance 
of General Wallace’s division. This advance 
was made as soon as General Sherman’s divis- 
ion, which was the next on the left, had come 
up, so as to hold that part of the field and pro- 


tect General Wallace’s flank. As the division 
arrived upon the crest of the ridge where the 
rebel batteries had been posted, the movements 
and designs of the rebels were revealed. A 
strong column was seen moving rapidly at a 
distance and on a line parallel to General Wal- 
lace’s line of battle, and it was evident that the 


enemy had abandoned his plan of battle of the - 


previous day, and instead of attacking the fed- 
eral left and centre, where the gunboats might 
enter into the contest, was massing his forces 
with the intention of turning the right. Gen- 
eral Wallace’s artillery opened quickly upon 
this column of the enemy, and the rebel bat- 
teries almost as quickly replied. But the rebel 
movements were to be met by something more 
than artillery fire at long range. They were 
taking dangerous positions on the right, and 
General Wallace was not slow in sending bat- 
teries, strongly supported by infantry, to meet 
them. Here a spirited fire of artillery, mingled 
with scattering shots of skirmishers, for some 
time ensued, while the division waited for 
General Sherman to come into position. At 
last General Sherman’s division came up, and 
after bravely facing a severe storm of musketry 
and grape, his right brigade succeeded in gain- 


‘ing a position which flanked a part of the rebel 
artillery, and compelled it to retire in haste. 
|This opened the way for a further advance, 


and enabled General Wallace to reénforce the 
batteries and supporting brigade, which were 
now being hotly pressed and more fiercely 
threatened on the extreme right. The troops 
sent forward to this point were in time to check 
the rebel movement, and soon the rebel batte- 
ries were silenced by the deadly fire of the 
daring skirmishers, or the well-served guns of 
the federal batteries. Again the whole division 
pressed forward, and meeting now the rebel in- 
fantry face to face, a fierce fire of musketry 
followed. After a sharp conflict the rebel in- 
fantry fell back, and thus gradually the rebels 
were pressed back from the positions to which 


502 


they had advanced in the morning. The ad- 
vantages gained were secured only by hard 
fighting, and not with uniform success. At 
one time the right of General Sherman’s divis- 
ion was broken and repulsed, but the line being 
quickly re-formed by new regiments promptly 
brought up, the position was maintained, and 
soon the enemy was again driven back. From 
line to line on which the rebels contested the 
field the right wing of the federal army thus 
advanced, and the rebel forces retired until late 
in the afternoon, when their entire left wing 
joined in the retreat which had already com- 
menced on their right. 

While the divisions of Generals Wallace and 


Sherman were thus engaged in a severe con- 


test with the rebels on the right, General Nel- 
son’s division, comprising the left of the federal 
army, moved forward from its position near the 
river and in the-vicinity of Lick Creek. Its 
advance was over that portion of the country 
where Colonel Stuart’s brigade had operated 
the day before, and the position of General 
Prentiss’s division, and it flanked the line which 
the enemy had occupied after their last suc- 
cesses on the previous evening. 


Nelson’s division did not meet with the enemy 
until some time after the battle had commenced 
on the right. When they were found, they 
were not at first in sufficient numbers to resist 
the advance of the federal troops, and retired 
before the skirmishers, who were thrown out a 
long distance in front of the main body of the 
division. But as General Nelson gradually 
pressed them back over the ground where they 
had the day before achieved their suécesses, and 
through a part of the federal camps which they 
had for a time occupied, they at last rallied on 
their reserves under cover of the woods, and 
met the advancing line of Union troops with a 
heavy fire of artillery and musketry. Thus far 


But the rebel 
forces having been withdrawn from the range | 
of the heavy guns of the boats and massed 
towards the federal right and centre, General | 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


| the advance had been so easy, and the enemy 
had fallen back with so little resistance, that 
the federal troops had begun to anticipate an 
easy victory, and they were not prepared for 
this sudden stand and the vigorous onset with 
which the rebels now met them. Fora time 
they wavered and fell back, and the enemy 
rapidly advanced ; but General Nelson’s artil- 
lery opened a rapid and severe fire, which 
checked but did not repulse him. Rebel skir- 
mishers picked off the artillerists so that some 
of the pieces were scarcely manned, and in- 
fantry advanced to charge upon and cap- 
ture guns, the horses and men of which had 
suffered so much that they could not be re- 
moved. But the federal infantry was promptly 
brought up, and saved the pieces. Infantry 
and artillery now joined in the battle, which 
raged for nearly two hours upon this ground 
with varying fortune. A rebel battery was 
charged and captured by one of General Nel- 
son’s brigades; but being exposed to a dam- 
aging cross-fire, and attacked by a heavy force 
of infantry, the brigade was forced to abandon 
its prize and retire. In turn a portion of the 
federal line was sorely pressed fora time. The 
rebels fought here with desperate energy, but 
the Union troops manifested at least an equal 
gallantry, and these were comparatively vet- 
eran troops. They went bravely into the work 
before them, and under their steady fire the 
enemy at last faltered. It was a signal which 
did not escape the notice of the federal general, 


‘and his division being advanced rapidly, the reb- 


el troops fell back, with an occasional stand to 
check their pursuers, till at last they began a 
steady retreat. It was scarcely three o’clock 
in the afternoon when this part of the field was 
won. ‘The rebels had been driven back with 
heavy loss over all the ground which he had 
gained on the previous day, and the camps of 
Generals Prentiss and Sherman had been re- 


gained. With these advantages came the re- 
capture of several guns lost the previous day, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the capture of many wounded prisoners, and 
the rescue of many of the federal wounded 
who had been left on the field the day before. 
On the right of General Nelson’s division 
was that under the command of General Crit- 
tenden, which moved at the same time as the 
former, and met the enemy at about the same 
time. Both these divisions and that of Gen- 
eral McCook, which was on the right of Gen- 
eral Crittenden’s, were under the command of 
General Buell, who assumed direction of their 
operations. Their movements, therefore, and 
the conflicts in which they were engaged, 
though narrated separately, were but parts 
of one general battle, in which they were all 
engaged, and in which they codperated with 


the divisions still further to the right, including 


General Wallace’s, which were under the direc- 
tion of General Grant. 

General Crittenden’s troops at first met with 
little more resistance than General Nelson’s, 
but when the rebels at last rallied to repel the 
advance, they were as strong in front of Gen- 
eral Crittenden as they were in front of General 
Nelson. The former had vigorously attacked 
and carried a rebel battery which was well 
supported, after a sharp but short engagement. 
This success, however, had hardly been accom- 
plished, when the rebel onset which so suddenly 
checked General Nelson’s advance, extended to 
this part of the field, and a heavy force of the 
enemy was thrown against General Crittenden’s 
line. For a time the conflict raged fiercely 
about the captured guns, but at last.the federal 
troops were compelled to retire and abandon 
their prize, the guns, however, first being ren- 
dered useless. General Crittenden’s brigades, 
though compelled to withdraw, were immedi- 
ately formed in a new line of battle, and held 
the position bravely against the desperate at- 
tacks of the rebels. After a long contest they 
began to gain advantage, and when the enemy 
was driven in General Nelson’s front, his troops 

70 


505 


yielded here too, and the retreat soon ex- 
tended to this part of his line. 

Upon General Crittenden’s right, General 
McCook’s division of brave and veteran sol- 
diers was brought into action, meeting the ene- 
my in strong force. General McCook moved 
his troops with great ability, and though they 
were not engaged in so many severe conflicts 
as the divisions on their left, they accomplished 
as important results with much smaller loss. 
The enemy was compelled to fall back before 
the advance of this division, and though at 
times some of his batteries were hotly pressed, 
they were saved by the rapid and gallant 
movements of his infantry. As one of his 
brigades, under General Rousseau, was drawn 
off from an attack in which they had com- 
pelled the enemy to retire, the rebel forces 
were pushed rapidly forward again, their gen- 
eral hoping to take the retiring troops at dis- 
advantage. Another brigade, however, was at 
hand, and charging across an open field, they 
drove back the rebel forces before their impetu- 
ousadvance. The battle now raged fiercely in 
this part of the field also, and some desperate 
attempts were made to flank the division, but 
all such attempts were successfully met and 
defeated. The enemy made his last deter 
mined stand on this part of the field in some 
woods beyond the camps of General Sher- 
man’s division, but General McCook’s reserves 
were brought up, and soon the rebels fell back 
and joined in the retreat which had become 
general throughout their right wing. 

Though the rebel right was thus driven back, 
and at last forced to retreat, on their left, 
where the rebel general had massed troops in 
the change of his plan, the battle raged longer. 
On the riglt of General McCook were the 
divisions of Generals McClernand and Hurlbut, 
which, like that of General Sherman further to 
the right, were a part of General Grant’s army 
that had suffered so severely in the unequal 


004 HISTORY OF THE 


contest of the day before. These divisions had 
been reorganized as well as the brief time 
allowed, and the manner in which the men, 
notwithstanding their jaded condition, moved 
forward, showed that they were far from being 
conquered or demoralized. The field of their 
operations was on the left of General Sherman, 


whose movements and success have already been || 
mentioned. Like the other divisions, they met 


strong bodies of the enemy, whose movements 
were in concert with those in front of Generals 
Wallace and Sherman. There were some des- 
perate conflicts, in which ground was alternately 
gained and lost. But the Union troops, now 
conscious of their strength, fought with a spirit 
of determination and generous rivalry with the 
men of General Buell’s army, and after long 
and repeated contests, the shouts of victory, 
which had begun on their left, were taken up 
by these divisions as the enemy gave way. 
The withdrawal of the rebel forces was at first 
covered by a desperate resistance, but their 
retreat was soon manifest, and gradually ex- 
tended to the extreme left’ of their line, where 
the result has already been recorded. 

The want of a sufficient cavalry force and 
the exhausted condition of the men, who had 
thus been engaged for many hours, as well as 


the heavy losses, prevented a long pursuit of | 


the retreating rebels. 
however, were sent forward to make sure of 
the rebel movement. This advance revealed 
that the enemy had at last retreated in haste, 
though in good order. They had left, how- 
ever, nearly all the material that they had 
captured the previous day, and a large number 
of their killed and wounded upon the field. A 
still further advance of federal troops on the 
following day proved that the rebél forces had 
almost wholly disappeared. Most of the rebel 
cavalry, with some artillery, remained in their 
rear to cover the retreat, and a portion of Gen- 
eral Sherman’s troops had a short skirmish 
with a part of this force, and after a slight 


A portion of the troops, | 


UNITED STATES. 


reverse in the beginning of the engagement, 
drove the enemy beyond his camp, capturing 
some prisoners. The rebel forces, with the 
exception of this rear guard, had been with- 
drawn to Corinth, from which place they had 
marched, confident of a complete victory over 
the Union armies. They had met with success 
at first, but their movement was too late, and 
they had been driven back discomfited, with a 
heavy loss and a discouraging failure. 

Of the forces engaged in the battle of Pitts- 
burg Landing, or Shiloh, as it is more appro- 
priately called, it was estimated by the most 
careful authorities that the rebel army num- 


'bered on the first day of the battle nearly 


sixty thousand, while General Grant’s army 
did not exceed forty thousand effective men. 
During the night, it was supposed, the rebels 
received reénforcements to the number of five 
or six thousand men, and the forces brought in 
on the Union side by General Buell consisted 
of three divisions, numbering not more than 
twenty thousand. It was, therefore, to their 
superior numbers, well handled, that the rebels 
owed their successes on the first day, while on 
the second day the opposing forces were nearly 
equal, and the result was due to the courage 
of the federal troops and the energy and skill 
of the officers. The enemy believed, indeed, 
that the united armies of Generals Grant and 
Buell greatly exceeded their own, and the idea 


that they were contending against superior 
numbers and a host of fresh men, undoubtedly 
dampened the ardor of both officers and men, 
while on the other hand the federal troops 
believed that with the combined armies they 
were invincible. 

The losses were very large on both sides. 
The official report of General Beauregard 
placed the rebel loss at one thousand seven 
hundred and twenty-eight killed, eight thou- 
sand and twelve wounded, and nine hundred 


‘and fifty-nine missing; and it is not improba- 


ble that the actual loss exceeded this number. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


The exact loss on the part of the federal forces 
cannot be stated. General Grant’s first report 
estimated the number of killed at fifteen hun- 
dred, and thirty-five hundred wounded. But 
the loss proved to be much greater than this, 
and probably reached eighteen or nineteen 
hundred killed, upwards of seven thousand 
wounded, and nearly four thousand missing and 
prisoners.* This would make the aggregate 
federal loss between twelve and thirteen thou- 
sand. It was generally believed by the Union 
officers, who judged by the number of rebel 
dead and wounded left upon the field, that the 
enemy’s loss in killed and wounded considera- 
bly exceeded their own. 

The result of the battle of Shiloh, while it 
was a defeat of the purposes of the rebel gen- 
eral, was not a decisive victory for the federal 
troops. It could be called but little else than 
a drawn battle. The federal army was not in 
a condition to follow up its success of the sec- 
ond day, but it had driven. back, in a crippled 
condition, the rebel forces, and was itselfin a con- 
dition to be reorganized and rendered efficient 
in a short time, and in a position to receive 
speedily all necessary reénforcements. The 
delay required for these preparations, however, 
enabled the rebels to fortify their position at 
Corinth, and thus to render the work of the 
federal generals more difficult. Before any 
advance was made, General Halleck, the com- 
mander of the department, assumed command 
of the combined armies of Generals Grant and 
Buell, and directed the operations which will 
be mentioned in a subsequent chapter. 


* The official reports of some of the divisions give the follow- 
ing losses : — 


Hurlbut’s division, 313 killed, 1449 wounded, 223 missing. 
W.H.L. Wallace’s “ 226 “ Oasis alo 1164 “ 
Sherman’s fer LOr mee 1275 2 441 “ 
Buell’s three (ee 26a 1816 eG 88 af 


The losses in McClernand’s, Lew. Wallace’s, and Prentiss’s 
divisions are not found stated exactly in the reports. Prentiss’s 
division was driven back early the first day, with the loss of 
many prisoners. Its subsequent loss may be included in that of 
other divisions. General Wallace’s was engaged only the second 
day, as were also General Buell’s forces. 


‘siat9) 


From the numerous reports of the federal 
officers, the following are selected as giving a 
general view of the operations in the different 
parts of the field :— 


GENERAL GRAN'T’S OFFICIAL REPORT. 


‘¢Hrapquarters District WESTERN TENNESSER, 
Pirrspure, April 9, 1862. 


“Captain: It becomes my duty again to re- 
port another battle fought between two great 
armies, one contending for the maintenance 
of the best government ever devised, and the 
other for its destruction. It is pleasant to re- 
cord the success of the army contending for 
the former principle. 

“On Sunday morning our pickets were at- - 
tacked and driven in by the enemy. @mmedi- 
ately the five divisions stationed at this place 
were drawn up in line of battle to meet them, 

“The battle soon waxed warm on the left 
and centre, varying at times to all parts of the 
line. ‘There was the most continuous firing of 
musketry and artillery ever heard on this con- 
tinent, kept up until nightfall. 

“The enemy having forced the centre line 
to fall back nearly half way from their camps 
to the Landing, at a late hour in the afternoon 
a desperate effort was made by the enemy to 
turn our left and get possession of the Landing, 
transports, Xe. 

“This point was guarded by the gunboats 
Tyler and Lexington, Captains Gwin and Shirk 
commanding, with four twenty-four pounder 
Parrott guns, and a battery of rifled guns. 

“As there is a deep and impassable ravine 
for artillery or cavalry, and very difficult for 
infantry at this point, no troops were stationed 
here except the necessary artillerists and a 
small infantry force for their support. Just at 
this moment the advance of Major-General 
Buell’s column and a part of the division of 
General Nelson arrived, the two generals named 
both being present. An advance was immedi- 
ately made upon the point of attack, and the 
enemy was soon driven back. 


056 


“In this repulse, much is due to the pres-| 
ence of the gunboats Tyler and Lexington, 
and their able commanders, Captains Gwin and 
Shirk. 

“During the night the divisions under Gen- 
erals Crittenden and McCook arrived. 

“General Lew. Wallace, at Camp Landing, 
six miles below, was ordered, at an early hour 
in the morning, to hold his division in readi- 
ness to move in any direction it might be 
ordered. At eleven o'clock, the order was 
delivered to move it up to Pittsburg, but owing 
to its being led by a circuitous route, did 
not arrive in time to take part in Sunday’s 
action. 

“ During the night all was quiet, and, feeling 
that a great moral advantage would be gained 
by becoming the attacking party, an advance 
was ordered as soon as day dawned. The re- 
sult was the gradual repulse of the enemy at 
_ all points of the line, from nine until probably 
five o’clock in the afternoon, when it became 
evident the enemy was retreating. 

“Before the close of the action the advance 
of General T. J. Wood’s division arrived in 
time to take part in the action. 

“ My force was too much fatigued, from two 
days’ hard fighting and exposure in the open 
air to a drenching rain during the intervening 
night, to pursue immediately. 

“Night closed in cloudy and with a heavy 
rain, making the roads impracticable for artil- 
lery by the next morning. 

“General Sherman, however, followed the 
enemy, finding that the main part of the army 
had retreated in good order. 

“ Hospitals, with the enemy’s wounded, were 
found all along the road as far as pursuit was 
made. Dead bodies of the enemy and many 
graves were also found. I enclose herewith a 
report of General Sherman, which will explain 
more fully the result of the pursuit, and of the 
part taken by each separate command. 

“JT cannot take special notice in this report, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


but will do so more fully when the reports of 
the division commanders are handed in. 

“General Buell, commanding in the field 
with a distinct army long under his command, 
and which did such efficient service, commanded 
by himself in person on the field, will be much 
better, able to notice those of his command 
who particularly distinguished themselves 
than I possibly can. 

“I feel it a duty, however, to a gallant and 
able officer, Brigadier-General W. T. Sherman, 
to make special mention. He not only was 
with his command during the entire two days 
of the action, but displayed great judgment 
and skill in the management of his men ; 
although severely wounded in the hand on the 
first day, his place was never vacant. He was 
again wounded, and had three horses killed 
under him. In making this mention of a gal- 
lant officer, no disparagement is intended to 
other division commanders or major-generals, 
Jno. A. McClernand and Lewis Wallace, and 
Brigadier-Generals Hurlbut, Prentiss, and W. H. 
L. Wallace, all of whom maintained their places 
with credit to themselves and the cause. Gen- 
eral Prentiss was taken prisoner on the first 
day’s action, and General W. H. L. Wallace was 


‘severely, and probably mortally, wounded. His 


Assistant Adjutant-General, Captain William 
McMichael, is missing, and was probably taken 
prisoner. My personal staff are all deserving 
of particular mention, they having been en- 
gaged during the entire two days in carrying 
orders to every part of the field. It consists 
of Colonel J. D. Webster, Chief of Staff; Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel J. B. McPherson, Chief of Engi- 
neers, assisted by Lieutenants W. L. B. Jenny 
and Wm. Kossac; Captain J. A. Rawlings, As- 
sistant Adjutant-General; W. S. Hilger, W. R. 
Rawley, and C. B. Lagon, Aids-de-Camp ; Colo- 
nel G. Pride, Volunteer Aid, and Captain J. P. 
Hawkins, Chief Commissary, who acccompanied 
me upon the field. The medical department, 
under direction of Surgeon Hewitt, Medical 


~ 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Director, showed great energy in providing for 
the wounded and in getting them from the 
field, regardless of danger. 

“Colonel Webster was placed in special 
charge of all the artillery, and was constantly 
upon the field. He displayed, as always here- 
tofore, both skill and bravery. At least in one 
instance he was the means of placing an entire 
regiment in position of doing most valuable 
service, and where it would not Ifave been but 
for his exertions. Lieutenant-Colonel McPher- 
son, attached to my staff as Chief of Engineers, 
deserves more than a passing notice for his 
agtivity and courage. All the grounds beyond 
our camps for miles have been reconnoitred by 
him, and the plans, carefully prepared under his 
supervision, give the most accurate information 
of the nature of the approaches to our lines. 
During the two days’ battle he was constantly 
in the saddle, leading the troops as they arrived 
to points where their services were required. 
During the engagement he had one horse shot 
under him. ‘ 

“The country will have to mourn the loss 
of many brave men who fell at the battle of 
Pittsburg, or Shiloh, more properly. 

“The exact loss in killed and wounded will 
be known in a day or two. 

“ At present I can only give it approximately 
at one thousand five hundred killed and three 
thousand five hundred wounded. 

“The loss of artillery was great, many pieces 
being disabled by the enemy’s shots, and some 
losing all their horses and many men. ‘There 
were probably not less than two hundred horses 
killed. 

“The loss of the enemy in killed and left 
upon the field was greater than ours. In the 
wounded an estimate cannot be made, as many 
of them must have been sent to Corinth and 
other points. 

“The enemy suffered terribly from demoral- 
ization and desertion. 

“A flag of truce was sent in to-day from dan 


507 


eral Beauregard. I enclose herewith a copy of 
the correspondence. *. 
“T am, respectfully, 
“Your obedient servant, 
“U.S. Grant, 
“ Major-General commanding 


“Captain N. H. McLean, A. A. G., Department of Mississippi, 
St. Louis.” 


GENERAL SHERMAN’S REPORT. 
‘¢ HEADQUARTERS Firra Division, 
Camp Suton, April 10, ‘arent 

“Sir: I had the honor to report that on 
Friday, the 4th instant, the enemy’s cavalry 
drove in our pickets, posted about a mile and 
a half in advance of my centre, on the main 
Corinth road, capturing one first lieutenant and 
seven men; that I caused a pursuit by the 
cavalry of my division, driving them back about 
five miles, and killing many. On Saturday, the 
enemy’s cavalry was again very bold, coming 
well down to our front; yet I did not believe 
he designed any thing but a strong demon- 
stration. On Sunday morning, early, the 6th 
instant, the enemy drove our advance-guard 
back on the main body, when I ordered under 
arms all my division, and sent word to Gen- 
eral McClernand, asking him to support my 
left; to General Prentiss, giving him notice 
that the enemy was in our front in force, and 
to General Hurlbut, asking him to support 
General Prentiss. At this time, seven A. M, 
my division was arranged as follows: — 

“First brigade, composed of the sixth Iowa, 
Colonel J. A. McDowell ; fortieth Illinois, Colo- 
nel Hicks; forty-sixth Ohio, Colonel Worth- 
ington; and the Morton battery, Captain Behr, 
on the extreme right, guarding the bridge on 
the Purdy road, over Owl Creek. 

“Second brigade, composed of the fifty-fifth 
Illinois, Colonel D. Stuart; fifty-fourth Ohio, 


‘Colonel T. Kilby Smith; and the seventy-first 


Ohio, Colonel Mason, on the extreme left, 
guarding the ford over Lick Creek. 
“Third brigade, composed of the seventy- 


508 


seventh Ohio, Colonel Hildebrand ; fifty-third 
Ohio, Colonel Appler; and the fifty-seventh 
Ohio, Colonel Mungen, on the left of the Cor- 
inth road, its right resting on Shiloh meeting- 
house. 

“Fourth brigade, composed of the seventy- 
second Ohio, Colonel Buckland; forty-eighth 


Ohio, Colonel Sullivan ; and seventieth Ohio, | 


Colonel Cockerill, on the right of the Corinth 
road, its left resting on Shiloh meeting-house. 
“Two batteries of artillery, Taylor’s and 
Waterhouse’s, were posted, the former at Shi- 
loh, and the latter on a ridge to the left, with 
a front fire over open ground between Mun- 
gen’s and Appler’s regiments. The cavalry, 
eight companies of the fourth Illinois, under 
Colonel Dickey, were posted in a large open 
field to the left ‘and rear of Shiloh meeting- 
house, which I regarded as the centre of my 
position. Shortly after seven A. M., with my 
entire staff, I rode along a portion of our front, 
and when in the open field before Appler’s 


regiment, the enemy’s pickets opened a brisk | 


fire on iny party, killing my orderly, Thomas 
D. Holliday, of company H, second Illinois cav- 
alry. The fire came from the bushes which 
line a small stream that rises in the field in 
front of Appler’s camp, and flows to the north 
along my whole front. This valley afforded 
the enemy cover, but our men were so posted 
as to have a good fire at him as he crossed the 
valley and ascended the rising ground on our 
side. 

“About eight A. M. I saw the glistening 
bayonets of heavy masses of infantry to our 
left front,in the woods beyond the small stream 
alluded to, and became satisfied, for the first 
time, that the enemy designed a determined 
attack on our whole camp. All the regiments 
of my division were then in line of battle, at 
their proper posts. I rode to Colonel Appler, 
and ordered him to hold his ground at all haz- 
ards, as he held the left flank of our first line of 
battle, and I informed him that he had a good 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


battery on his right and strong support in his 
rear. General McClernand had promptly and 
energetically responded to my request, and had 
sent me three regiments, which were posted to 
protect Waterhouse’s battery and the left flank 
of my line. The battle began by the enemy 
opening a battery in the woods to our front, 
and throwing shell into our camp. 

“Taylor’s and Waterhouse’s batteries prompt- 
ly responded; and I then observed heavy bat- 
talions of infantry passing obliquely to the left 
across the open field in Appler’s front; also 
other columns advancing directly upon my 
division. Our infantry and artillery opened 
along the whole line, and the battle became 
general. Other heavy masses of the enemy’s 
forces kept passing across the field to our left, 
and directing their course on General Prentiss. 
I saw at once that the enemy designed to pass 
my left flank, and fall upon Generals McCler- 
nand and Prentiss, whose line of camps was 
almost parallel with the Tennessee River, and 
about two miles back from it. Very soon the 
sound of musketry and artillery announced that 
General Prentiss was engaged, and about nine 
A. M:I judged that he was falling back. About 
this time Appler’s regiment broke in disorder, 
followed by Mungen’s regiment, and the enemy 
pressed forward on Waterhouse’s battery, there- 
by exposed. The three Illinois regiments in 
immediate support of this battery stood for 
some time, but the enemy’s advance was vigor- 
ous, and the fire so severe, that when Colonel 
Raith, of the forty-third Illinois, received a se- 
vere wound, and fell from his horse, his regi- 
ment and the others manifested disorder, and 
the enemy got possession of three guns of this 
(Waterhouse’s) battery. Although our left was 
thus turned, and the enemy was pressing our 
whole line, I deemed Shiloh so important, that 
I remained by it, and renewed my orders to 
Colonels McDowell and Buckland to hold their 
ground ; and we did hold these positions until 
about ten o’clock A. M., when the enemy had~* 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


got his artillery to the rear of our left flank, 
and some change became absolutely necessary. 
Two regiments of Hildebrand’s brigade (Ap- 
pler’s and Mungen’s) had already disappeared | 
to the rear, and Hildebrand’s own regiment 
was in disorder. I therefore gave orders for 
Taylor’s battery, still at Shiloh, to fall back as 
far as the Purdy and Hamburg road, and for 
McDowell and Buckland to adopt that road as 
their new line. I rode across the angle, and 
met Behr’s battery at the cross-roads, and 
ordered it immediately to come into battery, 
action right. Captain Behr gave the order, 
but he was almost instantly shot from his horse, 


when drivers and gunners fled in disorder, | 


carrying off the caissons, and abandoning five 
out of six guns without firing a shot. The 
enemy pressed on, gaining this battery, and 
we were again forced to choose a line of de-| 
fence. Hildebrand’s brigade had substantially 
disappeared from the field, though he himself 
bravely remained. McDowell’s and Buckland’s 
brigades maintained their organization, and 
were conducted by my aids so as to join on 
General McClernand’s right, thus abandoning 
my original camps and line. This was about 
half past ten A. M., at which time the enemy 
had made a furious attack on General McCler- 
nand’s whole front. He struggled most deter- 
minedly, but finding him pressed, I moved 
McDowell’s brigade directly against the left 
flank of the enemy, forced him back some dis- 
tance, and directed the men to avail themselves 
of every cover—trees, fallen timber, and a 
wooded valley to our right. We held this po- 
sition for four long hours, sometimes gaining 
and at other times losing ground, General 
McClernand and myself acting in perfect con- 
cert, and struggling to maintain this line. While 
we were so hardly pressed, two Iowa regiments 
approached from the rear, but could not be 
brought up to the severe fire that was raging 

our front, and General Grant, who visited 
us on that ground, will remember our situation | 


|| © 
| 
came up with a new battery, and got into posi- 


559 


about three P. M.; but about four P. M. it was 
‘evident that Hurlbut’s line*had been driven 


|back to the river, and knowing that General 


Wallace was coming with reénforcements from 


| Crump’s Landing, General McClernand and I, 


on consultation, selected a new line of defence, 
with its right covering a bridge by which Gen- 
eral Wallace had to approach. We fell back 
as well as we could, gathering, in addition to 
our own, such scattered forces as we could find, 


_and formed the new line. During this change 
_ the enemy’s cavalry charged us, but were hand- 
| somely repulsed by an Illinois regiment, whose 


‘number I did not learn at that time or since. 

©The fifth Ohio cavalry, which had come up, 
rendered good service in holding the enemy in 
heck for some time; and Major Taylor also 


tion just in time to get a good flank fire upon 
the enemy’s column as he pressed on General 
'McClernand’s right, checking his advance, when 
General McClernand’s division made a fine 
charge on the enemy, and drove him back into 
the ravines to our front and right. I had a 
clear field about two hundred yards wide in my 
immediate front, and contented myself with 
keeping the enemy’s infantry at that distance 
during the day. In this position we rested for 
the night. My command had become decidedly 
of a mixed character. Buckland’s brigade was 
the only one that retained organization. Colo- 
nel Hildebrand was personally there, but his 
brigade was not. Colonel McDowell had been 
severely injured by a fall of his horse, and 
had gone to the river, and the three regiments 
of his brigade were not in line. 

“The thirteenth Missouri, Colonel Crafts J. 
Wright, had reported to me on the field, and 
fought well, retaining its regimental organiza- 
tion, and it formed a part of my line during 
Sunday night and all Monday. Other frag- 
ments of regiments and companies had also 
fallen into my division, and acted with it during 
the remainder of the battle. 


560 


“Generals Grant and Buell visited me in our 
bivouac that evening, and from them I learned 
the situation of affairs on other parts of the 
field. General Wallace arrived from Crump’s 
Landing shortly after dark, and formed his line 
to my right and rear. It rained hard during 
the night, but our men were in good spirits and 
lay on their arms, being satisfied with such 
bread and meat as could be gathered at the 
neighboring camps, and determined to redeem 
on Monday the losses of Sunday. At day- 
break. of Monday I received General Grant’s 
orders to advance and recapture our original 
camps. I despatched several members of my 
staff to bring up all the men they could find, 
and especially the brigade of Colonel Stuart, 
which had been separated from the division all 
the day before; and at the appointed time the 
division, or rather, what remained of it, with 
the thirteenth Missouri and other fragments 
moved forward, and occupied the ground on 
the extreme right of General McClernand’s 
camp, where we attracted the fire of a battery 
located near Colonel McDowell’s former head- 
quarters. Here I remained patiently awaiting 


for the sound of General Buell’s advance upon | 


the main Corinth road. About ten A. M, the 


firing in this direction, and its steady approach, | 


satisfied me, and General Wallace being on our 
right, flanked with his well-conducted division, 


I led the head of my column to General’ 
McClernand’s right, formed the line of battle. 
facing south, with Buckland’s brigade directly | 


across the ridge, and Stuart’s brigade on its 
right, in the woods, and thus advanced steadily 


rear, where he had gone for ammunition, and 
brought up three guns, which I ordered into 
position to advance by hand-firing. These guns 
belonged to company A, Chicago light artillery, 
lent service. Under cover of their 
vanced till we reached the point 


~tyd by Lieutenant P. P. Wood, and did. 


HISTORY OF THE 


| 
| 


| dreaded wood. 
| then commanded by Colonel T. Kilby Smith, 
and slowly, under a heavy fire of musketry and. 
artillery. Taylor had just got to me from the 


UNITED STATES. 


where the Corinth road crosses the line of 
General McClernand’s camp ; and here I saw, 
for the first time, the well-ordered and compact 
Kentucky forces of General Buell, whose sol- 
dierly movement at once gave confidence to 
our newer and less disciplined forces. Here I 
saw Willich’s regiment advance upon a point 
of water-oaks and thicket, behind which I knew 
the enemy was in great strength, and enter it 
in beautiful style. Then arose the severest 
musketry fire I ever heard, and lasted some 
twenty minutes, when this splendid regiment 
had to fall back. This green point of timber is 
about five hundred yards east of Shiloh meeting- 
house, and it was evident here was to be the 
struggle. ‘The enemy could also be seen form- 
ing his lines to the south. General McCler- 
nand sending to me for artillery, I detached to 
him the three guns of Wood’s battery, with 
which he speedily drove them back; and see- 
ing some others to the rear, I sent one of my 
staff to bring them forward, when, by almost 
Providential decree, they proved to be two 
twenty-four pounder howitzers belonging to 
McAllister’s battery, and served as well as guns 
ever could be. This was about two P.M: The 
enemy had one battery close by Shiloh, and 
another near the Hamburg road, both pouring 
grape and canister upon any column of troops 
that advanced upon the green point of water- 
oaks. Willich’s regiment had been repulsed ; 
but a whole brigade of McCook’s division ad- 
vanced, beautifully deployed, and entered this 
I ordered my second brigade, 


(Colonel Stuart being wounded,) to form on its 
right, and my fourth brigade, Colonel Buck- 


land, on its right, all to advance abreast with 


this Kentucky brigade before mentioned, which 
I afterwards found to be Rousseau’s brigade of 
McCook’s division. I gave personal direction 
to the twenty-four pounder guns, whose well- 
directed fire first silenced the enemy’s guns t 
the left, and afterwards at the Shiloh meeting- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION, O61 


house. Rousseau’s brigade moved in splendid 
order steadily to the front,sweeping every thing 
before it, and at four P. M. we stood upon the 
ground of our original front line, and the enemy 
was in full retreat. I directed my several brig- 
ades to resume at once their original camps. I 
am now ordered by General Grant to give per- 
sonal credit where I think it is due, and censure 
where I think it merited. I concede that Gen- 
eral McCook’s splendid division from Kentucky 
drove back the enemy along the Corinth road, 
which was the great centre of the field of 
battle, and where Beauregard commanded in 
person, supported by Brage’s, Polk’s, and Breck- 
inridge’s divisions. 1 think Johnston was killed, 
by exposing himself in front of his troops at 
the time of their attack on Buckland’s brigade 
on Sunday morning, although in this I may be 
mistaken. : 

“My division was made up of regiments per- 
fectly new, all having received their muskets 
for the first time at Paducah. None of them 
had ever been under fire, or beheld heavy col- 
umns of an enemy bearing down on them, as 
this did on last Sunday. To expect of them 
the coolness and steadiness of older troops 
would be wrong. ‘They knew not the value 
of combination and organization. When indi- 
vidual fear seized them, the first impulse was 
to getaway. My third brigade did break much 
too soon, and I am not yet advised where they 
were during Sunday afternoon and Monday 
morning. Colonel Hildebrand, its commander, 
was as cool as any man I ever saw, and no one 
could have made stronger efforts to hold his 
men to their places than he did. He kept his 
own regiment, with individual exceptions, in 
hand an hour after Appler’s and Mungen’s 
regiments had left their proper field of action. 
Colonel Buckland managed his brigade well. 
I commend him to your notice as a cool, intel- 
ligent, and judicious gentleman, needing only 
-confidence and experience to make a good 
commander. His subordinates, Colonels Sulli- 

“1 


van and Cockerill, behaved with great gallan- 
try, the former receiving a severe wound on — 
Sunday, and yet commanding and holding his 
regiment well in hand all day; and on Mon- 
day, until his right arm was broken by a shot, 
Cockerill held a larger proportion of his men 
than any colonel in my division, and was with 
me from first to last. Colonel J. A. McDowell, 
commanding the first brigade, held his ground 
on Sunday till I ordered him to fall back, which 
he did in line of battle, and when ordered he 
conducted the attack on the enemy’s left in 
good style. In falling back to the next posi- 


tion he was thrown from his horse and injured, 
and his brigade was not in position on Monday 


morning. His subordinates, Colonels Hicks and 
Worthington, displayed great personal courage. 
Colonel Hicks led his regiment in the attack 
on Sunday, and received a wound which is 
feared may prove fatal. He is a brave and. 
gallant gentleman, and deserves well of his 
country. Lieutenant-Colonel Walcott, of the 
Ohio forty-sixth, was severely wounded on Sun- 
day, and has been disabled ever since. My 
second brigade, Colonel Stuart, was detached 
near two miles from my headquarters. He had 
to fight his own battle on Sunday against su- 
perior numbers, as the enemy interposed be- 
tween him and General Prentiss early in the 
day. Colonel Stuart was wounded severely, 
and yet reported for duty on Monday morning, 
but was compelled to leave during the day, 
when the command devolved on Colonel T. 
Kilby Smith, who was always in the thickest 
of the fight, and led the brigade handsomely. 
I have not yet received Colonel Stuart’s re- 
port of the operations of his brigade during 
the time he was detached, and must therefore 
forbear to mention names. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Kyle, of the seventy-first, was mortally wounded 
on Sunday, but the regiment itself I did not 
see, as only a small fragment of it was with 
the brigade when it jomed the division on 
Monday morning. 


062 HISTORY OF THE 


“Several times during the battle cartridges 
gave out, but General Grant had thoughtfully 
kept a supply coming from the rear. When I 
appealed to regiments to stand fast although 
out of cartridges, I did so because to retire a 
regiment for any cause has a bad effect on 
others. I commend the fortieth Illinois and thir- 
teenth Missouri for thus holding their ground 
under heavy fire, although their cartridge- 
boxes were empty. Great credit is due the 
fragments of men of the disordered regiments 
who kept in the advance. I observed and 
noticed them, but until the brigadiers and 
colonels make their reports, I cannot venture 
to name individuals, but will in due season 
notice all who kept in our front, as well as 
those who preferred to keep back near the 
steamboat landing. I will also send a full list 
of the killed, wounded, and missing, by name, | 
rank, company, and regiment. At present I 
submit the result in figures : — 

“ Officers, killed, 16 ; wounded, 45; missing, 
6. Soldiers, killed, 302; wounded, 1230; 
missing, 435. Aggregate loss in the division, 
2034. 

“The enemy captured seven of our guns on 
Sunday, but on Monday we recovered seven — 
not the identical guns we had lost, but enough 
in number to balance the amount. At the 
time of recovering our camps, our men were 
so fatigued that we could not follow the re- 
treating masses of the enemy; but on the fol- 
lowing day, I followed up with Buckland’s and 
Hildebrand’s brigades for six miles, the result 
of which I have already reported. 

“Tam, &c., your obedient servant, 


“W. T. SHERMAN. 
‘Captain J, A. Rawutns, Assist, Adjt.-General to General Grant.” 


GENERAL HURLBUT’S REPORT. 


‘¢ Heapquarters Fourts Drviston, 
Anmy or West TrennussEx, April 12, 1862. 


“Sm: I have the honor to report, in brief, 
the part taken by my division in the battle of 
the 6th and 7th April. 


UNITED STATES. 


“On Sunday morning, April 6, about half 
past seven A. M,I received a message from 
Brigadier-General Sherman, that he was at- 
tacked in force, and heavily upon his left. 

“T immediately ordered Colonel J. C: Veatch, 
commanding the second brigade, to proceed to 
the left of General Sherman. This brigade, 
consisting of the twenty-fifth Indiana, four- 
teenth, fifteenth and forty-sixth Illinois, was in 
march in ten minutes, arrived on General 
Sherman’s line rapidly, and went into action. 
I must refer to Colonel Veatch’s report for the 
particulars of that day. 

“Receiving in a few moments a pressing re- 
quest for aid from Brigadier-General Prentiss, 
I took command in person of the first and third 
brigades, respectively commanded by Colonel 
N. G. Williams, of the third Iowa, and Brigadier- 
General J. G. Laumann. 

“The first brigade consisted of the third 
Iowa, forty-first Illinois, twenty-eighth Llinois, 
and thirty-second Illinois. 

“The third brigade, of the thirty-first Indi- 
ana, forty-fourth Indiana, seventeenth Ken- 
tucky, and twenty-fifth Kentucky. In addition, 
I took with me the first and second battalions 
of the fifth Ohio cavalry ; Mann’s light battery, 
four pieces, commanded by First-Lieutenant 
i. Brotzmann; Ross’s battery, second Michigan, 
and Meyer’s battery, thirteenth Ohio. 

“ As we drew near the rear and left of Gen- 
eral Prentiss’s line, his regiments, in broken 
masses, drifted through my advance, that gal- 
lant officer making every effort to rally them. 

“T formed my line of battle — the first brig- 
ade thrown to the front on the southerly side 
of a large open field, the third brigade con- 
tinuing the line with an obtuse angle around 
the other side of the field, and extending some 
distance into the brush and timber. Mann’s 
battery was placed in the angle of the lines, 
Ross’s battery some distance to the left, and 
the thirteenth Ohio battery on the right and 
somewhat advanced in cover of the timber, so 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


as to concentrate the fire upon the open ground 
in front, and waited for the attack. 

“A single shot from the enemy’s batteries 
struck in Meyer’s thirteenth Ohio battery, when 
officers and men, with a common impulse of 
disgraceful cowardice, abandoned the entire 
battery — horses, caissons, and guns—and fled, 
and I saw them no more until Tuesday. I 
called for volunteers from the artillery, the call 
was answered, and ten gallant men from Mann’s 
battery and Ross’s battery brought in the 
horses, which were wild, and spiked the guns. 

“The attack commenced on the third brig- 
ade through the thick timber, and was met and 
repelled by a steady and continuous fire, which 
rolled the enemy back in confusion after some 
half hour of struggle, leaving many dead and 
wounded. The glimmer of bayonets on the 
left and front of the first brigade showed a large 
force of the enemy gathering, and an attack 
was soon made on the forty-first Illinois and 
twenty-eighth, on the left of the brigade, and 
the thirty-second Illinois and third Iowa on 
the right. At the same time a strong force of 
very steady and gallant troops formed in col- 
umns, doubled on the centre, and advanced 
over the open field in front. They were allowed 
to approach within four hundred yards, when 
fire was opened from Mann’s and Ross’s bat- 
teries, and from the two right regiments of the 
first brigade, and seventeenth and twenty-fifth 
Kentucky, which were thrown forward slightly, 
so as to flank the column. Under this wither- 
ing fire they vainly attempted to deploy, but 
soon broke and fell. back under cover, leaving 
not less than one hundred and fifty dead and 
wounded as evidence how our troops main- 
tained their position. The attack on the left 
was also repulsed, but as the ground was coy- 
ered with brush the loss could not be judged. 

“ General Prentiss having succeeded in rally- 
ing a considerable portion of his command, I 
permitted him to pass to the front of the right 
of my third brigade, where they redeemed their 


563 


honor by maintaining that line for some time 
while ammunition was supplied to my regi- 
ments. A series of attacks upon the right and 
left of my line were readily repelled, until I 
was compelled to order Ross’s battery to the 
rear, on account of its loss in men and _ horses. 
During all this time Mann’s battery maintained 
its fire steadily, effectively, and with great 
rapidity, under the excellent handling of Lieu- 
tenant E. Brotzmann. 

“For five hours these brigades maintained 
their position under repeated and heavy at- 
tacks, and endeavord with their thin ranks to 
hold the space between Stuart’s and McCler- 
nand’s, and did check every attempt to pene- 
trate the lines. 

“When, about three o’clock, Colonel Stuart, 
on my left, sent me word that he was driven in, 
and that I would be flanked on the left in a few 
moments, it was necessary for me to decide 
at once to abandon either the right or left. I 
considered that General Prentiss could, with 
the left of General McClernand’s troops, prob- 
ably hold the right, and sent him notice to 
reach out towards the right, and drop back 
steadily parallel with my first brigade, while I 
rapidly moved General Laumann from the right 
to the left, and called up two twenty-pounder 
pieces of Major Cavender’s battalion to check 
the advance of the enemy upon the first brig- 
ade. ‘These pieces were taken into action by 
Dr. Corvine, the surgeon of the battalion, and 
Lieutenant Edwards, and effectually checked 
the enemy for half an hour, giving me time to 
draw off my crippled artillery, and to form a 
new front with the third brigade. In a few 
minutes two Texan regiments crossed the ridge 
separating my line from Stuart’s former one, 
while other troops also advanced. 

“ Willard’s battery was thrown into’ position, 
under command of Lieutenant Wood, and 
opened with great effect on the Lone Star 
flagsy until their line of fire was obstructed by 
the charge of the third brigade, which, after 


564 


delivering its fire with great steadiness, charged 
full up the hill, and drove the enemy three 
hundred or four hundred yards. Perceiving 
that a heavy force was closing on the left be- 
tween my line and the river, while heavy fire 
continued on the right and front, I ordered the 
line to fall back. The retreat was made qui- 
etly and steadily, and in good order. I had 


hoped to make a stand on the line of my camp, | 


but masses of the enemy were pressing rapidly 
on each flank, while their light artillery was 
closing rapidly in the rear. On reaching the 
twenty-four pounder siege guns in battery, near 
the river, I again succeeded in forming line 


of battle in rear of the guns, and by direction | 


of Major-General Grant I assumed command of 
all troops that came up. Broken regiments 
and disordered battalions came into line grad- 
ually upon my division. 

“ Major Cavender posted six of his twenty- 
pound pieces on my right, and I sent my Aid 
to establish the light artillery —all that could 
be found—on my left. Many officers and men 
unknown to me, and whom I never desire to 
know, fled in confusion through the line. Many 
gallant soldiers and brave officers rallied stead- 
ily on the new line. I passed to the right, and 
found myself in communication with General 
Sherman, and received his instructions. Ina 
short time the enemy appeared on the crest of 
the ridge, led by the eighteenth Louisiana, but 
were cut to pieces by the steady and murder- 
ous fire of the artillery. Dr. Corvine again 
took charge of one of the heavy twenty-four- 
pounders, and the line of fire of that gnn was 
the one upon which the other pieces concen- 
trated. General Sherman’s artillery also was 
rapidly engaged, and after an artillery contest 
of some duration the enemy fell back. 

“Captain Gwin, U.S. N., had called upon me 
by one of his officers to mark the place the gun- 
boats might take to open their fire. I advised 
him to take position on the left of my camp 
ground, and open fire as soon as our fire was 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


within that line. He did so, and from my own 
observation and the statement of prisoners, his 
fire was most effectual in stopping the advance 
of the enemy on Sunday afternoon and night. 
About dusk the firing ceased. I advanced my 
division one hundred yards to the front, threw 
out pickets, and officers and men bivouacked 
in a heavy storm of rain. About twelve P. M. 
General Nelson’s leading columns passed my 
line and went to the front, and I called in my 
advanced guard. ‘The remnant of my division 
was reunited, Colonel Veatch with the second 
brigade having joined me about half past 
four P.M. 

“Tt appears from his report, which I desire 


| may be taken as part of mine, that soon after 


arriving on the field of battle in the morning, 
the line of troops in front broke and fled 


| through the lines of the fifteenth and forty- 


sixth Ilinois, without firing a shot, and left the 
fifteenth exposed to a terrible fire, which they 
gallantly returned. lLieutenant-Colonel Ellis 
and Major Goddard were killed here early in 
the action, and the regiment fell back. The 
same misfortune, from the yielding of the front 
line, threw the forty-sixth Illinois into con- 


fusion, and although the fire was returned by 


the forty-sixth with great spirit, the opposing 
force drove back this unsupported regiment, 
Colonel Davis in person bringing off the colors, 
in which gallant act he was severely wounded. 

“The twenty-fifth Indiana and fourteenth 
Illinois changed front and held their ground on 
the new alignment until ordered to form on 
the left of General McClernand’s command. 
The fifteenth and forty-sixth were separated 
from the brigade, but fell into line with Gen- 
eral McClernand’s right. 

“The battle was sustained in this position-— 
the left resting near my headquarters until the 
left wing was driven in. ‘The second brigade 
fell back towards the river, and was soon fol- 
lowed by the first and third, and reunited at 
the heavy guns. This closes the history of 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Sunday’s battle, so far as this division is con- 
cerned. 

“On Monday, about eight’ o’clock A. M., my 
division was formed in line close to the river 
bank, and I obtained a few crackers for my 
men. About nine A. M., I was ordered by 
General Grant to move up to the support of 
General McClernand, then engaged near his 
own camp with the first brigade and Mann’s 
battery. I moved forward under the direction 
of Captain Rowley, Aid-de-Camp, and formed 
line on the left of General McClernand, with 
whom that brigade and battery remained during 
the entire day, taking their full share of the 
varied fortunes of that division in the gallant 
charges and the desperate resistance which 
checkered the field. JI am under great obliga- 
tions to General McClernand for the honorable 
mention he has personally given to my troops, 
and have no doubt that his official report shows 
the same, and as they fought under his imme- 
diate eye, and as he was in chief command, I 
leave this to him. 

“The second and third brigades went into 
action elsewhere, and again I am compelled to 
refer to the reports of their immediate com- 
manders, only saying the second brigade led 
the charge ordered by General Grant, until re- 


called by Major-General Buell, and that the 
third brigade was deeply and fiercely engaged 


on the right of General McClernand, success- 
fully stopping a movement to flank his right, 
and holding their ground until the firing ceased. 
About one o’clock of that day, (Monday,) Gen- 
eral McCook having closed up with General 
McClernand, and the enemy demonstrating in 
great force on the left, I went, by the request 
of General McClernand, to the rear of his line, 
to bring up fresh troops, and was engaged in 
pressing them forward until the steady advance | 
of General Buell on the extreme left, the firm-| 
ness of the centre, and the closing in from the. 
right of Generals Sherman and Wallace, de- 
termined the success of the day, when I called 


065 


in my exhausted brigades, and led them to 
their camps. The ground was such on Sun- 
day that I was unable to use cavalry. Colonel 
Taylor’s fifth Ohio cavalry was drawn up in 
order of battle until near one o’clock, in the 
hope that some opening might offer for the use 
of this arm. None appearing, I ordered the 
command withdrawn from the reach of shot. 

“They were not in action again until the 
afternoon of Monday, when they were ordered 
to the front, but returned to their camps. Their 
subsequent conduct will be no doubt reported 
by the officer who conducted the special expe- 
dition of which they made part. On Sunday 
the cavalry lost one man killed, six wounded, 
and eight horses, before they were withdrawn. 
The greater portion of Ross’s battery was cap- 
tured on Sunday in the ravine near my camp. 

“For the officers and men of my division I 
am at a loss for proper words to express my 
appreciation of their courage and steadiness ; 
where all did their duty so well, I fear to do 
injustice by specially naming any. The fearful 
list of killed and wounded officers in my divis- 
ion shows the amount of exposure which they 
met, while the returns of loss among the pri- 
vates who fell, unnamed, but heroic, without 
the hope of special mention, shows distinctly 
that the rank and file were animated by a 
true devotion and as firm a courage as their 
officers. ne 

“Very respectfully, 
“Your obedient servant, 
“A. 8. Hurwzor, 


“ Brigader-General commanding Fourth Division. 
«‘ Captain Joun A. Rawuins, Assistant Adjutant-General.” 


COLONEL TUTTLE’S REPORT. 


‘* HEADQUARTERS First BricapzE, SEconp Division, 
Pirtspure, Tenn., April 10, 1862. 


, 

“GerNERAL: I have the honor to report the 
part taken by the first brigade in the action of 
the 6th and 7th instants, as well as such other 
regiments and corps as were under my com- 


mand during the engagement. On the morn- 


566 HISTORY 


ing of the 6th, I proceeded with my brigade, 
consisting of the second, seventh, twelfth, and 
fourteenth Iowa infantry, under the direction 
of Brigadier-General W. H. L. Wallace, and 
formed line on the left of his division. We 
had been in line but a few moments when the 
enemy made their appearance and attacked 
my left wing, (twelfth and fourteenth Iowa,) 
who gallantly stood their ground, and com- 
pelled the assailants to retire in confusion. 
They again formed under cover of a battery, 
and renewed the attack upon my whole line, 
but were repulsed as before. A third and 
fourth time they dashed upon us, but were each 
time baffled and completely routed. We held 
our position about six hours, when it became 
evident that our forces on each side of us had 
given way, so as to give the enemy an oppor- 
tunity of turning both our flanks. At this crit- 
ical juncture, General Wallace gave orders for 
my whole brigade to fall back, which was done 
in good order. The second and seventh regi- 
ments retired through a severe fire from both 
flanks and re-formed, while the twelfth and 
fourteenth, who were delayed by their en- 
deavors to save a battery which had been 
placed in their rear, were completely cut off 
and surrounded, and were compelled to sur- 
render. 

“In passing through the cross fire General 
Wallace fell mortally wounded, and as you 
were reported wounded, and Captain McMichael 
informing me that I was the ranking officer, I 
assumed command of the division, and rallied 
what was left of my brigade, and was joined 
by the thirteenth Iowa, Colonel Crocker; ninth 
Illinois, Colonel Mersey; twelfth Illinois, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Chottain, and several other frag- 
ments of regiments, and formed in line on the 
road, and held the enemy in check until the 
line was formed that resisted the last charge 
just before dark of that day. On Monday 
morning I collected all of the division that 
could be found, and such other detached regi- 


OF THE UNITED STATES. 


ments as volunteered to join me, and formed 
them in column by battalion, closed in mass, 
as a reserve for General Buell, and followed up 
his attack until we arrived near the position 
we had occupied on Sunday, where I deployed 
into line, in rear of his forces, and held my 
command subject to his orders. The second 
Iowa and second Illinois were called on at one 
time. The second was sent to General Nel- 
son’s division, and was ordered by him to charge 
bayonets across a field on the enemy, who were 
in the woods beyond, which they did in the 
most gallant manner, the enemy giving way 
before they reached them. The seventh Iowa, 
under orders from General Crittenden, charged 
and captured one of the enemy’s batteries, 
while the thirteenth Iowa rendered General 
McCook valuable service near the close of the 
engagement, ) yr: ciiaacs . 
“ Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
0.2 Nie Doren 
“Colonel commanding First Brigade, 
Second Dwision. 

‘«‘ Brigadier-General J. McArtuur, Comm’g Second Division.” 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL LEW. WALLACE, 


District or Wrst TENNESSEE, 
Pirrspurc Lanpine, April 12, 1862. 


«* Heapquarters Turrp Division U. S. Forcss, 

“Sir: Sunday morning, 6th instant, my brig- 
ades, three in number, were encamped, the 
first at Crump’s Landing, the second two miles 
from that Landing, and the third at Adams- 
ville, two miles and a half further on the road 
to Purdy. 

“The eleventh Indiana, Colonel George F. 
McGinnis; eighth Missouri, Lieutenant-Colonel 
James Peckham; and twenty-fourth Indiana, 
Colonel Alvin P. Hovey, composed the first 
brigade, Colonel Morgan L. Smith command- 
ing. 

“The first Nebraska, Lieutenant-Colonel W. 
D. McCord ; twenty-third Indiana, Colonel W. 
L. Sanderson ; fifty-eighth Ohio, Colonel V. Bau- 
senwein ; and fifty-sixth Ohio, Colonel’ P. Kin- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


ney, composed the second brigade, Colonel John 
M. Thayer commanding. 

“The third brigade consisted of the twen- 
tieth Ohio, Lieutenant-Colonel M. F. Force; 
seventy-sixth Ohio, Colonel Charles R. Woods ; 
seventy-eighth Ohio, Colonel M. D. Leggett; 
and the sixty-eighth Ohio, Colonel S$. H. Stead- 
man, Colonel Charles Whittlesey commanding. 

“'To my division were attached Lieutenant 
Thurber’s Missouri battery and Captain Thomp- 
son’s Indiana battery, also the third battalion 
fifth Ohio cavalry, Major C. T. Hayes, and the 
third battalion eleventh Illinois cavalry, Major 
James F, Johnson. 

“Hearing heavy and continuous cannon- 
ading in the direction of Pittsburg Landing, 
early Sunday morning, I inferred a general 
battle, and in anticipation of an order from 
General Grant to join him at that place, had 
the equipage of the several brigades loaded in 
wagons, for instant removal to my first camp 
at the river. The first and third brigades were 
also ordered to concentrate at the camp of the 
second, from which proceeded the nearest and 
most practicable road to the scene of battle. 

“At half past eleven o’clock the anticipated 
order arrived, directing me to come up and 
take position on the right of the army, and 
form my line of battle at a right angle with 
the river. As it also directed me to leave a 
force to prevent surprise at Crump’s Landing, 
the fifty-sixth and sixty-eighth Ohio regiments 
were detached for that purpose, with one gun 
from Lieutenant Thurber’s battery. 

“Selecting a road that led directly to the 
right of the lines, as they were established 
around Pittsburg Landing on Sunday morn- 
ing, my column started immediately, the dis- 
tance being about six miles. The cannonading, 
distinctly audible, quickened the steps of the 
men. Snake Creek, difficult of passage at all 
times, on account of its steep banks and swampy 
bottom, ran between me and the point of junc- 
tion. A short distance from it Captains Raw- 


067 


lins and Rowley, attached to General. Grant’s 
staff, overtook me. From them I learned that 
our lines had been beaten back ; that the right, 
to which I was proceeding, was then fighting 
close to the river, and that the road pursued 
would take me in the enemy’s rear, where, in 
the unfortunate condition of the battle, my 
command was in danger of being entirely cut 
off. It seemed, on their representations, most 
prudent to carry the column across to what is 
called the “river road,” which, following the 
windings of the Tennessee bottom, crossed 
Snake Creek by a good bridge close to Pitts- 
burg Landing. This movement occasioned 
a countermarch, which delayed my junction 
with the main army until a little after night 
fall. 

“About one o’clock at night my brigades 
and batteries were disposed, forming the ex- 
treme right wing, and ready for battle. Shortly 
after daybreak Captain Thompson opened fire 
on a rebel battery posted on a bluff opposite 
my first brigade, and across a deep and _pro- 
longed hollow, threaded by a creek, and dense- 
ly wooded on both sides. From its position, 
and that of its infantry supports, lining the 
whole length of the bluff, it was apparent that 
crossing the hollow would be at heavy loss, 
unless the battery was first driven off Thurber 
was accordingly posted to assist. Thompson by 
a cross fire, and at the same time sweep the 
hiding-places of the enemy on the brow of the 
hill. This had the desired effect. After a few 
shells from Thurber the enemy fell back, but 
not until Thompson had dismounted one of 
their rifled guns. During this affair General 
Grant came up, and gave me my direction of 
attack, which was forward at a right angle with 
the river, with which my line at the time ran 
almost parallel. 

“The battery and its supports having been 
driven from the opposite bluff, my command 
was pushed forward, the brigades in echelon, 
the first in front, and the whole preceded by 


568 


skirmishers. The hollow was crossed, and the 
hill gained almost without opposition. As 
General Sherman’s division, next on my left, 
had not made its appearance to support my 
advance, a halt was ordered for it to come up. 

“JT was then at the edge of an oblong field 
that extended in a direction parallel with the 
river. On its right was a narrow strip of 
woods, and beyond that lay another cleared 
field, square, and very large. Back of both 
fields, to the north, was a range of bluffs, over- 
looking the swampy low grounds of Snake 
Creek, heavily timbered, broken by ravines, 
and extending in a course diagonal with that 
of my movement. An examination satisfied 
me that the low grounds afforded absolute pro- 
tection to my right flank, being impassable for 
a column of attack. The enemy’s left had 
rested upon the bluffs, and as it had been driven 
back that flank was now exposed. I resolved 
to attempt to turn it. For that purpose it 
became necessary for me to change front by a 
left half-wheel of the whole division. While 
the movement was in progress across a road 
through the woods at the southern end of the 
field we were resting by, I discovered a heavy 
body of rebels going rapidly to reénforce their 
left, which was still retiring, covered by skir- 
mishers, with whom mine were engaged. 
Thompson’s battery was ordered up, and shelled 
the passing column with excellent effect, but 
while so engaged was opened upon by a full 
battery, planted in the field just beyond the 
strip of woods on the right. He promptly 
turned his guns on the new enemy. A fine 
artillery duel ensued, very honorable to Thomp- 
son and his company. His ammunition giving 
out in the midst of it, I ordered him to retire, 
and Lieutenant Thurber to take his place. 
Thurber obeyed with such alacrity that there 
was scarcely an intermission in the fire, which 
continued so long and with such warmth as to 
provoke an attempt on the part of the rebels 
to charge the position. Discovering the in- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


tention, the first brigade was brought across 
the field to occupy the strip of woods in front 
of Thurber. The cavalry made the first dash 
at the battery, but the skirmishers of the eighth 
Missouri poured an unexpected fire into them, 
and they retired pell-mell. Next the infantry 
attempted a charge. The first brigade easily 
repelled them. All this time my whole divis- 
ion was under a furious cannonade, but being 
well masked behind the bluff, or resting in the 
hollows of the wood, the regiment suffered 
but little. 

“General Sherman now moved forward a 
handsome line of battle to engage the enemy 
posted in front of his command. Simultane- 


‘ously mine was ordered to advance, the first 


brigade leading. Emerging from the woods, it 
entered the second field I have mentioned, 
speedily followed by the second brigade, when 
both marched in face of the enemy aligned as 
regularly as if on parade. 

“ Having changed front as stated, my move- 
ment was now diagonal to the direction origi- 
nally started on, though the order was still in 
echelon, with the centre regiment of each brig- 
ade dropped behind its place in line as a re- 
serve. While thus advancing, Colonel Whit- 
tlesey, as appears from his report, in some way 
lost his position, but soon recovered it. 

“The position of the enemy was now di- 
rectly in front, in the edge of the woods, 
fronting and on the right of the open field 
my command was so gallantly crossing. The 
ground to be passed getting at them dipped 
gradually to the centre of the field, which is 
there intersected by a small run well fringed 
with willows. Clearing an abrupt bank beyond 
the branch, the surface ascends to the edge of 
the woods held by the enemy, and is without 
obstruction, but marked by frequent swells 
that afforded protection to the advancing lines, 
and was the secret of my small loss. Over the 
branch, up the bank, across the rising ground, 
moved the steady first brigade; on its right, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


with equal alacrity, marched the second, the 
whole in view, their banners gayly decking the 
scene, The skirmishers in action all the way 
cleared the rise and grouped themselves behind 
the ground swells, within seventy-five yards of 
the rebel lines; as the regiments approached 
them, suddenly a sheet of musketry blazed 
from the woods, and a battery opened upon 
them. About the same instant, the right of 
Sherman’s division fell hastily back. ‘To save 
my flank I was compelled to order a halt. In 
a short time Sherman repulsed the enemy, and 
recovered his lost ground. My skirmishers, 
meanwhile, clung to their hillocks, sharp shoot- 
ing at the battery. Again the brigades ad- 
vanced, their bayonets fixed for a charge, but 
pressed by Sherman, and so threatened in front, 
the enemy removed their guns and fell back 
from the edge of the woods. In the advance 
Lieutenant-Colonel.John Gerber was killed, and 
it is but justice to say of him, “no man died 
that day with more glory, yet many died, and 
there was much glory.” Captain McGriffin and 
Lieutenant Southwick of the same regiment 
also fell— gallant spirits, deserving honorable 
recollection. Many soldiers, equally brave, 
perished, or were wounded in the same field. 

“It was now noon, and the enemy having 
fallen so far back, the idea of flanking them 
further had to be given up. Not wishing to 
interfere with General Sherman’s line of opera- 
tions, but relymg upon him to support me on 
the left, my front was again changed, the move- 
ment beginning with the first brigade taking 
the course of attack precisely as it had been 
in the outset. While the manoeuvre was being 
effected, a squadron of rebel cavalry galloped 
from the woods on the right to charge the 
flank temporarily exposed. Colonel Thayer 
threw forward the twenty-third Indiana, which, 
aided by an oblique fire from a company of 
the first Nebraska, repelled the assailants with 
loss. 

“ Scarcely had the front been changed, when 

72 


569 


the supporting force on the left again gave 
way, closely followed by the masses of the 
enemy. My position at this time became crit- 
ical, as isolation from the rest of the army 
seemed imminent. ‘The reserves were resorted 
to. Colonel Woods, with his regiment, was 
ordered into line on the left. The remnant of 
a Michigan regiment sent me by General Mc- 
Clernand was despatched to the left of Woods. 
Thurber galloped up, and was posted to cover 
a retreat, should such a misfortune become 
necessary. Before these dispositions could be 
effected, the eleventh Indiana, already engaged 
with superior numbers in its front, was attacked 
on its left flank, but backward wheeling three 
companies of his endangered wing, Colonel Mc- 
Ginnis gallantly held his ground. Fortunately, 
before the enemy could avail themselves of 
their advantage by the necessary change of 
front, some fresh troops dashed against them, 
and once more drove them back. [For this 
favor my acknowledgments are especially due 
to Colonel August Willich and his famous 
regiment. 

“Pending this struggle, Colonel Thayer 
pushed on his command and entered the 
woods, assaulting the rebels simultaneously 
with Colonel Smith. Here the fifty-eighth 
Ohio and twenty-third Indiana proved them- 
selves fit comrades in battle with the noble 
first Nebraska. Here also the seventy-sixth 
Ohio won a brilliant fame. The first Nebraska 
fired away its last cartridge. In the heat of 
the action, at a word, the seventy-sixth Ohio 
rushed in and took its place. Off to the right, 
meanwhile, arose the music of the twentieth 
and seventy-eighth Ohio, fighting gallantly in 
support of Thurber, to whom the sound of 
rebel cannon seemed a challenge — no sooner 
heard than accepted. 

“From the time the wood was entered, “ For- 
ward!” was the only order, and step by step, 
from tree to tree, position to position, the rebel 
lines went back, never stopping again — in- 


070 HISTORY OF THE 


fantry, horses and artillery —all went back. 
The firing was grand and terrific. Before us 
was the Crescent regiment of New Orleans; 
shelling us on the right was the Washington 
artillery of Manassas renown, whose last stand 
was in front of Colonel Whittlesey’s command. 


To and fro, now in my front, then in Sherman’s, 
rode General Beauregard, inciting his troops 
and fighting for his fading prestige of invinci- 
bility. The desperation of the struggle may 
be easily imagined. While this was in prog- 
ress, far along the lines to the left the contest 
was raging with equal obstinacy. As indicated 
by the sounds, however, the enemy seemed 
retiring every where. Cheer after cheer rang 
through the woods, and each man felt the day 
was ours. 

“ About four o’clock the enemy to my front 
broke into rout and ran through the camps 
occupied by General Sherman on Sunday morn- 
ing. Their own camp had been established 
about two miles beyond. There,-without halt- 
ing, they fired tents, stores, &c. Throwing out 
the wounded, they piled their wagons full of 
arms, (Springfield muskets and Enfield rifles,) 
ingloriously thrown away by some of our troops 
the day before, and hurried on. After follow- 
ing them until nearly nightfall, I brought my 
division back to Owl Creek and bivouacked it. 


“The conduct of Colonel M. L. Smith and 
Colonel John M. Thayer, commanding brigades, 
was beyond the praise of words; Colonel 
Whittlesey’s was not behind them. To them 
all belong the brightest honors of victory. 

“The gratitude of the whole country is due 
Colonel Geo. F. McGinnis, Lieutenant-Colonel 
James Peckham, Colonel Alvin P. Hovey, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel W. D. McCord, Colonel W. L. 
Sanderson, Colonel Valentine Bausenwein, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel M. F. Force, Col. Charles R. 
Woods, Colonel M. D. Leggett, and their field, 
staff, and company officers. Aside from the 
courage they all displayed, one point in their 


conduct is especially to be noted and imitated. 


UNITED STATES. 


I mean the skill each one showed in avoiding 
unnecessary exposure of his soldiers. They 
are proud of what the division achieved, and, 
like myself, they are equally proud that it was 
all done with so little loss of their brave men. 

“Of my regiments I find it impossible to say 
enough; excepting the twenty-third and twen- 
ty-fourth Indiana and twentieth Ohio, all had 
participated in the battle of Donelson. But 
this was a greater than Donelson, and conse- 
quently a more terrible ordeal in which to test 
what may be a thing of glory or shame — the 
courage of an untried regiment. How well 
they all behaved I sum up in the boast — not 
a man, officer or soldier, flinched; none but the 
wounded went to the Landing. Ohio, Indiana, 
Missouri, and Nebraska will be proud of the 
steadfast third division, and so am I. 

“ Captain Thompson and Lieutenant Thurber 
and their officers and men ‘have already been 
spoken of. 

“My acknowledgments are again given the 
gallant gentlemen of my staff— Captain Fred, 
Knefler and Lieutenants Ross and Ware. To 
them I add Captain E. T. Wallace, of the elev- 
enth Indiana volunteers, acting Aid. The cour- 
age and judgment of all of them were many 
times severely tried. 

“ After the battle, General Nelson took pleas- 
ure in honorably mentioning two of my order- 
lies; one of them, Thomas W. Simpson, of 
company I, fourth United States cavalry. I 
again call attention to his gallantry, as deserv- 
ing reward. Along with him I place Albert 
Kaufman, a sergeant in the same company, 
who was of great service to me, and has every 
quality that goes to make a practical officer. 

“Finally, it is so rare to find one of his grade 
in the constant and full performance of his 
peculiar duties, that, as a matter of justice, a 
passing tribute is due the Rev. John D. Rogers, 
chaplain of the twenty-third Indiana. After 
the battle he was unwearied in his attention 
to the wounded, and that the resting-places of 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the dead of his regiment might not be for- 
gotten, he collected their bodies and buried 
them tenderly, and with prayer and every re- 
ligious rite; and in this, as far as my knowl- 
edge goes, he was as singular as he was Chris- 
tian. 

“Herewith you will find a statement of the 
dead and wounded of my division. 

“Very respectfully, sir, 
“Your obedient servant, 
“Lew. WALLACE, 


“Commanding Third Division. 
«Captain Joun A. Rawuins, A. A. General.” 


REPORT OF GENERAL BUELL. 


‘s HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE OHIO, 
Fretp or SxHiton, April 15, 1862. 


“Sm: The rear divisions of the army under 
my command, which had been delayed a con- 
siderable time in rebuilding the Duck River 
bridge, left Columbia on the 2d instant. I left 
the evening of that day, and arrived at Savan- 
nah on the evening of the 5th. General Nelson, 
with his division, which formed the advance, 
arrived the same day. The other divisions 
marched with intervals of about six miles. On 
the morning of the sixth, firmg of musketry 
and cannon was heard in the direction of this 
place. Apprehending that a serious engage- 
ment had commenced,I went to General Grant’s 
headquarters to get information as to the 
means of reaching the battle-field with the 
division that had arrived. At the same time 
orders were despatched to the divisions in rear 
to leave their trains, and push forward by forced 

-marches. I learned that General Grant had 
just started, leaving orders for General Nelson 
to march to the river, opposite Pittsburg Land- 
ing, to be ferried across. An examination of 
the roads up the river, discovered it to be im- 
practicable for artillery, and General Nelson 
was directed to leave his, to be carried forward 
by steamers. 

“The impression existed at Savannah that 
the firing was merely an affair of outposts, the 


571 


same thing having occurred for two or three 
previous days; but as it continued, I deter- 
mined to go to the scene of action, and accord- 
ingly started with my chief of staff, Colonel 
Fry, on a steamer, which I ordered to get under 
steam. As we proceeded up the river, groups 
of soldiers were seen upon the west bank, and 
it soon became evident that they were strag- 
glers from the engaged army. “ The groups 
increased in size and frequency, until, as we 
approached the Landing, they numbered whole 
companies, and almost regiments; and at the 
Landing the banks swarmed with a confused 
mass of men of various regiments. There could 
not have been less than four thousand or five 
thousand. Late in the day it became much 
greater. Finding General Grant at the Land- 
ing, I requested him to send steamers to Sa- 
vannah to bring up General Crittenden’s divis- 
ion, which had arrived during the morning, and 
then went ashore with him. The throng of 
disorganized and demoralized troops increased 
continually by fresh fugitives from the battle, 
which steadily drew nearer the Landing, and 
with these were intermingled great numbers 
of teams, all striving to get as near as possible 
to the river. With few exceptions, all- efforts 
to form the troops, and move them forward to 
the fight, utterly failed. In the mean time the 
enemy had made such progress against our 
troops, that his artillery and musketry began 
to play into the vital spot of the position, and 
some persons were killed on the bank at the 
very Landing. General Nelson arrived with 
Colonel Ammen’s brigade at this opportune 
moment. It was immediately posted to meet 
the attack at that point, and with a battery of 
artillery, which happened to be on the ground, 
and was brought into action, opened fire on 
the enemy, and repulsed him. The action of 
the gunhoats also contributed very much to 
that result. The attack at that point was not 
renewed. Night having come on, the firing 
ceased on both sides. In the mean time the 


O72 


remainder of General Nelson’s division crossed, 
and General Crittenden’s arrived from Savan- 
nah by steamers. After examining the ground 
—as well as was possible at night—2in front 
of the line on which General Grant’s troops 
had formed, and as far to the right as General 
Sherman’s division, I directed Nelson’s and 
Crittenden’s divisions to form in front of that 
line, and move forward as soon as it was light 
in the morning. During the night and early 
the following morning, Captain Bartlett’s Ohio 
battery, Captains Mendenhall and Terrell’s reg- 
ular batteries arrived. General McCook, by a 
forced march, arrived at Savannah during the 
night of the 6th, and reached the field of battle 
early in the morning of the 7th. I knew that 
the other divisions could not arrive in time for 
the action: that day. 

“Soon after five o’clock on aus morning of 
the 7th, General Nelson’s and General Critten- 
den’s divisions, the only ones yet arrived on the 
ground, moved promptly forward to meet the 
enemy. Nelson’s division, marching in line of 
battle, soon came upon his pickets, drove them 
in, and at about six o’clock received the fire of 
his artillery. The division was here halted, 
then Mendenhall’s battery brought into action, 
to reply while Crittenden’s division was being 
put into position on the right of Nelson’s. 
Bartlett's battery was posted in the centre of 
Crittenden’s division, in a commanding position, 
opposite which the enemy was discovered to 
be in force. By this time McCook’s division 
arrived on the ground, and was immediately 
formed on the right of Crittenden’s. Skir- 
mishers were thrown to the front, and a strong 
body of them to guard our left flank, which, 
though somewhat protected by rough grounds, 
it was supposed the enemy might attempt to 
turn, and in fact did, but was repulsed with 
great loss. Hach brigade furnished its own re- 
serve, and in addition Boyle’s brigade of Crit- 
tenden’s division, though it formed at first in 
the line, was kept somewhat back when the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


line advanced, to be used as occasion might 
require. I found upon the ground parts of 
about two regiments, perhaps one thousand 
men, and subsequently a similar fragment came 
up of General Grant’s force. The first I directed 
to act with General McCook’s attack, and the 
second one was similarly employed on the left. 
I sent other straggling troops of General 
Grant’s force immediately on General McCook’s 
right, as some firing had already commenced 
there. I had no direct knowledge of the dis- 
position of the remainder of General Grant’s 
force, nor is it my province to speak of them. 
IT regret that I am unable to name those that 
came under my direction in the way I had 
stated, for they rendered willing and efficient 
service during the day. 

“The force under my command occupied a 
line of about a mile and a half. In front of 
Nelson’s division was an open field, partially 
screened to his right by a skirt of woods, which 
extended through the enemy’s line, with a thick 
undergrowth in front of the left brigade of 
Crittenden’s division; then an open field in 
front of Crittenden’s right and McCook’s left, 
and in front of McCook’s right, woods again 
with a dense undergrowth. The ground, main- 
ly level in front of Nelson’s, formed a hollow in 
front of Crittenden’s, and fell into a small creek, 
which empties into Owl Creek, in front of 
McCook’s. What I afterwards learned was the 
Hamburg road, which crosses Lick Creek a 
mile from its mouth, passed perpendicularly 
through the line of battle near Nelson’s left. 
On a line slightly oblique to us, and beyond the 
open field, the enemy was formed, with a bat- 
tery in front of Nelson’s left; a battery com- 
manding the woods in front of Crittenden’s 
left, and flanking the field in front of Nelson; 
a battery commanding the same woods and the 
field in front of Crittenden’s right and McCook’s 
left, and a battery in front of McCook’s right. 
A short distance in rear of the enemy’s left, on 
high open ground, were the encampments of 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


McClernand’s and Sherman’s divisions, which 
the enemy held. 

“While my troops were getting into position 
on the right, the artillery fire was kept up be- 
tween Mendenhall’s battery and the enemy’s 
second battery with some effect. Bartlett's bat- 
tery, put in position before the enemy’s third 
battery, opened fire on that part of the line, 
and when, very soon after, our line advanced, 
with strong bodies of skirmishers in front, the 
action became general, and continued with 
severity during the greater part of the day, and 
until the enemy was driven from the field. 

“The obliquity of our line upon the left 
being thrown forward, brought Nelson’s division 
first into action, and it became very hotly 
engaged at an early hour. A charge of the 
nineteenth brigade, from Nelson’s right, by its 
commander, Colonel Hazen, reached the ene- 
my’s second battery, but the brigade sustained 
a heavy loss by a cross fire of the enemy’s bat- 
teries, and was unable to maintain its advan- 
tage against the heavy infantry force that came 
forward to oppose it. The enemy recovered 
the battery, and followed up his advantage by 
throwing a heavy force of infantry into the 
woods in front of Crittenden’s left. The left 
brigade of that division, Colonel W. S. Smith 
commanding, advanced into the woods, repulsed 
the enemy handsomely, and took several pris- 
oners. In the mean time, Captain Terrell’s 
battery, which had just landed, reached the 
field, and was advanced into action near the left 
of Nelson’s division, which was very heavily 
pressed by the great numbers of the enemy. 
It belonged properly to McCook’s division. 
It took position near the Hamburg road, in 
the open ground in front of the enemy’s right, 
and at once began to act With decided effect 
upon the tide of battle in that quarter. The 
enemy’s right battery was silenced. 

“Ammen’s brigade, which was on the left, 
advanced in good order upon the enemy’s 
right, but was checked for some time by his 


my order. 


573 


endeavor to turn our left flank, and by his 
strong centre attack in front. Captain Terrell, 
who in the mean time had taken an advanced 
position, was compelled to retire, leaving one 
caisson, of which every horse was killed or dis- 
abled. It was very soon recovered. Having 
been reénforced by a regiment from General 
Boyle’s brigade, Nelson’s division again moved 
forward, and forced the enemy to abandon 
entirely his position. This success flanked the 
enemy at his second and third batteries, from 
which he was soon driven, with the loss of 
several pieces of artillery by the concentrated 
fire of Terrell’s arid Mendenhall’s batteries, and 
an attack from Crittenden’s division in front. 
The enemy made a second stand some eight 
hundred yards in rear of this position, and 
opened fire with his artillery. Mendenhall’s 
battery was thrown forward, silenced the bat- 
tery, and it was captured by Crittenden’s divis- 
ion, the enemy retreating fromit. In the mean 
time the division of General McCook on the 
right, which became engaged somewhat later 
in the morning than the divisions on the left, 
had made steady progress until it drove the 
enemy’s left from the hotly contested field. 
The action was commenced in this division by 
General Rousseau’s brigade, which drove the 
enemy in front of it from his first position, and 
captured a battery. The line of attack of this 
division caused a considerable widening of the 
space between it and Crittenden’s right. It 
was also outflanked on its right by the line of 
the enemy, who made repeated strong attacks 
on its flanks, but was always gallantly repulsed. 
The enemy made his last decided stand in front 
of this division, in the woods beyond Sherman’s 
camp. 

“Two brigades of General Wood’s division 
arrived just at the close of the battle; but only 
one, that of Colonel Wagner, in time to par- 
ticipate actively in the pursuit, which it con- 
tinued for about a mile, and until halted by 
Its skirmishers became engaged for 


574 


a few minutes with skirmishers covering the 
enemy’s rear-cuard, which made a momentary 
stand. It was also fired upon by the enemy’s 
artillery on its right flank, but without effect. 
It was well conducted by its commanders, and 
showed great steadiness. 

“The pursuit was continued no further that 
day. Iwas without cavalry, and the different 
corps had become a good deal scattered in a 
pursuit in a country which secreted the ene- 
my’s movements, and of the roads of which I 
knew practically nothing. In the beginning 
of the pursuit, thinking that the enemy had 
retired principally by the Hamburg road, I 
had ordered Nelson’s division to follow as far 
as Lick Creek on that road, from which I after- 
wards learned the direct Corinth road was 
separated by a difficult ravine, which empties 
into Lick Creek. I therefore occupied myself 
with examining the ground, getting the different 
divisions into position, which was not effected 
until some time after dark. 

“The following day, in pursuance of the 
directions of General Grant, General Wood was 
sent forward with two of his brigades, which 
arrived the previous evening, and a battery of 
artillery, to discover the position of the enemy, 
and to press him if he should be found in re- 
treat. General Sherman, with about the same 
force from General Grant’s army, was on the 
same service, and had a spirited skirmish with 
the enemy’s cavalry, driving it back. The 
main force was found to have retreated beyond 
Lick Creek, and our troops returned at night. 

“There were no idlers in the battle of the 
7th. Every portion of the army did its work. 
The batteries of Captains Terrell and Men- 
denhall were splendidly handled and served ; 
that of Captain Bartlett was served with great 
spirit and gallantry, though with less decisive 
results. ; 

“The loss of the foree under my command 
is two hundred and sixty-three killed, one thou- 
sand eight hundred and sixteen wounded, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


eighty-eight missing. Total, two thousand one 
hundred and sixty-seven. The trophies are 
twenty pieces of artillery, a greater number of 
caissons, and a considerable number of small 
arms. Many of the cannon were recaptured 
from the loss of the previous day. Several 
stands of colors were also recaptured. 

“The troops which did not arrive in time for 
the battle, General Thomas’s and General 
Wood’s divisions, (a portion of the latter, as I 
have previously stated, took part in the pur- 
suit, and the remainder in the evening,) are 
entitled to the highest praise for the untiring 
energy with which they pressed forward night 
and day to share the danger of their comrades. 
General Thomas’s division had already, under 
his command, made its name honorable by one 
of the most memorable victories of the war — 
Mill Springs—on which the tide of success 
seemed to turn steadily in favor of the Union. 

“Very respectfully, your ob’t servant, 

“PD, C. BuEtt, 
“ Major-General commanding Army of the Olio. 


“Captain N. H. McLatrn, Assistant-Adjutant General, Department 
of the Mississippi.” 


The following extract from the report of 
Beauregard, gives the rebel account of the 
battle and its result as viewed by him : — 


“Thirty minutes after five o’clock A. M., our 
lines and columns were in motion, all animated 
evidently by a promising spirit. The front line 
was engaged at once, but advanced steadily, 
followed in due order with equal resolution and 
steadiness by the other lines, which were brought 
successively into action with rare skill, judg- 
ment, and gallantry, by the several corps com- 
manders, as the enemy made a stand, with his 
masses rallied for*the struggle for his encamp- 
ments. Like an Alpine avalanche our troops 
moved forward, despite the determined resist- 
ance of the enemy, until after six o’clock P. M,, 
when we were in possession of all encampments 
between Owland Lick Creeks but one. Nearly 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


all of his field artillery, about thirty flags, colors, 
and standards, over three thousand prisoners, 


including a division commander (General Pren- | 


tiss) and several brigade commanders, thousands 
of small arms, an immense supply of subsist- 
ence, forage, and munitions of war, and a large 
amount of means of transportation—all the 
substantial fruits of a complete victory—such 
indeed, as rarely have followed the most suc- 
cessful battles; for never was an army so well 
provided as that of the enemy. 

“The remnant of his army had been driven 
in utter disorder to the immediate vicinity of 
Pittsburg, unde¥ the shelter of the heavy guns 
of his iron-clad gunboats, and we remained un- 
disputed masters of his well-selected, admirably- 
provided cantonments, after over twelve hours 
of obstinate conflict with his forees, who had 
been beaten from them and the contiguous 
covert, but only by a sustained onset of all the 
men we could bring into action. 

“Our loss was heavy, as will appear from the 
accompanying return, marked ‘B’ Our com- 
mander-in-chief, General A. S. Johnston, fell 
- mortally wounded, and died on the field at half 
past two P. M,, after having shown the highest 
qualities of the commander, and a personal in- 
trepidity that inspired all around him, and gave 
resistless impulsion to his columns at critical 
moments. 

«The chief command then devolved upon 
me, though at the time I was greatly pros- 
trated, and suffering from the prolonged sick- 
ness with which I had been afflicted since early 
in February. The responsibility was one which, 
in my physical condition, I would have gladly 
avoided, though cast upon me when our forces 
were successfully pushing the enemy back upon 
the Tennessee River, and though supported on 
the immediate field by such corps commanders 
as Major-Generals Polk, Bragg, and Hardee, and 
Brigadier-General Breckinridge commanding 
the reserve. 

“Tt was after six o’clock P. M.,, as before said, 


O79 


when the enemy’s last position was carried, and 
his forces finally broke and sought refuge be- 
hind a commanding eminence covering the - 
Pittsburg Landing, not more than half a mile 
distant, and under the guns of the gunboats, 
which opened on our eager columns a fierce 
and annoying fire with shot and shell of the 
heaviest description. Darkness was close at 
hand. Officers and men were exhausted by a 
combat of over twelve hours without food, and 
jaded by the march of the preceding day through 
mud and water. It was therefore impossible to 
collect the rich and opportune spoils of war 
scattered broadcast on the field left in our pos- 
session, and impracticable to make any effective 
dispositions for their removal to the rear. 

“TI accordingly established my headquarters 
at the church at Shiloh, in the enemy’s encamp- 
ment, with Major-General Bragg, and directed 
our troops to sleep on their arms, in such posi- 
tions, in advance and rear, as corps command- 
ers should determine, hoping, from news re- 
ceived by a special despatch, that delay had 
been encountered by General Buell in his 
march from Columbia, and that his main forces 
therefore could not reach the field of battle in 
time to save General Grant’s shattered fugitive 
forces from captute or destruction on the fol- 
lowing day. 

“During the night the rain fell in torrents, 
adding to the discomfort and harassed con- 
dition of the men; the enemy, moreover, had 
broken their rest by a discharge, at measured 
intervals, of heavy shells, thrown from the gun- 
boats; therefore, on the following morning, the 
troops under my command were not in con- 
dition to cope with an equal force of fresh 
troops, armed and equipped like our adversary, 
in the immediate possession of his depots, and 
sheltered by such an auxiliary as the enemy’s 
gunboats. 

“About six o’clock on the morning of the 
7th of April, however, a hot fire of mus- 
ketry and artillery opened from the enemy’s 


576 HISTORY OF 


quarter on our advanced line, assured me of 
the junction of his forces, and soon the battle 
raged with a fury which satisfied me I was at- 
tacked by a largely superior force. But from the 
onset our troops, notwithstanding their fatigue 
and losses from the battle of the day before, 
exhibited the most cheering, veteran-like stead- 
iness. On the right and centre the enemy was 
repulsed in every attempt he made with his 
heavy column in that quarter of the field; on 
the left, however, and nearest to the point of 
arrival of his reénforcements, he drove forward 
line after line of his fresh troops, which were 
met with a resolution and courage of which 
our country may be proudly hopeful. Again 
and again our troops were brought to the 
charge, invariably to win the position at issue, 
invariably to drive back their foe. But hour 
by hour thus opposed to an enemy constantly 
reénforced, our ranks were perceptibly thinned 
under the unceasing, withering fire of the 
enemy, and by twelve meridian, eighteen hours 
of hard fighting had sensibly exhausted a large 
number; my last reserves had necessarily been 
disposed of, and the enemy was evidently re- 
ceiving fresh reénforcements after each repulse ; 
accordingly, about one P. M., I determined to 
withdraw from so unequal a conflict, securing 
such of the results of the victory of the day 
before as were practicable. 

“Officers of my staff were immediately de- 
spatched with the necessary orders to make 
the best disposition for a deliberate, orderly 
withdrawal from the field, and to collect and 
post a reserve to meet the enemy, should he 
attempt to push after us. In this connection 
I will mention particularly my adjutant-gen- 
eral, Colonel Jordan, who was of much assist- 
ance to me on this occasion, as he had already 
been on the field of battle on that and the 
preceding day. 5 
. “About two o’clock P. M., the lines in ad- 
vance, which had repulsed the enemy in their 
last fierce assault on our left and centre, re- 


THE 


a aT 


UNITED STATES. 


ceived the orders to retire; this was done with 
uncommon steadiness, and the enemy made 
no attempt to follow.” 


CHAPTER LXXIL 


Operations on the Southern Coast. — Reconnoissances.— Rebel 
Designs. — Military and Naval Expedition. — Reconnoissances 
towards Savannah.— Warsaw Sound and Wilmington Nar- 
rows. — Expedition along the Coast of Georgia and Florida. 
— Occupation of Fernandina and St. Mary’s. — Occupation 
of Brunswick.— Occupation of St. Augustine and Jack- 
sonville. — General Success of the Expeditions. —Operations 
against Fort Pulaski. — General Gillmore. — Construction of 
Batteries. — Difficulties of the Work.—Completion of the 
Batteries. Demand for Surrender. — The Bombardment. — 
Rifle Guns and Mortars. — Breaching of the Fort. — Prepara- 
tions for an Assault. — Surrender of the Fort. — The Result. 
— Official Reports. 


In the chronicles of a rebellion so vast in its 
proportions, and spreading over so wide an 
extent of country as this which was aimed at 
the destruction of the American Union, it is 
necessary that the reader’s attention should be 
called frequently from one part of the country 
to another, as we follow the events which at 
this period transpired so rapidly at the differ- 
ent and widely separated points of interest. 
So numerous are these events, indeed, that we 
are obliged to pass over or refer only in general 
terms to many, which though of interest and 
of local consequence at the time they tran- 
spired, are comparatively unimportant in the 
general progress of the war, and to confine our 
narrative chiefly to the leading movements and 
expeditions. From the important movements 
at the west recounted in the preceding chap- 
ters, we return to operations upon the coast 
which were in progress at the same time. 

After the capture of Port Royal harbor and 
the adjacent islands, numerous reconnoitring 
excursions were made in different directions, 
by small expeditions from the naval force, but’ 
no movement of considerable magnitude was 
made, and no advance of the land forces was 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


attempted. The strength of the army here 
would not admit of any important movement, 
as against Charleston or Savannah, for the 
maintenance of this position as a base for future 
operations and a naval station was of the great- 
est importance, and the military force was not 
much more than sufficient for this purpose. 
On the other hand, the rebels were not only 
preparing to resist any advance towards either 
of the two cities, against which Port Royal was 
so convenient a base for operations, but stoutly 
showed a disposition to hem in the federal 
forces, and even to recover some of their lost 
ground. They established batteries on the 
Coosaw River, near Port Royal Ferry, and col- 
lected a body of troops there, which could be 
thrown against any one of several points 
held by the federal forces, and probably with 
success. | 

To prevent the accomplishment of such de- 
signs on the part of ‘the rebels, a joint naval 
and military expedition was organized to drive 
them from their position. The naval force 
consisted of several small gunboats and some 
launches with boat howitzers, under Command- 
er C. R. P. Rodgers, and the military consisted 
of five regiments, under command of General 
I. I. Stevens. This expedition moved on the 
31st of December, 1861, and the troops were 
landed at two or three points, under cover of 
the gunboats, early on the morning of the Ist 
of January. All the preliminary movements 
were prompt and successful, the troops ad- 
vanced with some slight skirmishing, and the 
positions of the enemy being discovered, they 
were shelled by the gunboats. A rebel ambus- 
cade, by which they designed to capture one 
of the federal detachments by a superior force, 
was revealed by negroes, and the shells of 
the gunboats soon drove the rebel force, with 
‘some loss, from its concealed position. Without 
further contest the rebels retired, and upon ap- 
proaching their fortifications, it was discovered 
that these had already been abandoned and 

73 


577 


most of the guns removed. The works were 
destroyed, and such disposition of the federal 
forces was made as to prevent the reconstruc- 
tion of them. But no such attempt was made, 
and the rebel force withdrew several miles into 
the interior. 

Soon after the occupation of Port Royal, 
reconnoissances were made on the islands and 
through the narrow and intricate channels at 
the south of Hilton Head, as far as the Savan- 
nah River and Warsaw Sound. Batteries were 
discovered at various points, some unfinished, 
some abandoned, and others armed and occu- 
pied. A force had been landed on Tybee 
Island, on the south side of the entrance to 
Savannah River, but the island was not held 
by any considerable body of troops. The city 
of Savannah is situated on the river of the 
same name, about fifteen miles from its mouth. 
Its chief defences were Fort Pulaski, near the 
mouth of the river, and Fort Jackson, about 
five miles below the city. Earthworks were 
also erected at several points on the river, and 
obstructions sunk in the channel, to aid in pro- 
tecting the city from federal expeditions. Its 
most formidable protection, however, was Fort 
Pulaski, and in the months of December and 
January several reconnoissances were made for 
the purpose of discovering some passage into 
the Savannah River above its mouth. Two or 
three of these were of the most daring charac- 
ter, but were conducted with so much skill 
and caution that they were entirely successful. 
One of these expeditions, under Lieutenant J. 
H. Wilson, of the corps of Topographical Engi- 
neers, who had been employed from the first 
occupation of Hilton Head in surveying and 
making charts of the neighboring islands and 
waters, with the aid of some negroes familiar 
with the intricate channels, had discovered a 
passage through several creeks, and thence by 
an artificial cut, called “Wall’s Cut,’ into the 


Savannah, on the north side, above Fort Pu- 
ilaski. The cut was obstructed, and the passage 


078 HISTORY OF THE 


was difficult even for small vessels, but the 
discovery was important, as it might lead to 
the cutting off of Fort Pulaski, and through 
that to occupation of Savannah. Another 
expedition was accordingly sent out by Gen- 
eral Sherman to remove the obstructions and 
prepare the way for further movements. ‘This 
expedition was also successful, though its work 
was accomplished under great risks and diffi- 
culties, the land being low and open on all 
sides, and the obstructions being near the Sa- 
vannah River, where vessels and boats were 
frequently passmg. The work, however, was 
prosecuted at night, all sportsmen or negroes 
who came near by chance were taken into 


custody, and no rebel pickets made _ their 
appearance. 

This work having been accomplished and 
its success ascertained by naval officers, after 
some delay an expedition of small gunboats 
was sent to prove the feasibility of the passage. 
But the operations of the Union forces had 
been discovered by the rebels before the expe- 
dition moved, and they took measures to frus- 
trate the plans of the federal officers. The 
expedition was not abandoned, however; but, 
somewhat reduced, moved in concert with an- 
other which was sent to Warsaw Sound, south 
of the Savannah River. By the assistance of 
negroes, who in all explorations proved here, 
as in other parts of the rebel territory, the 
most valuable of friends, a passage was found 
leading from Warsaw Sound up in the rear of 
Fort Pulaski, and entering the Savannah River 
a short distance above the fort. This passage 
is called “ Wilmington Narrows,” and appeared 
to be free from rebel batteries and obstructions 
so far as it was explored. To explore fully this 
passage, and ascertain the advantages which it 
might offer for further operations, six or seven 


small gunboats, under command of Captain C. 
H. Davis, with transports carrying a military 


force, under General Wright, was despatched 
the latter part of January. 


UNITED STATES. 


The expedition sailed up Warsaw Sound and 
thence into Wilmington Narrows, through which 
it moved past the rear of Fort Pulaski, without 
eliciting a shot from that work. The rebels 
were, indeed, taken by surprise at the appear- 
ance of federal gunboats in those waters, and 
the fortress was not prepared to open upon.an 
enemy on that side. Proceeding some distance 
above Fort Pulaski, the expedition at last came 
to obstructions in the shape of heavy piles 
across the channel, which prevented further 
progress, and the passage into Savannah River, 
Anchoring at this point, the neighboring creeks 
and islands were fully explored, without meet- 
ing an enemy, though the traces of troops 
were found. Before night a rebel fleet of four 
or five gunboats, with barges laden with sup- 
plies for Fort Pulaski, were seen moving down 
the Savannah River, and anchored at the mouth 
of the creek connecting Wilmington Narrows 
with the river. It was supposed that the rebel 
gunboats would make an attack, but the night 
passed quietly, the work of surveying the 
adjacent waters and islands being diligently 
prosecuted by the federal officers. The next 
morning the rebel gunboats moved down the 
Savannah with barges laden with supplies for 
Fort Pulaski. Wilmington Narrows are sepa- 
rated from the river by a low, marshy island, 
over which the vessels in either channel are in 
plain view except at low water, and within 
range of rifled ordnance. As the rebel boats 
came down the river, fire was opened upon 
them from Captain Davis’s gunboats, and also 
from the gunboats of the other expedition, 
under Captain Rodgers, which had reached a 
similar position on the north side of the river, 
by the passage before mentioned. The result 
of this fire, which was replied to by the rebels, 
was that one of the rebel boats was somewhat 
damaged and was compelled to return up the 
river, while the others, with little or no injury, 
proceeded to the fort. On their return at a later 


hour, the fire was resumed, but the water was 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


low, and the shots were without effect on either 
side. After a thorough reconnoissance, in which 
the practicability of the passage for gunboats 
was proved, the expedition returned to Port 
Royal. It had thrown Savannah into a state 
of great excitement, the inhabitants anticipa- 
ting that an immediate attack was to be made, 
and the appearance of federal gunboats above 
their most important defence creating great 
alarm. But though the practicability of pass- 
ing gunboats through these passages was proved, 
for want of sufficient military force, or for some 
other reason, no attempt was made to follow 
the reconnoissance with more formidable and 
effective operations; while on the other hand, 
the rebels proceeded to strengthen their weak 
points, and to guard against the success of such 
an expedition in the future. 

One of the objects of the expedition to Port 
Royal was to take and keep under control the 
entire sea coast of Georgia, with portions of that 
of the adjoining states of South Carolina and 
Florida, and thus more effectually stop the com- 
merce carried on by means of the numerous 
creeks and channels by which small. vessels 
could reach the ports of those states and easily 
evade a blockade. Much of this work in the 
vicinity of Port Royal was speedily accom- 
plished by the action of Flag-Officer Dupont, 
with the cooperation of the military authorities, 
the gunboats being stationed in the inlets, and 
a military force holding possession of a few im- 
portant points. In the latter part of February 
an expedition was prepared for a more impor- 
tant movement to the coast of Florida. Nearly 
twenty gunboats, mostly of light draft, com- 
posed the naval part of this expedition, and six 
transports carried a brigade of troops under 
General Wright, as the military part. The fleet 
sailed from Port Royal on the last day of Febru- 
ary, and entered Cumberland Sound on the 2d 
of March, Commodore Dupont’s intention being 
to reach Fernandina through this sound, and 
thus avoid encountering Fort Clinch and other 


| sailed out and entered the main channel. 


p 579 


formidable works at the main entrance to the 
harbor. But before moving through the sound 
it was reported by negroes that the rebels had 
abandoned the forts at the main entrance, and 
the fleet was divided, some of the smaller boats 
proceeding through the sound while the others 
The 
report proved true, the forts, which were strong 
and capable of great resistance, being found 
abandoned and some of the guns removed. 
As the gunboats came near the town, the rebels 
were evacuating it in haste, the inhabitants as 
well as military being seen departing. <A few 
musket shots were fired from the town, but no 
resistance was offered. A steamboat laden 
with army supplies and passengers was cap- 
tured, the forts were occupied, and the military 
took possession of the town, which was deserted 
by the greater part of its inhabitants, by the 
order, as it was stated, of the rebel military 
authorities. ‘The town of St. Mary’s, in the 
same harbor, was also occupied, and found de- 
serted in a great measure like Fernandina. 
The rebels had constructed strong earthworks 
in addition to Fort Clinch, for the defence of 
this harbor, and the fortifications were of such 
a character and so well situated that it was a 
matter of surprise that they were abandoned 
without any attempt at defence. But here, as 
elsewhere, there appeared to be a dread of the 
gunboats, and the rumors of the approaching 
expedition had created a panic which gave to 
the federal forces a bloodless victory. The 
abandonment, in a similar manner, of strong 
works on St. Simon’s Island, about midway on 
the coast of Georgia, and the only other im- 
portant military post on that coast south of 
the Savannah River, virtually gave to Flag- 
Officer Dupont the control of the entire coast 
of Georgia, and enabled him to say in his offi- 


| cial despatch that the instructions of the navy 


department had now been carried out. 
The occupation of Fernandina was followed 
by other operations of the fleet with the codper- 


580 ‘ 


ation of the land forces upon the coast of 
Georgia and Northern Florida. One of these 
was an expedition of three gunboats to Bruns- 
wick, Georgia, which met with equal success 
with that sent to Fernandina. The forts were 
found to be evacuated by the rebel troops, 
though they had been constructed with great 
engineering skill, and had been occupied by a 
considerable force. The town was found to be 
almost wholly deserted, and the flag of the 
Union was raised without opposition. An at- 
tempt was made to reach Darien, on the Alta- 
maha River, through a passage from St. Simon’s 
Sound, but the boats met with obstructions 
which prevented them from reaching the river. 


It was learned, however, that Darien was also | 


evacuated, and it appeared that along the whole 
coast exposed to visits from the gunboats the 
rebels were disposed to retire without resist- 
ance, 

St. Augustine, Florida, was also visited by a 
portion of the fleet. A white flag was found 
flying on one of the bastions of Fort Marion, 
a strong fortification constructed by the United 
States for the protection of the harbor. Com- 
munication being held with the people of the 
town, they were found generally ready to ac- 
knowledge the authority of the federal govern- 
ment — the only opposition coming from the 
women, who here, as elsewhere at the south, 
were very bitter. The town and fort were sur- 
rendered: by the mayor, in whose charge the 
public property was then placed, and he, with 
the other municipal authorities, were held re- 
sponsible for its safety and the peaceable con- 
duct of the people. 

Jacksonville, in the same state, was occupied 
about the same time, and a military force was 
landed here. ‘The rebel forces had disappeared, 
but large fires were burning in the neighbor- 
hood, said to have been set by the rebel mili- 
tary, or the more malignant of the citizens, for 
the destruction of the property of those who 
were supposed to be favorable to the Union. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


The great majority of the people apparently 
welcomed the arrival of the Union forces, and 
manifested a desire to return to their allegiance. 
Théy showed much greater fear of the rebel 
troops and partisans than of the federal gun- 
boats and troops. In these operations, as in 
others of less importance, the people remaining 
in the towns were treated with kindness, pri- 
vate property was respected, and the advan- 
tages of remaining under the flag of the Union 
was felt and acknowledged by the majority of 
the people. Secession and rebellion seemed to 
have little attraction for them, and it was only 
by the tyranny of the rebel leaders and mili- 
tary that they were compelled to support those 
heresies. It was, perhaps, the indifference of 
the people to the cause that induced the rebel 
authorities to abandon, so generally as they did 
at this time, the greater part of north-eastern 
Florida and a part of the coast of Georgia. 
While these expeditions were in progress, 
the more important work of obtaining posses- 
sion of the water approaches to Savannah, and 
perhaps of operating against that city, was m 
preparation. For some months the federal mil- 
itary force had been at Port Royal, and estab- 
lished there a base for future movements, but 
nothing had been done beyond the expeditions 
above mentioned to reéstablish the authority 
of the United States. The capture of Charles- 
ton, or Savannah, or both, was supposed to be the 
real object of the expedition to Port Royal, but 
no steps were for a long time taken which would 
indicate that this work was to be attempted. 
The long delay, however, had been improved 
in obtaining a more accurate knowledge of the 
country, the intricate water —passages between 
the numerous islands that skirt the coast, and 
the means by which this important work might 
be accomplished should it be undertaken. And 
at last it was determined to attempt the re- 
duction of Fort Pulaski by batteries to be con- 
structed on Tybee Island. The engineers had 
declared that this was possible, but no steps 


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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


were taken to carry out the plan suggested by 
them till March. A portion of Tybee Island 
had been for some time occupied by federal 
troops, who had indeed control of the entire 
island. This force was strengthened, and the 
work of constructing batteries, to be mounted 
with siege guns of the heaviest calibre and 
improved rifled ordnance, was commenced, 
Brigadier-General Gillmore having charge of 
the operations. General Gillmore went out 
with the expedition as a captain in the engi- 
neer corps. An able and energetic officer, 
he advised and planned the attempt thus to 
reduce Fort Pulaski. Though the work was 
at first considered almost impracticable by 
his superiors, orders were at last issued for the 
siege operations, and they were placed under 
the immediate charge of General Gillmore who 
was promoted for the purpose of taking the 
command. General H. W. Benham commanded 
the district, and was the immediate superior 
of General Gillmore. 

It was an undertaking which required not 
only great skill in engineering, but a great deal 
of energy on the part of the commanding offi- 
cer and his subordinates, and a vast amount of 
labor by the soldiers. But the necessary ma- 
terial being provided, the work proceeded with 
energy and success. Eleven batteries were 
constructed upon Tybee Island, varying in dis- 
tance from Fort Pulaski from three thousand 
four hundred yards to one thousand six hun- 
dred and eighty-five yards. Seven of these 
were in full sight from the fort and exposed to 
its fire, but the work was prosecuted mostly at 
night till the embankments afforded sufficient 
protection. ‘To reach the batteries most distant 
from the landing place, it was necessary to 
cross a marshy piece of ground, and over this, 
in order to transport ordnance, General Gill- 
more was obliged to construct a causeway 
nearly a mile in length, which, from its exposed 
position, it was also necessary to construct in the 
night. All the heavy guns and other material 


581 


were landed upon a beach exposed to the sea, 
and remarkable for its heavy surf. This was a 
work of great labor, but still more severe labor 
was required to transport the ordnance stores to 
the batteries, the most advanced of which were 
two and a half miles from the beach. This 
work was performed by the men under cover 
of the night, and the difficulty attending it 
may be conceived from the fact that two hun- 
dred and fifty men were barely sufficient to 
draw a single one of the heavy mortars. The 
nature of the ground added to the difficulties 
and the severe labor of the men; but skill, 
ingenuity, and indomitable perseverance over- 
came all obstacles. ‘The rebel garrison, in the 
mean time, did something to annoy the federal 
troops, and to prevent the progress of their 
work; but the rebel officers did not believe that, 
with all their labor, the federal forces could 
materially injure the strong fort which they 
held, or gain any advantage by such move- 
ments. , 

The most distant of the batteries were nearly 
east of the fort, and from that point the works 
extended along the shore of the island a mile 
and a half to a point south-east of the fort. 
They were armed with heavy mortars, colum- 
biads, and several thirty and twenty-four poun- 
der rifle guns, whose merits were here to be 
first practically tested in bombarding a forti- 
fication. The work on the several batteries 
was completed, the guns mounted, and the 
large supplies of ammunition necessary for a 
continued bombardment were furnished by the 
9th of April, and on that day General Gillmore 
issued his orders for opening the bombardment 
on the following day, giving specific instruc- 
tions for the management of the guns and the 
general conduct of the bombardment, which 
evinced a perfect confidence in the success of 
his operations. Just previous to the comple- 
tion of the siege works, Major-General Hunter 
was assigned to the command of the Depart- 
ment of the South, which embraced all the 


582 


territory occupied by the federal forces on the 
Atlantic coast in the states of South Carolina, 
Georgia, and Florida, superseding General Sher- 
man. General Hunter, with his staff, were 


present at Tybee Island, but left the opera- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


tions against Fort Pulaski in the hands of 
General Gillmore, and General Benham, who, 
as commander of the district, heartily codper- 
ated with General Gillmore in carrying out 
his plans. 


SAVANNAH RIVER 


No. 1. Battery Stanton. 
* 2. Battery Grant. 


No. 3. Battery Lyon. 
s¢ 4, Battery Lincoln. 


No. 5. Battery Burnside. 
“¢ 6. Battery Sherman. 


Previous to opening the bombardment, Gen- 
eral Hunter demanded the immediate surrender 
of the fort. “This demand,” he wrote, “is made 
with a view to avoiding, if possible, the effusion 
of blood which must result from the bombard- 
ment and attack now in readiness to be opened. 
The number, calibre, and completeness of the 
batteries surrounding you, leave no doubt as 
to the result in case of refusal; and as the 
defence, however obstinate, must eventually 
succumb to the assailing force at my disposal, it 
is hoped you will see fit to avert the useless 
waste of life.” The rebel commander, however, 
refused to comply with the demand, replying 


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No. 7. Battery Halleck. No. 9. Battery Sigel. 
‘¢ 8. Battery Scott. *¢ 10. Battery McClellan. 


No. 11, Battery Totten. 


briefly, and with spirit, that he was there to 
defend the fort, not to surrender it. 

The surrender of the fort being thus refused, 
fire was opened from the batteries at about 
half past seven o'clock on the morning of the 
10th of April, according to the orders pre- 
viously issued. The bombardment continued 
through the day without intermission, the bat- 
teries being served with great efficiency, with 
one or two exceptions, though the men were 
but little trained in the use of the heavy guns. 
The rebel garrison responded with spirit and 
a well directed fire, which, however, did but 
little damage to the Union forces, in conse- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


quence of the ample protection which had been 
provided by the engineering skill of General 
Gillmore and his assistants. More than three 
thousand projectiles were thrown from the 
federal batteries during the day, but it was 
found that shells from the heavy mortars, even 
when they fell within the fort, did not produce 
the effect which had been anticipated, and sev- 
eral of the large columbiads were early in the 
day dismounted by their own recoil in conse- 
quence of defective carriages. The most effec- 
tive fire was from the breaching batteries of 
rifled guns, which were now, for the first time, 
tested in actual use against a strong fortifica- 
tion. These, though not all served with the 
requisite skill, had effected a breach in the 
south-east angle of the fort, which promised, 
by a continuance of the fire, to become prac- 
ticable for an assault. 

During the night a continuous but slow fire 
was kept up from the batteries, for the purpose 
of fatiguing the garrison of the fort, and the 
next morning the bombardment was resumed 
with great vigor, one of the breaching batteries, 
which had been the least efficiently served the 
previous day, being now manned by a detach- 
ment of sailors from the fleet. The fire from 
both parties was more accurate than on the 


first day, but the shots told with greatest effect ) 


upon the fort. The breach which had been 
commenced on the day previous was soon ex- 
tended, and the adjacent embrasures were also 
enlarged by the well-directed shots of the 
breaching batteries. The parapet was battered 
down, and several of the guns in the fort were 
dismounted or rendered useless. By noon a 
considerable portion of the wall, where first 
breached, fell into the ditch, and the ruin began 
to extend to the adjacent casemates, under the 
severe blows of the shot from the rifled guns. 
These shot now passed through the casemates 
to the opposite angle of the fort, where the 
principal magazine was located. The breaches 
were becoming so large that preparations 


583 


were made for a storming party, the bombard- 
ment in the mean time being continued as 
effectively as ever. But while these prepara- 
tions were in progress a white flag was raised 
upon the fort, and the rebel flag was lowered, 
in token of surrender. The rebel garrison had 
defended the fort with spirit till it was so badly 
breached that a part of it was scarcely defensi- 
ble, while a number of their guns were rendered 
useless, and the federal shot and shell were en- 
dangering the magazine. A short time longer, 
even if the magazine should not be reached by 
a federal shell, would render the breaches so 
extensive that the work could hardly be held 
against an assault, and the officers in command 
accordingly determined to cease from a vain 
defence. 

With the appearance of the signal of sub- 
mission on the fort the fire from the federal 
batteries ceased, and General Gillmore, who was 
entitled to the chief credit of the success of the 
operations against the work, was sent by Gen- 
eral Benham to accept the surrender. With 
two of his aids, General Gillmore proceeded in 
a small boat to Cockspur Island, on which Fort 
Pulaski was situated, and being met by a rebel 
officer, was conducted to the fort. Here an 
interview of an hour was held between the 
general and Colonel Olmstead, the rebel com- 
mandant, in which the terms of the capitula- 
tion were discussed. The result was that the 
fort, with all its armament and ordnance stores, 
together with small arms, should be given up to 
the federal officers, and the garrison, consisting 
of three hundred and sixty men, should sur- 
render as prisoners of war. The officers and 
men were allowed to retain their private prop- 
erty, except arms, and the sick and wounded 
were to be sent within the rebel lines. Major 


Halpine, of General Hunter's staff; who, with 


other federal officers, arrived during the con- 
ference of General Gillmore with the rebel 
commander, received the swords of the rebel 
officers, the fort, with its contents, was sur- 


084 


rendered in due form, and the flag of the 
Union was again raised over its walls. The 
surrender took place on the 11th of April, the 
anniversary of the opening of the fire of the 
rebels upon Fort Sumter, a circumstance which 
was not forgotten by the captors. 

The condition of Fort Pulaski showed how 
terrible had been the fire from the federal bat- 
teries. Its interior exhibited a greater amount 
of damage than the breaches in its walls would 
indicate. It seemed, indeed, but a mass of 
ruins, into which a practicable breach would 
admit an assailing party; but in spite of the 
sad condition of the fort, and the dismounting 
of seven of its available guns, Colonel Olmstead 
declared that it was his purpose to hold out till 
night, had not the principal magazine been ex- 
posed to the shot and shell which were thrown 
so continuously and with so much accuracy from 
the federal batteries. He had defended the fort 
bravely, but it could not withstand the shot 
from the rifled ordnance and the storm of shells 
which exploded within it ; and when the danger 
of an explosion of the magazine was added to 
the chances of an assault, his discretion induced 
a surrender. 

The success of the bombardment had not 
disappointed the expectations of General Gill- 
more, and had astonished not only the rebel 
garrison, but many of the federal officers, who 
were not prepared for this revolution in siege 
operations which had been effected by the use 
of rifled guns. It gave an impulse to the ord- 
nance departments of both army and navy to 
supply liberally the improved artillery, and it 
caused not a little excitement, not to say con- 
sternation, in Europe, whose governments were 
now, for a second time, startled by the over- 
throw of their established theories and experi- 
ence in offensive and defensive warfare. 

While the final preparations were being 
made for the bombardment of Fort Pulaski 
from Tybee Island, another expedition, under 
Brigadier-General Viele, had proceeded through 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the passages on the north side of the Savannah 
River, to islands above the fort, and on the 
opposite side of the river, for the purpose of 
cutting off communication between the fort 
and Savannah, and of establishing batteries 
to operate against the gorge of the fort. The 
difficulties of this expedition were such that 
it was not considered expedient to construct 
the batteries till those on Tybee Island were 
completed. But on the night before the open- 
ing of the bombardment two batteries were 
thrown up, and guns were nearly ready to be 
mounted, when the fort surrendered. Other- 
wise these batteries might also have played an 
important part in the reduction of the rebel 
stronghold. 

The following are among the official reports 
of the operations against Fort Pulaski :— 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER. 


‘© HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH, 
Fort Putasxi, Cockspur Isuanp, Ga., April 13, 1862. 


“Sm: The flag of our country waves over 
Fort Pulaski. I summoned the garrison to 
surrender, at sunrise, on the morning of the 
10th instant. Immediately on receiving their 
refusal, at eight A. M. we opened fire, the bom- 
bardment continuing, without intermission, for 
thirty hours. At the end of eighteen hours’ 
firing, the fort was breached in the south-east 
angle, and at the moment of surrender, two 


|o’clock P. M., on the 11th instant, we had com- 


menced preparations for storming. 

“The whole armament of the fort, forty- 
seven guns, a great supply of fixed ammunition, 
forty thousand pounds of powder, and large 
quantities of commissary stores, have fallen into 
our hands; also three hundred and sixty pris- 
oners, of whom the officers will be sent north 
by the first opportunity that offers. 

“The result of this bombardment must cause, 
I am convinced,.a change in the construction 
of fortifications as radical as that foreshadowed 
in naval architecture by the conflict between 
the Monitor and Merrimac. No works of stone 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


or brick can resist the impact of rifled artillery | 


of heavy calibre. 

“Too much praise cannot be given to Cap- 
tain Q. A. Gillmore, United States Engineers, 
(Acting Brigadier-General,) the officer immedi- 
ately in charge of our works on Tybee Island, 
for his industry, skill, and patriotic zeal. Great 
credit is also due to his assistants, Lieutenant 
J. H. Wilson, United States Topographical Kn- 
gineers, and Lieutenant Horace Porter, of the 
Ordnance Department. I have also to grate- 
fully acknowledge the services of Captain C. 
R. P. Rodgers, United States Navy, who, with 
one hundred of his men, from the Wabash, 
under the command of Lieutenant Irwin, did 
nobly at the guns. 

“Our gallant volunteers, under the scientific 
direction of Captain Gillmore, displayed admira- 
ble energy and perseverance in the construction 
of the earthworks on Tybee Island; and nothing 
could be finer or more impressive than the 
steadiness, activity, skill, and courage with which 
they worked their guns in battery. 

“When I receive the reports of the officers 
more immediately in command, Brigadier-Gen- 
eral H. W. Benham, and Acting Brigadier- 
General Gillmore, a statement more in detail 
will be immediately forwarded; but I cannot 
close without expressing my thanks to both 
~ these officers, and the hope that Acting Briga- 
dier-General Gillmore may be confirmed in the 
position of brigadier-general, to which, in this 
bombardment, he has established such deserv- 
ing claims. 

“T am happy to state that our loss was but 
one man killed, the earthworks of our batteries 
affording secure protection against the heaviest 
fire of the enemy. The loss of the enemy has 
been stated as three severely wounded. 

“I have the honor to be, sir, most respect- 
fully, your very obedient servant, 

“Davin Honter, 
“ Major-General commanding Dep't of the South. 


«Hon. E. M. Sranron, Secretary of War, Washington.” 
74 


585 


REPORT OF BRIGADIER-GENERAL BENHAM. 


‘¢HEapQuartrers First Division, 
NortHern Disrrict, Der’: oF THE SOUTH, 
Fort Purasxi, Cocxspur Istanp, Ga., April 12, 1862. 


“Sim: I have the honor to report the con- 
clusion of the operations of the siege of Fort 
Pulaski, in Savannah River, Georgia, which 
have resulted in the capture of that fortress 
and its armament, and the unconditional sur- 
render of the effectivé force of the garrison, 
amounting to three hundred and sixty-one, of 
whom twenty-four were officers, besides about 
eighteen who were sick or wounded. 

“This siege is, as I would remark, the first 
trial, at least on our side the Atlantic, of the 
modern heavy and rifled projectiles against 
forts erected and supposed to be sufficiently 
strong, prior to these inventions, almost equal- 
ling, as it would appear, the revolution accom- 
plished in naval warfare by the iron-clad vessels 
recently constructed. 

“ These operations, with the cordial assistance 
and codperation of the naval forces, under Flag- 
Officer 8. F. Dupont, have been accomplished 
by a portion of the troops of my division, for 
the most part under the immediate direction 
of Captain Q. A. Gillmore, Corps of Engineers, 
Acting Brigadier-General, and Chief Engineer 
of the siege, to whose report, a copy of which 
is respectfully forwarded herewith, I have the 
honor to refer you for the detail of the op- 
erations, 

“Immediately after our arrival in this depart- 
ment, as you are aware, I visited Tybee Island, 
(on the 31st ult.) and carefully inspected the 
works being erected there for the direct attack 
upon this fort, which had been well advanced 
by General Gillmore, under the direction of that 
faithful and judicious officer, Brigadier-General 
T. W. Sherman, my predecessor in this district. 
These works consisted of eleven batteries, pre- 
pared for thirty-five to thirty-seven pieces of 
heavy ordnance, extending along an oblique 
line of about one and a half miles in length, 
opposite the south-east face of the fort, the 


586 HISTORY 


extremities of this line being at distances, re- 
spectively, of about one and two miles from the 
fort. They were placed with great skill and 
judgment, and constructed properly, and with 
as much strength and regularity as the circum- 
stances of the case would permit; and the care 
and forethought of the engineer in providing 
for the proper supply of ordnance, and other 
stores that might be needed, is worthy of espe- 
cial mention, the whole arrangement at Tybee 
Island meeting my entire approval. 

“Desiring, however, if possible, to obtain a 
concentric fire upon the work, I endeavored to 
arrange with General Viele (commanding at 
Dawfuskie Island) to accomplish this object, 
directing him, upon the 6th instant, to place a 
battery on Long Island to attack the gorge of 
the fort on the west; and after a second visit 
to him on the 9th, to construct another (if 
practicable, and the distance was not too great) 
upon Turtle Island, on the north, the object 
being mainly the moral effect of an encircling 
fire, rather than the expectation of any serious 
effect upon the walls at that distance. From 
some cause, however, the heavy ordnance for 
these batteries did not arrive in time, and the 
lighter pieces most available, and placed in 
position on Long Island, served rather as a 
diversion than for any serious demonstration 
upon the work. 

“The main attack upon the fort, as you are 
aware, commenced on the morning of the 10th 
instant, at about half past seven o’clock, and 
immediately after the refusal of its commander 
to surrender, according to your summons, pre- 
viously sent. Being present yourself, at or 
between our batteries, for the greater portion 
of the day, during the contest between these 
batteries and the fort, you are, of course, per- 
sonally aware of the great efficiency with which 
these batteries were served, and of the success- 
ful commencement of the breach at the south- 
east angle of the fort on that day. You are 
also aware of the efficient and accurate firing 


OF THE UNITED STATES. 


of the guns at the fort, directed as they were 
with great precision, not only at our batteries, 
but even at the individual persons passing be- 
tween them or otherwise exposed. The firing 
on our part, though delayed at first by the 
necessity of obtaining the proper range, was 
kept up with such vigor that over three thou- 
sand projectiles, varying in size from the thir- 
teen-inch mortar shell to the thirty-pound 
Parrott shot, were thrown at the fort during 
the first day. 

“At evening, as it was necessary to guard 
against the possibility of attack from the Wil- 
mington marshes, a force of some two regiments 
was stationed upon the ridges of land adjacent, 
one immediately in rear of the upper batteries, 
and one on a ridge running towards Tybee 
River; and to give General Gillmore an oppor- 
tunity for the rest which he required, J arranged 
with him to remain myself at the batteries, in 
general charge of the forces, during the first 
half of the night, directing, at the same time, 
that the shells should be thrown at the fort 
every ten or fifteen minutes during the night, 
for the purpose of fatiguing the garrison. This 
shell practice, especially during the early part 
of the night, while the moon was up, was re- 
ported to be most successful, or fully as accurate 
as by daylight. 

“As a principal battery, of one James and ~ 
five Parrott guns, near the fort, appeared not 
to have been as successfully served as was 
possible during the day, and as a detachment 
of one hundred seamen from the navy, under 
Lieutenant Irwin, had been kindly furnished to 
us by Flag-Officer Dupont, (at the suggestion 
of Captain C. R. P. Rodgers,) which had un- 
fortunately reached us too late for the first 
assignment to the batteries, I directed that a 
portion of this battery should be placed in the 
hands of this command, and the remainder with 
suitable men, to be under Captain Turner, 
A. C,.8., late of the first artillery, U.S. A., and 
now Chief Commissary of your staff, and the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


James and three of the Parrott’ guns were 
assigned to the naval detachment accord- 
ingly. 

“ At about seven, on the evening of the 11th, 
the fire opened with great vigor and accuracy, 
the certainty as to direction and distance being 
greatly beyond that of the previous day, es- 
pecially on the part of the enemy, there being 
scarcely any exposure of our force that did not 
draw a close shot, while the embrasures and 
parapets of our batteries were most accurately 
reached. 

“At about ten to eleven A. M.I visited the 
batteries, finding each of them most efficiently 
served, especially the small mortar-batteries 
nearest the fort, the batteries just referred to, 
in charge of the navy and Captain Turner, and 
the columbiad batteries under Captain Pelouze. 
I found that an embrasure at the breached 
point, which was much enlarged on the previous 
day, was now opened to fully the size of the 
recess arch, or some eight or ten feet square, 
and the adjacent embrasures were rapidly being 
brought to a similar condition. At about noon 
the whole mask and parapet-wall of the case- 
mate first injured fell into the ditch, raising a 
ramp quite visible to us, and soon after the 
corresponding parts of the adjacent casemates 
began to fall, the Parrott and James shot pass- 
ing quite through, as we could see the heavy 
timber blindage in rear of the casemates, to the 
rear of the magazine, on the opposite (north- 
west) angle of the fort. 

“In this state of things I felt sure that we 
would soon be called to peel off the whole 
scarp wall from the front of the casemates of 
the south-east front, making a breach greatly 
larger than the small garrison could defend, 
with, probably, another smaller breach upon 
the opposite side; and I at once determined 
that, if the resistance was continued, it would 
be best, and entirely practicable, to storm the 
fort successfully within thirty to forty hours. 
And I had given directions to General Gillmore 


587 


to have suitable scaling-ladders prepared for 
the purpose, and was arranging for the proper 
forces, boats, &c., when, at about two P. M., we 
discovered a white flag thrown up, and the 
rebel flag, after telling out to the wind for a 
few minutes at half-mast, came slowly to the 
ground. 

“J then directed my Assistant Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, Captain A. B. Ely, to leave for the fort; 
but finding soon after your own Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, Major Halpine, at the batteries, I com- 
missioned him (accompanied by Captain Ely) 
to proceed there with the terms I proposed — 
simply those of your own first note, demanding 
the surrender of the garrison, and all the ar- 
mament and weapons; no other modification to 
be allowed than that they should have as favor- 
able terms as are given by our government in 
this war. General Gillmore reaching the upper 
batteries soon after, and appearing to desire it, 
and as his services most eminently merited that 
his wishes should be gratified, I authorized him 
to pass over to accept the surrender of the fort ; 
and the terms assented to by him, are essen- 
tially those dictated by me, excepting, perhaps, 
those relating to the disabled men, who would 
otherwise have been a burden to us. And by 
the return of these, I have endeavored to pro- 
vide, by a letter from Colonel Olmstead, the 
rebel commander, for the receiving of a like 
number of men of the forty-sixth New York 
regiment, captured from Tybee about two 
weeks since. d 

“J would respectfully recommend in relation 
to the commander of the garrison of the fort, Col- 
onel Charles H. Olmstead, whose gallant conduct 
as an enemy, and whose courtesy as a gentle- 
man, are entitled to all consideration, that should 
you deem it proper, the courtesy of the return 
of his own sword should be extended to him. 
His defence, I would remark, was continued 
until almost the latest limit possible; for a few 
hours more of our fire would, to all appear- 
ance, have sufficed for the destruction of the 


588 HISTORY OF THE 


magazine and a larger portion of the fort, while 
another day would have unavoidably placed 
the garrison at the mercy of a storming column 
from our command. 
“T have the honor to be, sir, very respect- 
fully, your, obedient servant, 
“H. W. Benyam, 
€ RrinddiesFenenhd commanding Northern 
. “ District, Department of the South. 


‘‘ Major-General Davin Huntsr,. comuminding Department of the 
South.” 


GENERAL GILLMORE’S REPORT. 


‘¢ HEADQuARTERS, Fort Putaski, Ga., 
April 12, 1862. 


“Sm: I have the honor to report that 
several batteries established on Tybee Island, 
to operate against Fort Pulaski, opened fire on 
the morning of the 10th inst., ata quarter past 
eight o’clock, commencing with the thirteen- 
inch mortars. 

“When the range of these pieces had been 
approximately obtained, by the use of signals, 
the other batteries opened in the order previ- 
ously prescribed in “General Orders, No. 17,” 
from these headquarters, hereunto appended, 
as part of this report, so that by half past nine 
o'clock all our batteries—eleven in number— 
had commenced their work. 

“The breaching batteries opened at half past 
nine o’clock. With the exception of four ten- 
inch columbiads, dismounted at the outset by 
their own recoil, in consequence of their having 
been supplied. pintles, and from very serious 
defects in the wrought-iron chapis, which will 
be noticed more fully in my detailed report, all 
the pieces were served through the day. 

“ With few exceptions, strict regard was paid 
to the instructions laid down in the order reg- 
ulating the rapidity and) direction of the fire. 
At dark all the pieces ceased firing, except the 
thirteen-inch mortars, one ten-inch mortar, and 
one thirty-pound Parrott, which were served 
through the night at intervals of twenty min- 
utes for each piece. 

“The only plainly perceptible result of this 


UNITED STATES. 


cannonade of ten and a half hours’ duration, 
the breaching batteries having been served but 
nine and a half hours, was the commencement 
of a breach in the easterly half of the pancoupé 
connecting the south and south-east faces, and 
in that portion of the south-east face spanned 
by the two casemates adjacent to the pancoupé. 
The breach had been ordered in this portion 
of the scarp so as to take in reverse, through 
the opening, the magazine located in the angle 
formed by the gorge and north face. 

“Two of the barbette guns of the fort have 
been disabled, and three casemate guns silenced. 
The enemy served both tiers of guns briskly 
throughout the day, but without injury to the 
materiel or personnel of our batteries. 

“The result from the mortar-batteries was 
not at all satisfactory, notwithstanding the care 
and skill with which the pieces were served. 

“On the morning of the 11th our batteries 
again opened a little after sunrise, with decided 
effect, the fort returning a heavy and well- 
directed fire from its barbette and casemate 
guns. The breach was rapidly enlarged. At 
the expiration of three hours the entire case- 
mate next the pancoupé had been opened, and 
by eleven o’clock the one adjacent to it was 
in a similar condition. Directions were then 
given to train the guns upon the third em- 
brasure, upon which the breaching batteries 
were operating with effect, when the fort hoisted 
the white flag. This occurred at two o’clock P.M. 

“The formalities of visiting the fort, receiy- 
ing the surrender, and occupying it with our 
troops, consumed the balance of the afternoon 
and evening. | | 

“JT cannot indulge in detail, however in- 
teresting and instructive, in this hasty and 
preliminary report; but the pleasing duty of 
acknowledging the services of the officers and 
men under my command, during the laborious 
and fatiguing preliminaries for opening fire, 
as well as during the action, I do not feel Ni 
liberty to defer. | 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“The labor of landing the heaviest ordnance, 
with large supplies of ordnance stores, upon an 
open and exposed beach, remarkable for its 
heavy surf, taking advantage of the tide day 
and night; the transportation of these articles 
to the advanced batteries under cover of night ; 
the erection of seven of the eleven batteries in 
plain view of Fort Pulaski, and under its fire; 
‘the construction, upon marshy ground, in the 
night-time exclusively, of nearly one mile of 
causeway, resting on fascines and brushwood ; 
the difficult task of hauling the guns, carriages, 
and chapis to their positions, in the dark, over 
a narrow road, bordered by marsh, by the labor 
of the men alone, (the advance being two and 
a half miles from the landing ;) the indomitable 
perseverance and cheerful deportment of the 
officers and men under the frequent discourage- 
ment, of breaking down and miring in the 
swamp, are services to the cause and country 
which I do not feel at liberty to leave un- 
recorded: An idea of the immense labor ex- 
pended in transporting the ordnance can be 
gained. from the fact that two hundred and fifty 
men, could hardly move a thirteen-inch mortar, 
loaded, on a sling-cart. Another circumstance 
deserving especial mention, is, that twenty-two 
of the thirty-six pieces comprised in the batter- 
ies.were served during the action by the troops 
who had performed the fatiguing labors to 
which I have referred above. They received all 
their instructions in gunnery, at such odd times 
as they could be spared from other duty, during 
the week preceding the action. . 

“J will close this preliminary report by some 
general deductions from absolute results, with- 
out going into details or reasons. 

“1, Mortars (even. thirteen-inch sea-coast) 
are unavailable for the reduction of works of 
small area like Fort Pulaski. They cannot be 
fired with sufficient accuracy to crush the case- 
mate arches. They might, after a long time, 
tire out any ordinary garrison. 

2. “Good rifled guns, properly served, can 


589: 


breach rapidly at one thousand six hundred 
and fifty yards distance. 

“A few heavy round shot, to bring down the 
masses loosened by the rifled projectiles, are of 
good service. 

“TY would not hesitate to attempt a practica- 
ble breach in a brick scarf at two thousand 
yards distance, with guns of my own selection. 

3. “No better piece for breaching can be 
desired than the forty-two pounder James. 
The grooves, however, must be kept clean. 

“Parrott guns, throwing as much metal as 
the James, would be equally good, supposing 
them to fire as accurately as the Parrott thirty- 
pounder. 

“T append to this report a map, giving the 
position of our several batteries, and the orders 
issued, assigning the detachments to the bat- 
teries, and regulating the direction and rapidity 
of the firing. | 

“Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

“Q. A. Grmorg, 
“ Brigadier-General Vols., commanding U.S. 
Forces, Tybee and Cockspur Islands, Ga. 


‘‘Lieutenant A. B. Exy, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General, Northern 
District, Department of the South.” 


CHAPTER. LXXIL 


Expedition to the. Gulf. — Ship Island. — Arrival of the Van- 
guard of the Expedition. — Proclamation of General Phelps. — 
General Butler.— Naval and Military Preparations. —New 
Orleans and its Defences. — Forts Jackson and St. Philip. — 
Obstructions and Fire-Rafts. — Federal Preparations. — Mor- 
tar Flotilla.— Movement up the River. — Preliminary Sur- 
veys. — Trial of Mortars. — Rebel. Fire-Raft. —Commence- 
ment of the Bombardment. —Its Effects. — Continuation of 
the Bombardment. — Removal of Obstructions. — Prepara- 
tion of the Squadron to pass the Forts. — Chain-clad Ships. — 
The advance of the Squadron. — Rebel Resistance. — Heavy 
Cannonade. — Passage of the Squadron above the Forts. — 
Severe Conflict. — The Varuna. — Destruction of Rebel Steam- 
ers. — Complete Success of the Squadron. — Passage up the 
River. — Arrival of General Butler and his Command. — 
Military Movements. — Attempt to land Troops in the Rear 
of Fort St. Philip. — Condition of the Garrisons. — Surrender 
of the Forts. — Advance of General Butler to New Orleans. — 


590 


Proceedings of Flag-Officer Farragut.— Action of the City 
Council. — Rebellious Conduct. — Occupation of the City. — 
Opening of the River. — Official Reports. 


Soon after the occupation of Hatteras Inlet, 
on the coast of North Carolina, in August, 1861, 
General Butler had received instructions to 
recruit troops in New England, and to organize 
an expedition, composed principally of those 
troops, for operations in the Gulf of Mexico. 
General Butler entered upon his work with the 
zeal and energy which he had constantly dis- 
played in his military career, and before the 
Jast of November the van of his expedition 
sailed from Boston, and other forces were nearly 
ready to follow. ‘The first brigade was under 
Brigadier-General J. W. Phelps, of Vermont, 
who assumed command at Hampton Roads, 
and proceeded with a part of his force, num- 
bering about two thousand men, to the Gulf 
The immediate destination of this expedition 
was Ship Island, off the coast of Mississippi, 
about midway between Mobile and New Or- 
leans. This island had been taken possession 
of by a naval force in the September preced- 
ing, and its fortifications, constructed chiefly 
by the rebels, who had abandoned it in fear of 
a naval attack, were held by sailors and marines. 
It was considered, from its position, a good base 
from which to operate against either New Or- 
leans or Mobile directly, or to occupy the 
neighboring mainland, and thence to move as 
expediency required. 

General Phelps arrived at Ship Island on 
the 3d of December, and landing his troops, 
encamped them there, and awaited the arrival 
of other forces of the expedition. In the mean 
time he issued a proclamation to the people of 
the neighboring country, addressed to the “loyal 
citizens,” in which, after a calm discussion of 
the slavery question, he declared that his com- 
mand came as the advocates and defenders of 
“free labor and working-men’s rights.” This 
proclamation appeared to have little effect, 
other than to excite the slaveholders more 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


bitterly against the north, while among the 
northern people it caused considerable discus- 
sion, finding many advocates as well as oppo- 
nents. It was disclaimed by General Butler, 
the commander of the expedition, and was vir- 
tually disapproved by the government by its 
subsequent action. It was, indeed, not especial- 
ly military in its character, but it contained 
much truth, expressed in a somewhat peculiar 
manner, and was the declaration of an earnest 
man as well as able soldier. 

Two or three reconnoissances by small forces 
on the main land were made from Ship Island, 
but nothing of importance was accomplished, 
while the troops there waited for the arrival of 
the other forces of the expedition. The latter 
arrived slowly, and General Butler himself left 
Boston the latter part of February with a part 
of his command. After being nearly wrecked — 
on Frying-Pan Shoals, off the coast of South 
Carolina, and consequently delayed some time 
at Port Royal, General Butler arrived at Ship 
Island about the middle of March. A new 
military department was created, called the 
Department of the Gulf, comprising all the coast 
of the Gulf of Mexico west of Pensacola, and 
General Butler was appointed the commander. 
In the mean time the government had been 
augmenting the naval forces in the Gulf, and 
a strong squadron, called the Western Gulf 
Blockading Squadron, under Flag-Officer D. G. 
Farragut, was prepared to codperate with Gen- 
eral Butler in any decided movement against — 
the rebels. This fleet was not idle, but while 
the Mississippi and all harbors of any im- 
portance were vigilantly blockaded, reconnois- 
sances were made to Lake Borgne and to the 
entrance of Lake Pontchartrain by some of the 
smaller vessels, and occasionally an engage- 
ment, at long range and of little consequence, 
took place between them and rebel armed 
steamers. 

The rebels anticipated an attempt to capture 
either Mobile or New Orleans, and made prep- 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


arations to defeat it. The latter city, which 
was rightly supposed to be the chief object of 
attack, was thought well protected by the 
formidable Forts Jackson and St. Philip, on the 
Mississippi, constructed by the United States, 
and now made more complete by the rebels, 
and by fortifications which commanded the ap- 
proaches by Lake Borgneand Lake Pontchartain. 
A considerable number of steamers were also 
armed, and several formidable iron-cased rams 
were constructed, while obstructions were 
placed in the river to add to the difficulties 
of navigation. With these means of defence, 
the rebels believed that they could surely keep 
the federal fleet from ascending the river, while 
the difficulties of any other approach where 
the military forces could not be supported by 
formidable war vessels, seemed to render the 
city safe from capture. 

Forts Jackson and St. Philip, upon which the 
defence of New Orleans chiefly depended, were 
strong works, constructed by the United States. 
The former, an extensive fortification on the 
right bank of the river, was not completed when 
the rebellion commenced, but it had been great- 
ly improved by the rebels, and a heavy arma- 
ment had been mounted, most of the guns 
having been sent to the fort by the traitor 
Floyd, while secretary of war, in anticipation 
of the conflict between the north and the south. 
The fort was capable of mounting more than a 
hundred guns, but was not fully armed. Yort 
St. Philip, a work of less importance and mag- 
nitude, on the opposite side of the river and a 
little higher up, was built on the site of an old 
Spanish fort of the same name. This also had 
been strengthened and more fully armed, and 
with its water batteries could mount about one 
hundred guns. The two forts commanded the 
river with a large number of guns. But in 
addition to these fortifications the rebels had 
constructed outworks and water batteries, which 
added to the strength of the position. The 
river was obstructed by rafts and hulks, bear- 


O91 


ing heavy chains, stretching from bank to bank, 
and by other ingenious contrivances, which 
rendered the removal of the chain a difficult 
matter. There were also a number of rafts and 
flat boats, loaded with combustibles, to be fired 
and set adrift in the current, in order that they 
might be carried among the federal vessels and 
destroy them by fire. Above the obstructions 
were the armed steamers, intended to codperate 
with the forts in resisting the advance of the 
fleet. With all these preparations, which had 
been elaborately made, the rebels believed that 
the city could not be reached by the federal 
forces, and against these defences the naval 
expedition was to operate before the land forces 
would be brought into requisition. 

But the means of attack provided by the 
government were commensurate with the 
work to be attempted. In addition to the fleet 
of steamers, with their formidable armaments, 
which Flag-Officer Farragut had under his 
command, a fleet of small sailing vessels, carry- 
ing heavy mortars, had been quietly despatched 
to the passes of the Mississippi, under the com- 
mand of Captain David D. Porter, and were 
ready to join in the bombardment of the rebel 
fortifications. Waiting for the completion of 
the naval preparations, General Butler's com- 
mand, numbering, when all had arrived, ten or 
twelve thousand men, remained at Ship Island, 
in rather narrow limits for so large a force, 
impatiently waiting for some movement against 
the rebels. The naval officers, however, knew 
the difficulties before them, and were deter- 
mined to make ample preparation for their 
work. 

It was the 12th of April before the prepara- 
tions were completed so far as to commence 
the movement. On that day, Flag-Officer Far- 
ragut’s squadron and Captain Porter’s mortar 
fleet commenced moving up the river, to be 
placed in position for bombarding Forts Jack- 
son and St. Philip. Each of these vessels had 
been painted with a coat of mud, and the masts 


592 


and rigging were covered with branches, to 
render them less conspicuous objects for the 
aim of the rebel artillerists). But before the 
bombardment could be commenced, it was 
necessary to survey the river in order to ascer- 
tain the bearings and distances of certain points, 
the position and nature of the rebel obstruc- 
tions, and the character of the defences. This 
was a work which required skill and daring; 
but in three days, in spite of rebel artillery and 
rifles, it was quite thoroughly accomplished by 
officers of the coast survey, and charts were 
made for the use of the squadron. 

The preliminary surveys and other necessary 
preparations haying been made, on the evening 
of the 16th of April fire was opened upon Fort 
Jackson, for the purpose of trying the range of 
the mortars, but it was not till two days after- 
wards that the bombardment of the forts com- 
menced inearnest. Ata distance of thirty-eight 
hundred yards from"the fort the huge mortars 
hurled their monstrous shells high in the air, 
to drop and burst in and about the work, while 
the vessels which carried them lay in such a 
position, or were so disguised, as to be compar- 
atively safe from the rebel artillery. The trial 
was satisfactory to Captain Porter, and accord- 
ingly the arrangements for opening the bom- 
bardment were perfected, and on the 18th of 
April the work of reducing the forts was com- 
menced by the entire mortar fleet. In the 
mean time, however, the rebels finding the 
river below them filled with so large a fleet, and 
so formidable an attack threatened, sought to 
destroy some of the numerous vessels which 
appeared crowded together, by sending down 
some of their fire-rafts, hoping thus to disorgan- 
ize the naval force, and derange the plans of at- 
tack. But the naval officers had seen these 
fire-rafts before, and ample preparations were 
made to prevent them from accomplishing the 
work designed. Boats, with crews properly 
armed to contend with such an enemy, pulled 
away from the fleet, and met the raft some 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


distance above the anchorage ground, and a 
steamer grappling it, towed it down the river, so 
as to keep it clear of all vessels, the fire being 
at the same time extinguished by streams of 
water thrown from the steamer and the exer- 
tions of the crews of the small boats, who 
vigorously attacked the flaming foe. The suc- 
cess with which this danger was overcome 
dispelled all great fear of this method of attack 
among the federal officers and men, and the 
force detailed to meet the fire-rafts was soon 
perfectly organized and trained to the work, 
which promised and proved to be quite an 
important one. 

When the mortar boats were being towed 
to their position on the morning of the 18th, 
the rebels opened fire upon them from the forts, 
but without effecting any damage. One divis- 
ion of the mortars was placed in position on the 
west side of the river, and another on the east 
side, and at an early hour the bombardment 
commenced, the shot being directed against 
Fort Jackson. Fort St. Philip was to be left 
for the fleet of Flag-Officer Farragut to dispose 
of after the reduction or silence of Fort Jack- 
son. Several gunboats, attached to the mortar 
flotilla, steamed up the river nearer to the forts, 
and joined with some effect in the bombard- 
ment, succeeding’ in silencing for a time the 
barbette guns, and thus protecting the mortar 
boats, some of which, on the east side of the 
river, had been struck by the rebel shot. The 
steamers Iroquois and Owasco were conspicu- 
ous in this engagement, being greatly exposed 
to the rebel shot, but handled with skill and 
bravery by the officers and crews. The mor- 
tars kept up a constant fire during the day, 
and though from the inexperience of the gun- 
ners many of the shells were thrown without 
effect, the result was not unsatisfactory. The 
citadel of Fort Jackson was struck several 
times and nearly destroyed, two or three 
barbette guns were dismounted, several rebel 
soldiers killed or wounded, and fire was com- 


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PRESIDENT 


municated to some wooden structure and cot- 
ton bales, used for strengthening the works, 
which apparently caused an extensive confla- 
gration. It was thought possible that a con- 
tinuation of the bombardment during the night 
might, in consequence of this conflagration, 
have caused an evacuation of the fort. The 
bombardment, however, was suspended at dark, 
and the mortar boats were removed to a safer 
anchorage down the river. 

The next morning the bombardment was 
resumed by the mortar fiotilla, and from that 


time till the morming of the 24th, was con-| 
The huge shells), 
were constantly showered into and around the) 


tinued without cessation. 


forts, causing much damage and endangering 
life, but failmg to break through the case- 
mates or to render the works untenable. The 
gunboats were also continually engaged in 
pombarding the forts or throwing shot at 
some rebel steamer that ventured within sight. 
‘These vessels moved up the river much nearer 
to the forts than the mortar boats, and drew 
upon themselves the fire of the rebel batteries, 
escaping by their constant change of position, 
however, any serious damage. ‘To the fierce 
bombardment to which they were subjected 
the rebels replied quite vigorously the greater 
part of the time, and with very effective guns, 
skilfully served. Their officers were quite con- 
fident that the forts could not be taken, and 
they boasted that they would never surrender ; 


and, in spite of the heavy bombardment, the 


works did not appear to be damaged or weak- 
ened sufficiently to render them less formida- 
ble to the passage of the fleet. 

In the mean time the fleet was waiting a 
reduction of the forts or a diminution of their 
fire to make the passage, but the slow progress 
made by the bombardment rendered the. offi- 
cers and crews impatient of the delay, and 
Flag-Officer Farragut determined to make the 
attempt to pass the forts without waiting for 


the desired result. It was first necessary, how- | 


15 


LINCOLN’S 


}ordeal which it was to undergo. 


ADMINISTRATION. 598 


ever, to remove the obstructions in the river, 


and this was successfully accomplished by the 


officers and men of the gunboat Itasca, who, 
by persevering efforts, unshackled the chains 
which connected the hulks moored across the 
river, and the latter being removed, a wide 
passage was opened, which was quite sufficient 
for the entrance of the squadron. This work 
was not accomplished without great risk, and 
in effecting it the Itasca was carried by the 
current towards the eastern shore, where she 
erounded, and for nearly two hours lay ex- 
posed to the shot from both forts, but with- 
out being struck. 

The want of iron-clad steamers to contend 


‘against the formidable fortifications and the 


“rams” of the rebels, made it necessary that 
Plag-Officer Farragut’s squadron should be pre- 
pared as thoroughly as possible for the terrible 
No pains 
were spared to render the vessels invincible, 
and, as far as possible, invulnerable in the most 
exposed parts. Various means were devised 
and carried into execution to protect them, 
not only from shot and shell, but from the 
“rams” and fire-rafts with which it was un- 
derstood the rebels were abundantly supplied. 
Several of the larger ships, including the sloops 
of war Richmond, Brooklyn, and Pensacola, 
had their engines and boilers protected by a 
novel kind of armor improvised for the occa- 
sion, which consisted of chains hung upon the 
outside and bound together with strong cord- 
age. Other vessels had their engines protected 
by chains, logs, and bales of bagging closely 


| packed about them inside the ship. Sand-bags 


and other devices were also used to protect 
the bows of some of the ships, as well as the 
engines and boilers. ‘These preparations had 
been perfected during the several days’ bom- 
bardment, and with his vessels thus equipped 
as no other squadron had previously been, 


'Flag-Officer Farragut determined to attempt 


the passage of the forts at night, and to fight 


594 


his way through against forts, gunboats, rams, 
and fire-rafts. It was a daring movement, and 
its complete success proved that the navy, 
under such a leader, was able and ready to 
perform its share in the war. 

The squadron consisted of seventeen sloops 
of war and gunboats, all of which were steam- 
ers, carrying upwards of two hundred guns. 
‘The vessels were formed in three divisions or 
lines; the first, under command of Captain 
Bailey comprised the Cayuga, Pensacola, Mis- 
sissippi, Oneida, Varuna, Katahdin, Kineo, and 
Wissahickon. The second, under Flag-Officer 
Farragut himself, comprised the steam sloops 
Hartford, Brooklyn, and Richmond. The third, 
under Commander Bell, was composed of the 
Scioto, Iroquois, Pinola, Winona, Itasca, and 
Kennebec. While this formidable squadron 
moved up the river, the gunboats attached 
to the mortar flotilla steamed up sufficiently 
to enfilade the water batteries, which were the 
most formidable obstacle to the passage of the 
fleet, the mortars, in the mean time, keeping 
up their constant fire upon the forts. The 
movement was made on the night of the 23d 
of April, but it was not till three o’clock on 
the morning of the 24th that the squadron 
was fairly under way. The intention was to 
pass the forts in the darkness of the night, 
before the rising of the moon, but the moon 
was just appearing above the horizon when 
the fleet moved. The river, however, was still 
dark, and the state of the atmosphere was such 
as to render it the more difficult to distinguish 
objects on the water; and when the firing com- 
menced, the smoke settled heavily over the river 
and enveloped the vessels. To this obscurity 
the success of the movement was in a great 
measure due, for had the squadron attempted 
to pass the forts by daylight, it is hardly possi- 
ble that it would have escaped without. great 
loss of men and probably of vessels. 

As soon as the movement commenced, the 
mortar boats resumed fire upon the forts more 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


heavily than ever before, the shells being thrown 
with the greatest possible rapidity. The gun- 
boats attached to the mortar flotilla also opened 
their enfilading fire upon the water batteries 
of the enemy, and the bombardment was heav- 
ier and more persistent than at any time since 
its commencement. Under cover of this fire 
the squadron moved up the river, and passed 
through the opening in the barrier of chains 
and hulks which the Itasca had effected the 
previous night. The fleet advanced in three 
lines, by divisions, one ship following another, 
Flag-Officer Farragut’s division on the western 
side of the river, Captain Bailey’s on the east- 
ern, and Commander Bell’s in the middle. 
Captain Bailey’s division on the eastern side 
was the first to feel the enemy’s fire. His flag- 
ship had scarcely passed through the opening 
in the barrier when both forts opened upon 
her, and the other vessels, as they advanced. 
On account of the too great elevation of the 
rebel guns, however, the greater part of the 
shot passed over the vessels and through the 
rigging. But some of them were struck sevy- 
eral times in the hull, and the wisdom of the 
precautions taken for the safety of the ma- 
chinery was abundantly proved, the chain 
armor and other defences affording, in this 
case, ample protection to the vital parts of 
the steamers. ‘The vessels steamed on under 
the fire of the enemy for some distance with- 
out making any reply, but as they approached 
Fort St Philip, Captain Bailey ran his flag-ship, 
the Cayuga, in close to the fort, and poured 
broadsides of grape and canister upon them, 
driving the rebel soldiers from their guns, 
which were almost wholly en barbette. The 
other vessels of the division followed close 
behind the Cayuga, and each delivered broad- 
sides of grape and canister as they passed, with 
such effect that the fire of the fort was for the 
time completely silenced. This division thus 
passed the forts without serious damage, though 
each of the vessels had been struck in some 


PRESIDENT 


part, and slightly injured. The crews had man- 
ifested the greatest bravery, and were eager 
for a conflict in which they could show their 
skill and courage. The passage of the forts 
brought them suddenly into such a conflict, 
the result of which was a most brilliant vic- 
tory. 

While Captain Bailey advanced on the east- 
ern side of the river, Flag-Officer Farragut, with 
his three noble vessels, the most formidable of 
the fleet, moved up on the western side towards 
Fort Jackson. When a mile and a quarter 
from that work the enemy opened upon him 
a heavy fire, which was better aimed than that 
directed against Captain Bailey’s vessels. The 
flag-ship Hartford continued her course directly 
towards the fort, in spite of the shot which fre- 
quently struck her, and responded to the fire 
with a few of her guns. When within half a 
mile of the fort the vessel sheered off, and 
poured her heavy broadsides of grape and 
canister into the fort so effectually that the 
gunners were driven under cover, and none 
but the casemate guns continued the fire. 
These, however, were trained upon the Hart- 
ford the more effectively, as the flashes of her 
broadsides indicated through the smoke and 
fog the position of the vessel, and she was 
struck many times, and suffered some loss of 
men. But she passed the forts without being, 
to any extent, disabled, and was followed by 
the Richmond, which was manceuvred in the 
same manner, and continued the shower of 
small shot upon the fort, by which the fire of 
the barbette guns was silenced. The Brooklyn 
was unfortunately detained by coming in con- 
tact with the hulks, but having been extricated 


from these obstructions, she proceeded on her | 


course, and, contending against rebel ram, fire- 
raft, and gunboat, while still under the fire of 
Fort Jackson, succeeded in joining her consorts 


after a severer, if not more glorious, contest’ 


The Brooklyn | 


than they had experienced. 
first encountered the famous “ram” Manassas, 


LINCOLN’S 


ADMINISTRATION. 595 


which had been a terror to the fleet since the 
vessels were driven by it from the passes of 
the Mississippi. This vessel came dashing 
against the side of the Brooklyn, first dis- 
charging her heavy gun when within a few 
feet of the latter. The shot, however, lodged 
in the sand bags which protected the engine, 
and the chain armor effectually warded off the 
iron beak intended to cut through the vessel’s 
side. The ram, thus entirely unsuccessful, soon 
moved off, to meet with still greater failure ; 
for, making a dash at the Mississippi, that ves- 
sel prepared for the encounter by a similar 
movement, and the Manassas, avoiding the 
blow, made for the shore, where she was soon 
disabled by the guns of the Mississippi, and, 
being deserted by her crew drifted inoffen- 
sively down the river. Having got clear of 
the ram, the Brooklyn fell in with a large rebel 
steamer, which opened fire upon her, but this 
vessel was quickly disposed of by a broadside 
from the Brooklyn at short range, which set 
her on fire, and thus completely destroyed her. 

In the mean time the middle division, under 
Commander Bell, proceeded on its course, and 
though not discernible from the forts, owing to 
the too great elevation of the rebel guns, re- 
ceived the shock of the heavy fire directed at 
the side divisions. ‘I'wo of the vessels, the Itasca 
and Winona, were early disabled, the former 
receiving a shot in the boiler, and both floated 
helplessly down the river. The Kennebec be- 
came entangled in the cables connecting the 
barrier of hulks; and when, after a long delay, 
she was extricated, she was far in the rear, and 
so enveloped in smoke that the officers were 
uncertain as to their course, and the vessel 
soon after returned to her anchorage. With 
his other three vessels Commander Bell ad- 
vanced on his course, under the heavy fire 
of both forts, and succeeded in passing them, 
though not without some damage and the loss 
of a number of men. 

The federal vessels had hardly passed the 


596 


forts when they encountered a new enemy in 
the fleet of rebel gunboats which lay in order 
of battle just above Fort St. Philip. As soon 
as the federal vessels appeared above the forts 
the rebel steamers commenced the attack. 
Captain Bailey, in the Cayuga, was the first 
to receive this attack. He found himself in 
the midst of them before he was aware that 
he was to meet such an enemy. ‘The rebel 
steamers dashed at the Cayuga with the in- 
tention of running her down, at the same time 
discharging their guns. By skilful manoeu- 
vring the Cayuga avoided any severe blow, and 
the brave officers and crew were not slow in 
meeting the danger by opening a rapid fire 
from her heavy guns, the solid shot from which 
speedily disposed of three of the assailants be- 
fore the other vessels of the squadron came 
up. The Varuna and Oneida, however, soon 
followed the lead of the Cayuga, their crews 
eager to join in the confliet, and they too were 
speedily engaged with the enemy. A severe 
naval battle ensued, which was soon brought 
to a close by the entire and remarkable success 
of the federal vessels; not, however, till the 
Varuna was so disabled that she sank. ‘This 
steamer, under command of Captain Boggs, had 
followed the Cayuga, and came suddenly into 
the midst of the rebel vessels, both gunboats 
and transports. 
ing daunted, pressed his vessel forward, dis- 


either side. This well-delivered fire exploded 
the boiler of one boat, which appeared crowded 
with troops, and disabled and set on fire three 
others, one of which was a gunboat. The Va- 
runa was then attacked by a steamer with an 
iron-clad bow, which attempted to pierce her 
sides with a sharp prow. This vessel succeeded 
in striking the Varuna two or three blows, 
which did slight damage; but the latter soon 
partially disabled her assailant by throwing 


shot and shell into the after part of the vessel, | 
But! 


so that she soon dropped out of action. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


STATES. 


this attack was followed by a more successful 
one by another similar iron-clad steamer, which 
struck the Varuna two or three damaging blows, 
causing her to leak rapidly. The gallant off- 
cers and crew of the Varuna, however, met the 
danger with skill and bravery. Never was ves- 
sel more ably and bravely managed. By press- 
ing forward, the assailant was drawn around 
so as to expose the vulnerable parts, and a 
rapid fire of eight-inch shell soon set the too 
successful “ram” in flames. The Varuna, how- 
ever, was filling with water and rapidly sinking. 
Captain Boggs immediately ran towards the 
river bank, the guns of his devoted vessel still 
throwing their shot and shell at the rebel ves- 
sels within range; and it was not till the water 
had risen to the gun-trucks that the firing 
ceased. ‘The dead and wounded were then 
removed, and the brave commander and his 
crew left the vessel which they had so nobly 
defended, and with such heavy loss to the 
enemy. 

While Captain Bailey’s vessels were thus 
engaged, a part of the rebel fleet had passed 
down and met the vessels of Flag-Officer Far- 
ragut. When the Hartford had passed Fort 
Jackson, and had arrived opposite Fort St. 


'Philip, where he was firmg broadsides of 


grape and canister, a large fire-raft suddenly 
Her brave commander, noth- | 


blazed up in close proximity to the ship, and 


it was discovered that the raft was being pushed 
charging her guns at the rebel vessels on 


forward against the Hartford by an iron-clad 
“ram.” Inthe attempt to avoid this dangerous 
enemy the Hartford was run upon a bank, and 
the raft came alongside. In a moment the 
ship was all ablaze on this side, but the fire 
department was so thoroughly organized that 
it soon extinguished the flames, and the vessel 
was backed off from the shoal, the guns mean- 
while being trained upon the forts and upou 
one or two of the rebel steamers which came 
within range. It was a moment of intense 
excitement and interest when the flag-ship was 
thus threatened with destruction. The conflict 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


was at its height. The forts were firing with 
great vigor at the federal vessels, all of which 
had not yet passed by; the battle was raging 
between Captain Bailey’s division and the rebel 
gunboats a little farther up the river; and the 
mortar boats and steamers below continued 
their heavy bombardment. The roar of the 
cannonade was terrific; the river was lighted 
up by the flames of the burning rebel vessels 
and the constant flashes of guns and exploding 
shells. It was impossible to tell which side | 
was gaining the advantage, and so difficult, 
amid the smoke and murky atmosphere, to 
distinguish friend from foe, that there was a 
constant fear on board the federal vessels that 
they would fire into each other. Hach vessel 
was fighting its own battle, and nearly all of 
them engaged both forts and rebel steamers. | 
The duration of this severe conflict, however, 
was short. The noise of the battle soon di-| 
minished, the forts were passed, and the rebel 
boats had disappeared. Ship after ship of the | 
federal fleet came up, and cheers resounded 
over the river for the passage of the forts, and 
the victory which had been achieved, in the) 
short space of an hour and a half from the 
time of leaving the anchorage below. 

A greater naval success was never achieved | 
than this running the gantlet of Forts Jack-) 
son and St. Philip with their outlying batteries, 


and the complete and quick destruction of the | 


rebel fleet, with comparatively so small a loss. 
The fire of more than a hundred guns in the 
forts had been encountered and safely passed. 
“Ram” and fire-raft had been met and over- | 


come, and well-armed gunboats had been en- | 


gaged, and captured or destroyed. In accom. 
plishing this the federal vessels had suffered 
some damage, but none had been lost or dis- 
abled except the Varuna, which had fought. 
so noble a fight, and had, indeed, achieved a 
splendid victory before she went down. The. 
loss of men on board all the vessels was thirty 


killed, and one hundred and nineteen wounded, | 


597 


On the other hand, the rebels had lost all; for, 
though the forts had not been reduced, or ma- 
terially damaged, they no longer barred the 
passage to New Orleans, and must speedily be 
surrendered ; eleven rebel steamers, the whole 
flotilla which was to resist the federal squad- 
ron, were destroyed, and the loss of men must 
have been large. Only one rebel vessel of any 
consequence had escaped, and that was a large 
and unwieldy iron-clad floating battery, which 
had successfully resisted the federal shot, but 
was incomplete and useless for want of motive 
power. ‘Two or three smaller armed steamers 
had also escaped destruction, but they were 
of little account for defence, and were entirely 
subject to the fate of the forts. 

While most of the vessels came to anchor 
above the scene of the conflict, and were de- 
layed to repair damages, to bury the dead and 
provide for the wounded, Captain Bailey, in 
the Cayuga, steamed farther up the river, not- 
withstanding his ship had been considerably 
damaged. About five miles above the forts, 
at the quarantine station, a rebel camp was 
discovered, and in the gray dawn the rebel 
soldiers were seen hastily leaving it. The 


| fight of the troops was stopped, and the posi- 


tion and a small force were surrendered. The 
other vessels were soon repaired, and the other 
arrangements being completed, the squadron, 
with the exception of two gunboats which were 
left at the quarantine ground to codperate with 
a contemplated military movement in the rear 
of the forts, before noon resumed its move- 
ment up the river. 

General Butler had anxiously watched the 
naval movement, and awaited its result to de- 
termine the course to be taken by the military 
forces. ‘The morning revealed the rebel flag 
flying defiantly over the forts, but it was cer- 
tain that a portion of the fleet had passed in 
comparative safety, for the national flag could 
be discovered flying from their masts as they 
lay far above the forts. The evidences of rebel 


598 HISTORY 


disaster which had floated down the stream in 
the shape of burning vessels, and the disabled 
ram Manassas, confirmed the belief that the 
squadron had succeeded in all but the reduction 
of the forts, which, indeed, had hardly been 
anticipated. Captain Porter, determining to 
ascertain the condition of the forts, sent a 
summons for a surrender. This was promptly re- 
fused, and indications of some movement were 
reported, which was supposed to be a formi- 
dable attack by gunboats and the iron-clad bat- 
tery, which was known to be uninjured, upon 
the fleet, now reduced by the passage of its 
most effective vessels above the forts. The 
mortar vessels, for safety from such an attack, 
were sent down the river to the head of the 
passes, and for several days the forts were 
undisturbed by gunboat or mortar, the garri- 
sons improving the respite to repair damages 
and place the works in as complete a state of 
defence as before the bombardment. 

The opportunity and necessity for carrying 
out a military movement previously conceived, 
seemed to have arrived. General Butler, whose 
troops to the number of nine thousand were 
impatiently waiting in the passes of the river 
for an order to advance, was prompt to act, and 
at once sent a part of his force to Sable Island, 
in the Gulf, twelve miles in the rear of Fort St. 
Philip, the other part remaining in the river 
ready to codperate, or to advance up the river 
should the forts surrender. From Sable Island 
a portion of the expeditionary corps were, with 
great difficulty, transported through the shallow 
bayous to the banks of the Mississippi, where a 
small force was posted on each side of the river, 
supported by the gunboats left by Flag-Officer 
Farragut. In order to land a more effective 
force with artillery, additional means of trans- 
portation were required; but before these were 
procured, events rendered them unnecessary. 
The condition of the forts was, in fact, hopeless 
for the rebels. ‘Though well supplied, perhaps, 


OF THE UNITED STATES. 


off from the city, where the federal squadron 
had already arrived, and the posting of troops 
in the river above indicated an attack in the 
rear, or a siege of which there could be but one 
result. The rebel soldiers, at least, regarded 
any farther defence useless, however defiant the 
officers may have been, and a part of the gar- 
rison of Fort Jackson mutinied, spiked some of 
the guns, and, leaving the fort at night. gave 
themselves up to the federal picket on the 
western side of the river, two hundred and fifty 
men surrendering to a mere handful. The next 
morning the officers also deemed it prudent to 
capitulate ; and a conference with Captain Por- 
ter resulted in the surrender of the forts. The 
iron-clad battery, before referred to, was set on 
fire by her officers and cast adrift in the current, 
evidently with the hope that her flames or the 
explosion of her magazine might cause disaster 
to the national vessels. The explosion, however, 
fortunately took place before the hulk reached 
the anchorage ground of the fleet. The forts 
were taken possession of by the naval author- 
ities, and immediately garrisoned by a military 
force sent up by General Williams. Fort 
Jackson had been considerably damaged by 
the bombardment, during which more than 
eighteen hundred shells had fallen within the 
work. It appeared to be much shattered, and 
was considered by the garrison to be weak and 
unsafe, but a subsequent examination showed 
that its strength for defence against an assault 
was not greatly diminished; while Fort St. 
Philip exhibited but little evidence of injury. 
The former work was found to be mounted 
with about eighty guns, and the latter with 
about forty. 

At the time of the surrender of the forts, 
General Butler was with Flag-Officer Farragut, 
at New Orleans, whither he had gone to arrange 
with that officer for some light-draught steam- 
ers, and in relation to future movements. On 
his return he found the flag of the Union flying 


with provisions, they were now effectually cut | over both forts, and the river open for the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


advance of his forces to New Orleans, where 
there was need of their speedy arrival. 


garrisons at the forts, those already in the river 
were transported to New Orleans. Their arrival 
was hailed with much satisfaction by the naval 
officers, for the condition of affairs in the city 
was such that it was impossible to secure any 
advantage without the aid of troops to take 
charge of the public property and hold the mob 
in subjection. 

Flag-Officer Farragut had steamed up the 
river with his squadron, expecting to find his 
advance contested by batteries erected on its 
banks. No show of resistance, however, was 
manifested, but, on the contrary, the Union 
flag was discovered flying over several houses, 
and in some places the negroes hailed the 
squadron with cheers. The squadron came 
to anchor on the night of the 24th, about 
eighteen miles below the city. Up the river 
was seen the light of fires, supposed at first to 
be fire-rafts sent down for the destruction of 
the fleet, but which proved to be ships laden 
with cotton, ready to run the blockade. Pro- 


ceeding in the morning, the first attempt to 
dispute or retard the progress of the ships was. 


experienced at Chalmette, about three miles 
below the city, where batteries had been 
erected on each side of the river. From these 
batteries fire was opened upon .the ships as 
they advanced, but as soon as the latter 
reached a position from which they could re- 
ply, a few broadsides dispersed the rebel gun- 
ners, and the squadron passed on without 
further molestation. At noon the squadron 
came to anchor before the city. 

When the passage of the forts by the fed- 
eral fleet was announced, the greatest excite- 
ment spread through New Orleans. Gold and 
valuables were hurried from the city, or 
placed under the protection of the foreign 
consuls. The mob raged, and threatened more 


599 


\fearful things than could possibly be antici- 
The | 
troops at Sable Island were ordered back by 
way of the passes, and after leaving sufficient. 


pated from the advancing enemy. Fierce 
secessionists demanded the destruction of cot- 
ton and sugar (which were supposed to be 
particularly desired by the northern forces), 
and even of the city itself. Only a small num- 
ber of rebel troops was in the city; and as this 
force could afford no protection against the 
squadron, and the army which would soon fol- 
low, it was withdrawn from the city, which was 
given into the hands of the municipal authori- 
ties. It was a dangerous time for the orderly 
and property-holding people of New Orleans, for 
the withdrawal of the military power left no pro- 
tection from the lawless mob, which was ready 
to avail itself of circumstances to plunder and 
destroy. The municipal authorities called upon 
the European brigade, a body of citizen soldiers 
composed of foreigners resident in the city, to 
preserve order, and such protection as the city 
had until the arrival of General Butler and his 
forces, was afforded by this legion. The de- 
fence against the federal forces was the pres- 
ence of the women and children; for whatever 
might be the epithets which rebel hatred ap- 
plied to the northern soldiers, they knew well 
that the city would not be bombarded while 
the helpless non-combatants were in it. The 
insane order was issued by the rebel military 
commander, on the approach of the fleet, to 
burn all the cotton in the city, and to destroy 
the sugar and molasses. This order was quite 
thoroughly carried out, and when the fleet 
arrived the cotton was burning all along the 
levee, and numbers of steamboats in the river 
were in flames. Other property was destroyed 
also, and the mob aiding in the work of destruc- 
tion did not neglect the opportunity for plun- 
der. The amount of property thus foolishly 
destroyed was immense. Fifteen thousand 
bales of cotton on the levee, and ten or twelve 
ships laden with that product, were burned. 
A large number of steamboats that could not 
be removed, a halffinished floating battery of 


600 


formidable dimensions, dry docks, immense 
piles of steamboat wood and coal, lumber, and 
other property, were also consigned to the 
flames; while stores of sugar, molasses, and 
provisions were destroyed or distributed among 
the mob. 

This condition of affairs had existed for two 
days in the “Crescent City” when the Union 
fleet came to anchor before it. On the levee, 
notwithstanding a heavy rain, a vast crowd 
collected to witness the movements of the 
“invaders,” as the national forces were gen- 
erally considered ; an excited crowd, that man- 
ifested the intensest hatred for the flag of the 
Union and its loyal defenders, and punished, 
with summary vengeance, any demonstration 
among the people of joy or welcome to that 
flag. Shortly after the arrival of the fleet, 
Flag-Officer Farragut despatched his second in 
command, Captain Bailey, with two or three 
other officers, to demand of the mayor a sur- 
render of the city, and that the national flag 


should be raised over the public buildings. The. 


officers, without any guard, proceeded to the 
levee in their boat, and landed amid noisy 
demonstrations of animosity on the part of the 
mob. They were not assailed, however, by 


speedily have executed their threats, they had 
a wholesome dread of the guns which frowned 
upon them from the open ports of all the 
vessels. The messengers were conducted to 
the mayor, followed by the excited crowd, and 
made the demand for which they were sent. 
The mayor replied that, not being a military 
commander, he had no authority to surrender 
the city. General Lovell, the rebel commander, 
who was still in the city, was accordingly sent 
for, and he also refused to surrender the city, 
and declared he had removed his forces in 
order to avoid a bombardment, though he still 
intended to resist the federal’forces. Without 
accomplishing any thing satisfactory, Captain 
Bailey and his companions returned to the 


least one of the public buildings. 
_was sent from the Pensacola, which lay off the 
Mint, to raise the flag upon that edifice. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


fleet, being accompanied to their boat by Gen- 
eral Lovell, whose presence protected them 
from the still more infuriated mob. It had 
been determined that the demand made by 


‘the federal commander should be submitted 
|to the city council. 


Delay and hesitation on 
the part of the city authorities followed, but 


after some deliberation the city council at 
length decided that the mayor should return 


an answer to the demand for a surrender sub- 
stantially like that which he had already given, 


_and declining to raise the national flag in place 


place of the “confederate” emblem. The reply 
was accordingly thus communicated to Flag- 
Officer Farragut, who immediately determined 
that the Union flag should be raised over at 


A party 


This 
being done, the people were notified that at 
any attempt to remove the flag the guns of 
the Pensacola would open upon the building 
No guard, however, was left to protect the flag, 


and the threat was not sufficient to deter all 
_from the attempt. 


A party of four men suc- 


ceeded in hauling down the flag, with which 


| the mob marched in triumph through the city, 
more than words, for though the mob might | 


and then tore it into shreds. The excitement 
on board the federal vessels at this act was 
intense, and but for the timely removal of the 
priming wafers, by which the guns are dis- 
charged, more than one broadside probably 
would have carried death and destruction into 


\the city, through the impulsive movement of 


the men who sprang to the guns at the alarm. 

Flag-Officer Farragut shared in the indigna- 
tion of his men, but his position was a difficult 
one. The city lay at the mercy of his guns, 
but the women and children were practically 
placed as a defensive barrier between them 
and the rebel mob. He had triumphed over 
the military and naval force with which the 
rebels had undertaken to hold New Orleans, 
but civil functionaries, and an unorganized mob 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


protected by this barrier, defied him. General 
Butler, who was present at this time, advised a 
threat of bombardment, and a demand for the 
immediate removal of the women and children. 
This advice was partially followed; but the 
threat, though contingent on the continued 
resistance of the people, was misconstrued, and 
occasioned the interference of the commander 
of a French ship of war which was in the river. 
The charge of inhumanity was brought against 
the federal commander, though the safety of 
the city lay in the keeping of its civil author- 
ities and the people, and under no circumstances 
would he have carried out the threat until the 
removal of the women and children had been 
effected. Under the threat the national flag 
was again raised over the Mint and over the 
Custom House, where it remained undisturbed, 
protected by a small force of marines. 

From his difficult position the Flag-Officer 
was, after two or three days of perplexing 
trial, happily relieved, by the arrival, on the 
Ist of May, of the advance of General Butler’s 
troops. Without delay these troops were dis- 
embarked and marched to the Custom House 
and Mint. The populace were indignant and 
abusive, but they dared not offer any opposi- 
tion, and the forces were promptly posted. 
Captain Farragut notified the city authorities 
that they must thereafter negotiate with the 
commander of the army ; and, leaving a suffi- 
cient force of his squadron, he subsequently 
moved up the Mississippi, to cooperate with 


Commodore Foote, whose squadron was operat- | 


ing from above, in again opening its majestic 


tide to the flag which had so.long and prosper- | 


ously floated over it. 
Of the official reports in relation to the cap- 


ture of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and the, 
movement to New Orleans, the following de-. 


scribe the more important events : — 


| 
| 
| 


601 


“Str: Iam happy to announce to you that 
our flag waves over both Forts Jackson and 
St. Philip, and at New Orleans over the Custom 
House. 

“J am taking every means to secure the occu- 
pation by General Butler of all the forts along 
the coast. Berwick’s Bay and Fort Pike have 
been abandoned; in fact there is a general 


REPORT OF FLAG-OFFICER FARRAGUT. 


‘Unitep Starzes Frac-Suip Harrrorp, 
Av ANncHOR ofr City or New Ortnans, April 29. 


stampede, and I shall endeavor to follow it up. 
Iam bringing up the troops as fast as possible. 
“We have destroyed all the forts above the 
city, four in number, which we understood to 
be all the impediments between this and 
Memphis. 
“J am, very respectfully, 
“Your obedient servant, 
“D. G. Farraaort, 
“ Flag-Oficer Western Gulf Block’g Squadron. 


‘«Hon. Grppon WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.” 


REPORT OF COMMODORE PORTER. 


‘¢ Unirep Srates STEAMER Harrier LAnn, 
Misstssippr River, April 25, 1862. 


“Sm: I have the honor to inform you that 
Flag-Officer Farragut, with the fleet, passed 
Forts Jackson and St. Philip on the morning 
of the 24th, and should be in New Orleans 
by this time, as he can meet with no obstacles 
such as he has already passed, the way being 
comparatively open before him. 

“We commenced the bombardment of Fort 
Jackson on the 18th, and continued it with- 
out intermission until the squadron made prep- 
arations to move. 

“The squadron was formed in three lines to 
pass the forts. Captain Bailey’s division, com- 
posed of the followmg vessels, leading to the 
attack of Fort St. Philip: Cayuga, Pensacola, 
Mississippi, Oneida, Varuna, Katahdin, Kineo, 
Wissahickon ; Flag-Officer Farragut leading 
‘the following, (second line:) Hartford, Brook- 


‘lyn, Richmond; and Commander Bell leading 


602 


the third division, composed of the following 
vessels : Scioto, Iroquois, Pinola, Winona, Itasca, 
and Kennebec. 

“The steamers belonging to the mortar 
flotilla, one of them towing the Portsmouth, 
were to enfilade the water-battery commanding 
the approaches. Mortar-steamers Harriet Lane, 
Westfield, Owasco, Clifton, and Marine — the 
Jackson towing the Portsmouth. 

“The vessels were rather late in getting 
under way and into line, and did not get fairly 
started until halfpast three A.M. and the 
unusual bustle apprised the garrison that some- 
thing was going on. 

“In an hour and ten minutes after the vessels 


had weighed anchor they had passed the forts | 


under a most terrific fire, which they returned 
with interest. 

“The mortar-fleet rained down shells on Fort 
Jackson, to try and keep the men from the 
guns, whilst the steamers of the mortar-fleet 
poured in shrapnel upon the water-battery 
commanding the approach, at a short distance, 
keeping them comparatively quiet. 

“ When the last vessel of ours could be seen 


among the fire and smoke to pass the battery, | 


signal was made to the mortars to cease firing, 
and the flotilla steamers were directed to retire 
from a contest that would soon become un- 
equal. 

“It was now daylight, and the fleet having 
passed along, the forts began to pay their 
attention to our little squadron of steamers, 
the Portsmouth, which was being towed up, 
and three of the gunboats which failed to pass 
through. These latter became entangled in 
some wrecks and chains placed in the river to 
obstruct, and which were only partially re- 
moved. One of these vessels (the Winona) got 
through as far as Fort St. Philip, but having 
all the guns bearing on her she sensibly retired. 
The Itasca was fairly riddled, and had a shot 
through her boiler, and the Kennebec escaped 
unhurt. 


| standing up the river. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


“YT am disposed to think that our squadron 
received but little damage, considering the 
unequal contest — one hundred and forty-two 
guns on board ship opposed to one hundred on 
shore, placed in a most commanding position. 
For twenty minutes after the ships passed, the 
forts fired very feebly on the vessels that 
remained outside; so much so, that the Ports- 
mouth was enabled to drop with the current 
out of gun-shot, though the shot fell pretty 
freely about her at last. I think the fire from the 
ships must have been very destructive of life. 

“The last we saw of our vessels, they were 
Some explosion took 
place, which made us feel rather uneasy, but 
which may have been the rebel gunboats. We 
could see that our squadron had not destroyed 


all the enemy’s vessels at the fort, for three or 


four of them were moving about in all direc- 
tions, evidently in a state of excitement. 

“Before the fleet got out of sight it was 
reported to me that the celebrated ram Manas- 
sas was coming out to attack us; and sure 
enough there she was, apparently steaming 
along shore, ready to pounce upon the appar- 
ently defenceless mortar-vessels. Two of our 
steamers and some of the mortar-vessels 
opened fire on her, but I soon discovered that 
the Manassas could harm no one again, and I 
ordered the vessels to save their shot. She was 
beginning to emit smoke from her ports or 
holes, and was discovered to be on fire and 
sinking. Her pipes were all twisted and riddled 
with shot, and her hull was also well cut up. 
She had evidently been used up by the squad- 
ron as they passed along. I tried to save her 
as a curiosity, by getting a hawser around her 
and securing her to the bank, but just after 
doing so she faintly exploded. Her only gun 
went off, and emitting flames through her bow 
port, like some huge animal, she gave a plunge 
and disappeared under the water. 

“Next came a steamer on fire, which ap- 


| peared to be a vessel of war belonging to the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


rebels, and after her two others, all burning 
and floating down the stream. Fires seemed 
to be raging all along the “up river,” and we 
supposed that our squadron were burning and 
destroying the vessels as they passed along. 
It appears, however, that the McRae, one or 
two river boats, and their celebrated floating 
battery, (brought down the night before,) were 
left unhurt, and were still flying the confeder- 
ate flag. 

“The matter of the floating battery becomes 
a very serious affair, as they are all hard at 
work at Fort Jackson mounting heavy rifled 
guns on it, which are no farther use to them 
in the fort. She mounts sixteen guns, is almost 
as formidable a vessel as the Merrimac, per- 
fectly shot-proof, and has four powerful engines 
in her. I shall at all events take such steps as 
will prevent her from destroying any thing, and 
we may still hold her in check with the steam- 
ers, though they are rather fragile for such a 
service. This is one of the ill effects of leaving 
an enemy in the rear. I suppose that the ships 
fired on her as they passed through, but that 
her mail resisted the shot. She had steam on 
this morning, and was moving about quite 
lively. I tried to put some mortar-shell through 
her roof, but without effect, as she moved off. 

“The forts are now cut off from all commu- 
nication with New Orleans, as I presume that 
Flag-Officer Farragut has cut the wires. 

“JT have sent the Miami round with General 
Butler to the back of Fort St. Philip, to try and 
throw in troops at the quarantine, five miles 
along the forts, and at the same time open 
communication that way with the Flag-Officer, 
and supply him with ammunition. 

“T am also going to send part of the mortar- 
fleet to the back of Fort Jackson, to cut off the 
escape of the garrison by that way, and stop 
supplies. 
informs us that they have plenty of provisions 
for two months, plenty of ammunition, and 


plenty of discomforts. Our shell set the citadel 


A deserter, who can be relied on, | 


603 


on fire the first afternoon we opened. It burned 


| fiercely for seven hours, but I thought it a fire- 


raft behind the fort, as they continually send 

them down on us, but without any effect. 
“But few casualties occurred to vessels on 

this side of the forts. The Harriet Lane lost 


/but one man killed, and one, I fear, mortally 


wounded; the Winona lost three killed and 
three wounded; and the Itasca, with fourteen 
shot through her, had but few men hurt. 

“These forts can hold out still for some 
time; and I would suggest that the Monitor 
and Mystic, if they can be spared, be sent 
here without a moment’s delay, to settle the 
question. 

“The mortar-fleet have been very much ex- 
posed, and under a heavy fire for six days, dur- 
ing which time they kept the shells gomg with- 
out intermission. One of them, the Maria I. Carl- 
ton, was sunk by a shot passing down through 
her magazine, and then through her bottom. 

“The flotilla lost but one man killed and six 
wounded. The bearing of the officers and men 
was worthy of the highest praise. They never 
once flagged during a period of six days ; never 
had an accident to one of the vessels by firing, 
and when shell and shot were flying thick 
above them showed not the least desire to have 
the vessels moved to a place of safety. The 
incidents of the bombardment will be men- 
tioned in my detailed report. JI merely write 
this hurried letter to. apprise the Department 
of the state of affairs, and shall send it off at 
once via Havana. 

“The sight of this night attack was awfully 
grand. The river was lit up with rafts filled 
with pine knots, and the ships seemed to be 
fighting literally amidst flames and smoke, 
Where we were the fire of the enemy was 
high, and comparatively harmless. 

“Tam in hopes that the ships above fared as 
well as we did. Though amid such a terrific 
fire, it was gratifying to see that not a ship 
wavered, but stood steady on her course; and 


604 


I am in hopes (and I see no reason to doubt it) 
that they now have possession of New Orleans. 


“T am, with great respect, 
“Your obedient servant, 


“Davip D. Porter, 
“ Commanding Flotilla. 


‘Hon. Grpzon WELLES, Secretary of Navy.” 


COMMODORE PORTER’S SECOND REPORT. 


“U.S. Sure Harriet Lanz, April 29, 1862. 

“Sim: The morning after the ships passed 
the forts, I sent a demand to Colonel Higgins 
for a surrender of the forts, which was de- 
clined. On the 27th I sent Lieutenant-Colonel 
Higgins a communication, herewith enclosed, 
asking again for the surrender. His answer 
is enclosed. On the 28th I received a com- 
munication from him, stating that he would 
surrender the forts,and I came up and took 
possession, drew up articles of capitulation, and 
hoisted the American flag over the forts. 

“These men have defended these forts with a 
bravery worthy ofa better cause. I treated them 
with all the consideration that circumstances 
would admit. The three steamers remaining 
were under the command of Commander J. 
K. Mitchell. The officer of the fort acknow- 
ledged no connection with them, and wished 
in no way to be considered responsible for their 
acts. While I had a flag of truce up they were 
employed in towing the iron floating battery 
of sixteen guns (a most formidable affair) to a 
place above the forts, and, while drawing up 
the articles of capitulation in the cabin of the 
Harriet Lane, it was reported to me that they 
had set fire to the battery and turned it adrift 
upon us. I asked the general if it had powder 
on board or guns loaded. He replied that he 
would not undertake to say what the navy 
officers would do; he seemed to have a great 
contempt for them. I told him, ‘we could 
stand the fire and blow up if he could, and 
went on with the conference, after directing 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


the officers to look out for their ships. While 
drifting down on us, the guns, getting heated, 
exploded, throwimg the shot above the river. 
A few moments after, the battery exploded 
with a terrific noise, throwing fragments all 
over the river, and wounding one of their own 
men in Fort St. Philip, and immediately disap- 
peared under water. Had she blown up near 
the vessels, she would have destroyed the whole 
of them. 

“When I had finished taking possession of 
the forts, I got under way in the Harriet Lane 
and started for the steamers, one of which was 
still flying the confederate flag. I fired a shot 
over her and they surrendered. There was on 
board of them a number of naval officers and 
two companies of marine artillery. I made 
them surrender unconditionally, and for their 
infamous conduct in trying to blow us up while 
under a flag of truce, I conveyed them to close 
confinement as prisoners of war, and think they 
should be sent to the north, and kept in close 
confinement there until the war is over, or they 
should be tried for their infamous conduct. I 
have a great deal to do here, and will send you 
all papers when I am able to arrange them. 

I turned over the forts to General Phelps. 
Fort Jackson is a perfect ruin. Jam told that 
over eighteen hundred shells fell in and burst 
over the centre of the fort. The practice was 
beautiful. The next fort we go at we will 
settle sooner, as this has been hard to get at. 

“The naval officers sunk one gunboat while 
the capitulation was going on, but I have one 
of the other steamers at work, and hope soon 
to have the other. I find that we are to be 
the hewers of wood and drawers of water; but, 
as the soldiers have nothing here in the shape 
of motive power, we will do all we can. 

“T should have demanded an unconditional 
surrender, but with such a force in your rear it 
was desirable to get possession of these forts as 
soon as possible. The officers turned over 
| every thing in good order, except the walls and 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


buildings, which are terribly shattered by the 
mortars. 
“Very respectfully, § D. D. Portnr, 


“Commanding Flotilla. 
“« Flag-Officer D. G. Farracur.” 


REPORT OF CAPTAIN BAILEY. 


‘“‘Unirep States Gunspoat Cayueca, 
Orr New Orveans, April 25, 1862. 


“Fiac-Orricer: Your boldly conceived and 
splendidly executed plan of battle having re- 
sulted in perfect success, leaves me time to 
make up the report of my division. . 

“You will find in Lieutenant-Commanding 
Harrison’s report an accurate outline of the 
noble part taken by the Cayuga, under his 
command, and bearing my division flag. 

“ We led off at two A. M., in accordance with 
your signal, and steered directly up stream, 
edging a little to starboard, in order to give 
room for your division. I was followed by the 
Pensacola in fine style, the remainder of my 
division following in regular and compact order. 
We were scarcely above the boom when we 
were discovered, and Jackson and St. Philip 
opened upon us. We could bring no gun to 
bear, but steered directly on. We were struck 
from stem to stern. At length we were close 
up with St. Philip, when we opened with grape 
and canister. Scarcely were we above the line 
of fire, when we found ourselves attacked by 
the rebel fleet of gunboats. This was hot, but 
more congenial work. ‘Two large steamers 
now attempted to board at our starboard bow ; 
the other astern; a third on our starboard 
beam. The eleven-inch Dahlgren being trained 
on this fellow, we fired at a range of thirty 
yards. The effect was very destructive. She 
immediately steered in shore, run aground, and 
sunk. The Parrott gun on the forecastle drove 
off the one on the bow, while we prepared to 
repel boarders, so close was our remaining 
enemy about this time. Boggs and Lee came 
dashing in, and made a finish of the rebel 
boats, eleven in all. 


605 


“Tn the gray of the morning we discovered 
a camp, with the rebel flag flying ; opened with 
canister at five A. M.; received the sword and 
flag of Colonel Szymanski, and his command 
of fire companies, arms, and camp equipage. 

“While engaged at this point, observed the 
Varuna in conflict with a number of gunboats. 
She had been butted by one of them and sunk, 
but, with his forward guns still above water, 
he was bravely maintaining the fight, driving 
off his enemies, and saving his crew. Inform- 
ing Captain Lee, of the Oneida, who had also 
been engaged with the enemy, of the Varuna’s 
situation, he instantly steamed up, and made 
a finish of the rebel boats. 

“The remainder of the fleet now came up. 
The Mississippi had been detained below with 
the Manassas and another iron-clad. After this 
every thing passed under your observation. 

“JT must, in conclusion, express the pleasure 
which I experience in witnessing the seaman- 
like manner in which all the ships were han- 
dled. The reports of divisional captains will 
inform you of the particular part borne by each 
ship. 

“ Respectfully, your obedient servant, 
DAM Ey 
“ Captain Commanding Division of the Red. 


“To Flag-Officer D. G. Farracut, Commander-in-Chief, ete.” 


GENERAL REPORT OF CAPTAIN BAILEY. 


‘“‘Unirep States Gunspoat Cayuca, 
At Sxa, May 7, 1862. 


“Sir: Having found it impossible to get the 
Colorado over the bars of the Mississippi, I sent 
up a large portion of her guns and crew, filling 
up deficiencies of both in the different vessels, 
and with my aid, Acting Midshipman Higgin- 
son, steward and boat’s crew, followed up my- 
self, hoisting, by authority of the Flag-Officer, 
my Red, distinguishing flag as second in com- 
mand, first on the Oneida, Commander Lee, and 
afterwards on the Cayuga. 

“That brave, resolute, and indefatigable 
officer, Commodore D. D. Porter, was at work 


606 HISTORY OF 


with his mortar-fleet, throwing shells at and 
into Fort Jackson, while General Butler, with 
a division of his army, in transports, was wait- 
ing a favorable moment to land. 

“ After the mortar-fleet had been playing 
upon the forts for six days and nights, without 
perceptibly diminishing their fire, and one or 
two changes in programme, Flag-Officer Far- 
ragut formed the ships into two columns, ‘line 
ahead, — the column of the Red, under my 
orders, being formed on the right, and consisted 
of the Cayuga, Lieutenant-Commanding Harri- 
son, bearing my flag, and leading the Pensacola, 
Captain Morris; the Mississippi, Commander 
M. Smith; Oneida, Commander 8. P. Lee; Va- 
runa, Commander C. L. Boggs; Katahdin, Lieu- 
tenant-Commanding Preble ; Kineo, Lieuten- 
ant-Commanding Ransom, and the Wissahickon, 
Lieutenant-Commanding A. W. Smith. 

“'The column of the Blue was formed on the 
left, heading up the river, and consisted of the 
flag-ship Hartford, Commander R. Wainwright, 
and bearing the flag of the Commander-in-Chief 
Farragut ; the Brooklyn, Captain T. T. Craven ; 
the Richmond, Commander Alden; the Scioto, 
bearing the divisional flag of the fleet, Captain 
H. H. Bell, followed by the Iroquois, Itasca, 
Winona, and Kennebec. 

“At two A. M, on the morning of the 
24th, the signal ‘to advance’ was thrown out 
from the flag-ship. The Cayuga immediately 
weighed anchor and led on the column. We 
were discovered at the boom, and a little be- 
yond both forts opened their fire. When close 
up with St. Philip, we opened with grape and 
canister, still steering on. After passing this 
line of fire, we encountered the ‘ Montgomery 
flotilla, consisting of eighteen gunboats, includ- 
ing the ram Manassas, and iron battery Louis- 
lana of twenty guns. This was a moment of 
anxiety, and no supporting ship was in sight. 
By skilful steering, however, we avoided their 
attempts to butt and board, and had succeeded 
in forcing the surrender of three, when the 


THE UNITED STATES. 


Varuna, Captain Boggs, and Oneida, Captain 
Lee, were discovered near at hand. The gal- 
lant exploits of these ships will be made known 
by their commanders. 

“ At early dawn discovered a rebel camp on 
the right bank of the river. Ordering Lieuten- 
ant-Commanding N. B. Harrison to anchor close 
along, I hailed and ordered the colonel to pile 
up his arms on the river bank and come on 
board. This proved to be the Chalmetto regi- 
ment, commanded by Colonel Szymanski. The 
regimental flag, tents, and camp equipage were 
captured. 

“On the morning of the 25th, still leading 
and considerably ahead of the line, the Chal- 
metto batteries, situated three miles below the 
city, opened a cross-fire on the Cayuga. To 
this we responded with our two guns. At the 
end of twenty minutes the flag-ship ranged up 
ahead, and silenced the enemy’s guns. 

“From this point no other obstacles were 
encountered except burning steamers, cotton 
ships, fire-rafts, and the like. 

“ Immediately after anchoring in front of the 
city, I was ordered on shore by the flag-officer 
to demand the surrender of the city, and that 
the flag should be hoisted on the Post Office, 
Custom House, and Mint. What passed at this 
interview will be better stated in the flag- 
officer’s report. 

“Qn the 26th I went with the flag-officer 
some seven miles above the city, where we 
found the defences abandoned, the guns spiked, 
and gun-carriages burning. These defences 
were erected to prevent the downward passage 
of Captain Foote. On the 27th a large boom, 
situated above these defences, was destroyed 
by Captain S. Phillips Lee. 

“On the 28th General Butler landed above 
Fort St. Philip, under the guns of the Missis- 
sipp!1 and Kineo. This landing of the army 
above, together with the passage of the fleet, 
appears to have put the finishing touch to the 
demoralization of their garrison (three hundred 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


having mutinied in Fort Jackson). Both forts 
surrendered to Commodore Porter, who was 
near at hand with the vessels of his flotilla. 


“ As I left the river General Butler had gar- 


risoned Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and his 
transports, with troops, were on the way to 
occupy New Orleans. 

“JT cannot too strongly express my admira- 
tion of the cool and able management of all 
the vessels of my line by their respective 
captains. 

“ After we had passed the forts it was a con- 
test between iron hearts in wooden vessels and 
iron-clads with iron beaks, and the ‘iron hearts’ 
won. 

“On the 29th the Cayuga, Lieutenant-Com- 
manding Harrison, was selected to bring me 
home a bearer of despatches to the govern- 
ment. 

“YT have the honor to be, very respectfully, 

“ Your obedient servant, 


“TnEoporus Battery, Captain. 
‘¢Hon. Grpron Wetuzs, Secretary of the Navy.” 


REPORT OF COMMANDER BOGGS. 


‘* UNITED STATES STEAMER BROOKLYN, 
Orr New Or.eans, April 29, 1862. 


“Sr: I have the honor to report that after 
passing the batteries with the steamer Varuna 
under my command, on the morning of the 
24th, finding my vessel amid a nest of rebel 
steamers, I started ahead, delivering her fire, 
both starboard and port, at every one that she 
passed. 

“ The first vessel on her starboard beam that 
received her fire appeared to be crowded with 
troops. Her boiler was exploded, and she 
drifted to the shore. In like manner three 
other vessels, one of them a gunboat, were 
driven ashore in flames, and afterwards blew up. 

“At six A.M. the Varuna was attacked by 
the Morgan, iron-clad about the bow, com- 
manded by Beverly Kennon, an ex-naval of- 
ficer. ‘This vessel raked us along the port 


607 


gangway, killing four and wounding nine of 
the crew, butting the Varuna on the quarter 
and again on the starboard side. I managed to 
get three eight-ich shell into her abaft her 
armor, as also several shot from the after rifled 
gun, when she dropped out of action partially 
disabled. 

“ While still engaged with her, another rebel 
steamer, iron-clad, with a prow under water, 
struck us in the port gangway, doing consider- 
able damage. Our shot glanced from her bow. 
She backed off for another blow, and struck 
again in the same place, crushing in the side ; 
but by going ahead fast the concussion drew 
her bow around, and I was able, with the port 
guns, to give her, while close alongside, five 
eight-inch shells abaft her armor. This settled 
her, and drove her ashore in flames. 

“Finding the Varuna sinking, I ran her into 
the bank, let go the anchor, and tied up to the 
trees. 

“ During all this time the guns were actively 
at work crippling the Morgan, which was 
making feeble efforts to get up steam. The 
fire was kept up until the water was over the 
gun-trucks, when I turned my attention to get- 
ting the wounded and crew out of the vessel. 
The Oneida, Captain Lee, seeing the condition 
of the Varuna, had rushed to her assistance, but 
I waved her on, and the Morgan surrendered 
to her, the vessel being in flames. I have since 
learned that over fifty of her crew were killed 
and wounded, and she was set on fire by her 
commander, who burnt his wounded with his 
vessel. 

“YT cannot award too much praise to the 
officers and crew of the Varuna for the noble 
manner in which they supported me, and their 
coolness under such exciting circumstances, 
particularly when extinguishing fire, having 
been set on fire twice during the action by 
shells. 

“In fifteen minutes from the time the Va- 


‘runa was struck she was on the bottom, with 


608 HISTORY OF THE 


only her top-gallant forecastle out of water. 
The officers and crew lost every thing they 
possessed, no one thinking of leaving his sta- 
tion until driven thence by the water. I trust 
the attention of the department will be called 
to their loss, and compensation made to those 
who have lost their all. 

“The crew were taken off by the different 
vessels of the fleet as fast as. they arrived, and 
are now distributed through the squadron. The 
wounded have been sent to the Pensacola. 

“JT would particularly commend to the notice 
of the department Oscar Peck, second-class 
boy, and powder-boy of the after rifle, whose 
coolness and intrepidity attracted the attention 
of all hands. A fit reward for such services 
would be an appointment to the Naval School. 

“The marines, although new recruits, more 
than maintained the reputation of that corps. 
Their galling fire cleared the Morgan’s rifled 
gun, and prevented a repetition of her murder- 
ous fire. Four of the marines were wounded, 
one, I fear, mortally. 

“So soon as the crew were saved, I reported 
_ to you in person, and within an hour left in the 
only remaining boat belonging to the Varuna, 
with your despatches for General Butler, re- 
turning with him yesterday afternoon. 

“Very respectfully, 
“CHARLES Bogas, 
“Commander U. S. Navy. 


“Flag-Officer Davip G. Farragut, Commanding W. G. B. Squadron.” 


REPORT OF GENERAL BUTLER. 


‘6 HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, 
Forts Jackson AND Puiuip, April 29, 1862. 


“Sm: I have the honor to report that, in 
obedience to-my instructions, I remained on 
the Mississippi River, with the troops named in 
my former despatch, awaiting the action of the 


fleet engaged in the bombardment of the Forts) 


Jackson and St. Philip. 

“Failing to reduce them after six days of 
incessant fire, Flag-Officer Farragut determined 
to attempt their passage with his whole fleet, 


UNITED STATES. 


except that part thereof under the immediate 
command of Captain Porter, known as the 
mortar-fleet. 

“On the morning of the 24th instant the 
fleet got under way, and twelve vessels, includ- 
ing the four sloops of war, ran the gantlet of 
fire of the forts, and were safely above. Of the 
gallantry, courage, and conduct of this heroic 
action, unprecedented in naval warfare, consid- 
ering the character of the works and the river, 
too much cannot be said. Of its casualties, and 
the details of its performance, the flag-officer 
will give an account to the proper department. 
I witnessed this daring exploit from a point 
about eight hundred yards from Fort Jackson, 
and unwittingly under its fire, and the sublim- 
ity of the scene can never be exceeded. 

“The fleet pressed on up the river to New 
Orleans, leaving two gunboats to protect the 
quarantine station, five miles above. 

“In case the forts were not reduced and a 
portion of the fleet got by them, it had been 
arranged between the flag-officer and myself 
that I should make a landing from the Gulf 
side, in the rear of the forts at the quarantine, 
and from thence attempt Fort St. Philip by 
storm and assault, while the bombardment was 


continued by the fleet. 


“1 immediately went to Sable Island with 
my transports, twelve miles in the rear of Fort 
St. Philip, the nearest point at which a sufficient 
depth of water could be found for them. Cap- 


tain Porter put at my disposal the Miami, 
drawing seven and one half feet, being the 
lightest draught vessel in the fleet, to take the 
troops from the ship as far in as the water 
would allow. We were delayed twenty-four 
hours by her running ashore at Pass a Outre. 
The twenty-sixth regiment Massachusetts vol- 
unteers, Colonel Jones, were then put on board 
her, and carried within six miles of the fort, 
where she again grounded. 

“Captain Everett, of the sixth Massachusetts 


battery, having very fully reconnoitred the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


waters and bayous in that vicinity, and foresee- 
ing the necessity, I had collected and brought 
with me. some thirty boats, into which the troops 
were again transshipped, and conveyed by a 
most fatiguing and laborious row some four 
and a half miles farther, there being within one 
mile of the steamer only two and a half feet of 
water. 

“ A large portion of this passage was against 
a heavy current, through a bayou. At the 
entrance of Mameel’s Canal, a mile and a half 
from the point of landing, rowing became im- 
possible, as well from the narrowness of the 
canal as the streneth of the current, which ran 
like a mill-race. Through this the boats could 
only be impelled by dragging them singly, with 
the men up to their waists in water. 

“Tt is due to this fine regiment, and to a 
portion of the fourth Wisconsin volunteers and 
twenty-first Indiana, who landed under this 
hardship without a murmur, that their labors 
should be made known to the department, as 
well as to account for the slowness of our 
operations. 

“The enemy evidently considered this mode 
of attack impossible, as they had taken no 
measures to oppose it, which might very easily 
have been successfully done. 

“We occupied at once both sides of the river, 
thus effectually cutting them off from all sup- 
plies, information, or succor, while we made our 
dispositions for the assault. 

“¢ Meantime Captain Porter had sent into the 
bayou, in the rear of Fort Jackson, two schoon- 
ers of his mortar-fleet, to prevent the escape of 
the enemy from the fort in that direction. 

“Jn the hurry and darkness of the passage 
of the forts, the flag-officer had overlooked 
three of the enemy’s gunboats and the iron-clad 
battery Louisiana, which were at anchor under 
the walls of the fort. Supposing that all the 
rebel boats had been destroyed, (and a dozen 
or more had been,) he passed on to the city, 
leaving these in his rear. The iron steam- 

11 


609 


battery being very formidable, Captain Porter 
deemed it prudent to withdraw his mortar-fleet 
some miles below, where he could have room 
to manceuvre it if attacked by the iron monster, 
and the bombardment ceased. 

“Tt had got Brigadier-General Phelps in 
the river below with two regiments to make 
demonstrations in that direction if it became 
possible. 

“In the night of the 27th, learning that 
the fleet had got the city under its guns, I 
left Brigadier-General Williams in charge of 
the landing of the troops, and went up the 
river to the flag-ship to procure light draught. 
transportation. That night the larger portion 
(about two hundred and fifty) of the garrison 
of Fort Jackson mutinied, spiked the guns bear- 
ing up the river, came up and surrendered 
themselves to my pickets, declaring that, as 
we had got in their rear, resistance was useless, 
and they would not be sacrificed. No bomb 
had been thrown at them for three days, nor 
had they fired a shot at us from either fort. 
They averred that they had been impressed, 
and would fight no longer. 

“On the 28th the officers of Forts Jackson 
and St. Philip surrendered to Captain Porter, 
he having means of water transportation to 
them. While he was negotiating, however, 
with the officers of the forts under a white 
flag, the rebel naval officers put all their muni- 
tions of war on the Louisiana, set her on fire 
and adrift upon the Harriet Lane, but when 
opposite Fort St. Philip she blew up, killing 
one of their own men by the fragments which 
fell into that fort. 

“T have taken possession of the forts, and find 
them substantially as defensible as before the 
bombardment — St. Philip precisely so, it being 
quite uninjured. They are fully provisioned, 
well supplied with ammunition, and the ravy- 
ages of the shells have been defensibly repaired 
by the labors of the rebels. I will cause Lieu- 
tenant Wietzel, of the engineers, to make a 


610 


detailed report of their condition to the de- 
partment. 

“T have left the twenty-sixth regiment Mas- 
sachusetts volunteers in garrison, and am now 
going up the river to occupy the city with my 
troops, and make further demonstrations in the 
rear of the enemy now at Corinth. 

“The rebels have abandoned all their defen- 
sive works in and around New Orleans, includ- 
ing Forts Pike and Wood,on Lake Pontchartrain, 
and Fort Livingston from Barataria Bay. They 
have retired in the direction of Corinth, beyond 
Manchac Pass, and abandoned every thing up 
the river as far as Donaldsonville, some seventy 
miles beyond New Orleans. 


“T propose to so far depart from the letter of |; 


my instructions as to endeavor to persuade the 
flag-officer to pass up the river as far as the 
mouth of Red River, if possible, so as to cut off 
their supplies, and make there a landing and 
a demonstration in their rear as a diversion in 
favor of General Buell, if a decisive battle is 
not fought before such movement is possible. 

“ Mobile is ours whenever we choose, and we 
can better wait. 

“J find the city under the dominion of the 
mob. They have insulted our flag —torn it 
down with indignity. This outrage will be 
punished in such manner as in my judgment 
will caution both the perpetrators and abet- 
tors of the act, so that they shall fear the 
stripes if they do not reverence the stars of 
our banner. 

“J send a marked copy of a New Orleans 
paper containing an applauding account of the 
outrage. 

“Trusting my action may meet the approba- 
tion of the department, 

“TI am, most respectfully, 
“Your obedient servant, 
“BenzamMin F. Burier, 


“ Major-General commanding. 
“Hon. BE. M. Stanton, Secretary of War.’ 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


CHAPTER LXXIII. 


Generai Butler’s Administration in New Orleans. — Hatred of 
the Secessionists.— The General’s Policy. — His Proclama- 
tion. — The Mayor and City Council. — The Mob. — Propo- 
sition to the City Authorities. — Disposition of the Troops. — 
Want of Provisions. — Measures of Relief. — Neglect of the 
City Authorities. — Order addressed to the People. — Assess- 
ment of certain Parties for Support of the Poor. — Sanitary 
Measures. — Dangers of Yellow Fever. — Cleansing of the 
City. — Quarantine. — Absence of the Disease. — Hostility 
manifested by Women. — The “ Woman Order.” — Its Ef- 
fect. — Mrs. Philips. — Execution of Mumford. — Execution 
of Union Offenders. — Impartial Justice.— Instances of Mercy 
and Leniency on the part of the General. — Favor and Pro- 
tection to the Poor and Oppressed. — Foreign Consuls. — 
Their Sympathy with Rebels. — Difficulties with the Consuls.— 
Confiscation, &c. — Complaints to the Government. — Their 
Result. — Special Commissioner. — Mr. Reverdy Johnson. — 
Result of his Mission. — Banks. — Currency. — General View 
of General Butler’s Administration. 


THE administration of affairs in New Orleans 
by General Butler, is one of the most remark- 
able passages in the history of the rebellion; 
and his success, notwithstanding the difficulties 
with which he had to contend, stamped him as 
peculiarly adapted for the work assigned him. 
The difficulties of his position met him at the 
outset, and continued until he showed the 
rebellious, whether citizen or foreigner, that 
the government of the United States, through 
him as its representative, was their master. 

The intense hatred entertained by the earnest 
secessionists and rebels towards the national 
government and the people of the north, can 
find scarcely a parallel in modern history, when 
its sudden growth and want of cause is consid- 
ered. The manner and degree in which it has 
been demonstrated, since first aroused by the 
discovery that secession could not arrogantly 
and insolently triumph, has scarcely ever been 
equalled in malignancy by any people towards 
the most cruel enemy. Whether this be attrib- 
uted to the warm passion of southern natures, 
or to the peculiarities of their social system and 
education, the fact of this bitter hatred, ever 
| manifested in all possible ways, and in the most 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S 


cruel or most insolent manner, according as cir- | 
cumstances might permit, cannot be denied. In 
New Orleans there was a sufficient number of 
secession leaders, bold and unscrupulous in their 
action, to carry the city and state into rebellion 
in spite of the probable Union majority. The 
first steps being taken, a large majority even of 
those who would have preferred the Union, 
accepted secession and the southern confed- 
eracy as accomplished facts, and became imbued 
to a greater or less extent with the feelings of 
bitter hostility which characterized the leaders 
of the rebellion. Those who still adhered to 
the Union were few, and necessarily undemon- 
strative. But the mob, the numbers of unscru- 
pulous and depraved or of ignorant and 
unthinking men that can be found. in a city 
like New Orleans, had been controlled and 
swayed by the violent rebels, and was, perhaps, 


at the time of the arrival of Commodore Farra- | 


gut and General Butler, a fair illustration of the 
dominant sentiment of the city. It was insolent, 
malignant, and threatening in its manifestations 
of hatred to the national cause and its defend- 
ers; but it was cowardly, and needed only a 
firm and uncompromising exercise of power to 
hold it in subjection. General Butler knew well | 
the nature of a mob, and the surest way of sub- 
duing it. He soon showed that he had the| 
nerve to do as experience and reason taught 
him must be done, and he succeeded. Behind 
the mob were its instigators and supporters, 
and these were a more troublesome class; but 
General Butler, understanding men and the 
character of the rebellion, soon determined | 
what course to take in relation to this class, 
and, in proportion as his work was permitted to 
stand, he succeeded here too. The mob and, 
its instigators being disposed of, those who still 
adhered to the Union could declare themselves, | 
and the majority of those who accepted accom- 
plished facts might be found on the side of the 
national authority thus reéstablished with a_ 
firm hand. 


ADMINISTRATION. 611 


As soon as the advance of his army was 
posted in New Orleans, General Butler pre- 


pared a proclamation to the people, setting 


forth the purposes of his occupation of the city, 
and the principles which would govern his 


administration of affairs as commander of the 


department. This proclamation was sent to the 
office of the Zrue Delta newspaper to be put in 
print, but the proprietor refused to print it. 
It was not difficult, however, to find in any con- 
siderable body of northern troops men skilled 
in almost any branch of the mechanic arts, and 
after a short period a file of soldiers was sent 
to the printing office, and taking possesssion of 
the establishment, they soon had the document 
printed. In the mean time General Butler had 


jtaken possession of the deserted St. Charles 


Hotel, and established his headquarters there. 
He then sent for the mayor of the city to visit 
That officer at first refused, but being 
warned that such refusal would complicate 
matters, he deemed it expedient to comply 
with a demand which was so peremptory. Ac- 
cordingly, with Mr. Soulé, formerly a United 
States senator and envoy to Spain, and with 
other friends, he went to the General’s head- 
quarters. While there, the mob assembled 
about the building in large numbers and under 
great excitement. A regiment of troops was 
on duty there, and cannon were planted so as 
to sweep the street. But the mob was greatly 
excited, and apparently mistook the quiet 
demeanor of the troops for fear or a lack of 
spirit, and the outcries and threats soon so 
increased that an assault from the mob seemed 
inevitable. General Butler being informed of 
this state of affairs, gave orders for the officer 
in command to open upon the mob with artil- 
lery, if it could not be restrained by the show 
of force. This order alarmed the mayor and his 
friends, and they addressed the excited popu- 
lace from the building, and counselled them to 
retire. The addresses of the mayor and his 


him. 


friends, with the report that the advice would 


612 


be enforced at the mouth of the cannon unless 
quietly complied with, had the desired effect. 

This interview with the mayor did not result 
in any understanding by which the administra- 
tion of municipal affairs should be continued. 
The city authorities were contumacious, but 
General Butler was not disposed to be trifled 
with, and soon gave them to understand that 
the government of the United States was 
supreme, that the city was under martial law, 
and that they must yield to his authority as 
representative of that government. But while 
he maintained the authority of the national 
government, he desired that the city authorities 
should exercise ordinary municipal functions 
for the quiet and health of the city. The prop- 
osition was finally accepted by the city council, 
who saw the uselessness of a refusal. It was 
soon discovered by them, as by all who came 
in contact with the general, that he was in 
earnest, —as much so as even the most deter- 
mined of their own rebel leaders, — and that 
he was not to be trifled with. They did not, 
however, carry out the agreement with much 
vigor or good faith, so that many of the muni- 
cipal duties which they should have performed 
were more promptly assumed and discharged 
by the military authorities. It was evident 
that they were so hostile to the Union that 
they preferred to obstruct rather than aid in 
the measures for the good order, health, and 
welfare of the city. The mayor especially 
manifested such a disposition, and, vacillating 
between submission and opposition to General 
Butler’s orders and policy, as he was in his 
presence, or absent and under the influence of 
others, he at last so exasperated the general 
that the latter sent him to Fort Jackson, and 
appointed General Shepley, military command- 
ant, to act in his place. 

The proclamation was forthwith promul- 
gated,* a provost marshal and provost judge 


* The following were among the provisions of this proclama- 
tion : — 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES 


appointed, and stringent orders issued for the 
safety and good conduct of the troops and the 
peace and quiet of the city. As other troops 


“ All persons in arms against.the United States are required to 
surrender themselves, with their arms, equipments, and muni- 
tions of war. The body known as the European Legion, not 
being understood to be in arms against the United States, but 
organized to protect the lives and property of the citizens, are 
invited to still codperate with the forces of the United States to 
that end, and, so acting, will not be included in the terms of this 
order, but will report to these headquarters. 

‘All ensigns, flags, devices, tending to uphold any authority 
whatever, save the flags of the United States and those of foreign 
consulates, must not be exhibited, but suppressed. The American 
ensign, the emblem of the United States, must be treated with the 
utmost deference and respect by all persons, under pain of severe 
punishment. 

* All persons well disposed towards the government of the 
United States, who shall renew the oath of allegiance, will receive 
a safeguard of protection to their persons and property from the 
army of the United States, and the violation of such safeguard 
will be punishable with death. All persons still holding alle- 
giance to the confederate states will be deemed rebels against 
the government of the United States, and regarded and treated 
as enemies thereof. All foreigners, not naturalized, and claiming 
allegiance to their respective governments, and not having made 


, oath of allegiance to the government of the confederate states, 


will be protected in their persons and property, as heretofore, 
under the laws of the United States. All persons who may 
have heretofore given adherence to the supposed government 
of the confederate states, or been in their service, who shall 
lay down or deliver up their arms, return to peaceful occu- 
pations, and preserve quiet and order, holding no farther corre- 
spondence, nor giving aid and comfort to enemies of the United 
States, will not be disturbed in their persons or property, except 
so far under the orders of the commanding general as the exigen- 
cies of the public service may render necessary.” 

“ Sufficient force will be kept in the city to preserve order and 
maintain the laws. The killing of American soldiers by any dis- 
orderly person or mob, is simply assassination and murder, and 
not war, and will be so regarded and punished. The owner of 
any house in which such murder shall be committed will be held 
responsible therefor, and the house be liable to be destroyed by 
the military authority. All disorders, disturbances of the peace, 
and crimes of an aggravated nature, interfering with the forces 
or laws of the United States, will be referred to a military court 
for trial and punishment. Other misdemeanors will be subject 
to the municipal authority, if it desires to act.” 

“The circulation of confederate bonds, evidences of debt (ex- 
cept notes in the similitude of bank notes) issued by the confed- 
erate states, or scrip, or any trade in the same, is forbidden. It 
has been represented to the commanding general, by the civil 
authorities, that these confederate notes, in the form of bank 
notes, ina great measure, are the only substitutes for money 
which the people have been allowed to have, and that great dis- 
tress would ensue among the poorer classes if the circulation of 
such notes should be suppressed. Such circulation, therefore, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


arrived, they were posted on the opposite side 
of the river, and in a camp above the city, only 
a comparatively small force remaining within 
the city, at the suggestion of some of the citi- 
zens, who alleged that the danger of collision 
would be increased by the presence of a large 
army. But a sufficient force was retained for 
the protection of headquarters and the public 
buildings, and any movement of mob or organ- 
ized rebel force could speedily be met by the 
troops quartered outside of the city. The occu- 
pation of the city was thus thoroughly effected. 

The vigorous measures adopted by General 
Butler, and the arrangement entered into for the 
administration of ordinary municipal affairs by 


will be permitted so long as any one will be inconsiderate enough 
to receive them, until farther orders. 


“‘ No publication of newspapers, pamphlets, or handbills, giving | 


accounts of the movements of the soldiers of the United States 


States, intended in any way to influence the public mind against 
the United States, will be permitted, and all articles on war 
news, editorial comments, or correspondence making comments 
upon the movements of the armies of the United States, must be 
submitted to the examination of an officer, who will be detailed 
for that purpose from these headquarters. The transmission of 
all communications by telegraph will be under the charge of an 
officer detailed from these headquarters. 

“The armies of the United States came here not to destroy, 
but to restore order out of chaos, to uphold the government and 
the laws in the place of the ‘passage’ of men. To this end, 
therefore, the efforts of all well-disposed are invited, to have 
every species of disorder quelled. 

“Tf any soldier of the United States should so far forget his 
duty or his flag as to commit outrage upon any person or prop- 
erty, the commanding general requests his name to be instantly 


reported to the provost guard, so that he may be punished, and | 


his wrongful act redressed. The municipal authority, so far as 
the police of the city and environs are concerned, is to extend as 
before indicated, until suspended. 

“ All assemblages of persons in the streets, either by day or 
night, tend to disaster, and are forbidden. The various com- 
panies composing the fire department of New Orleans will be 
permitted to retain their organizations, and are to report to the 
provost marshal, so that they may be known, and not interfered 
with in their duties. 

“ And, finally, it may be sufficient to add, without farther 
enumeration, that all the requirements of martial law will be 
imposed so long as, in the judgment of the United States author- 
ities, it may be necessary; and while it is desired by these 
authorities to exercise this government mildly, and after the 
usages of the past, it must not be supposed that it will not be 
rigorously and firmly administered as the occasion calls for it.” 


| 


63 


the city government, promised to secure quiet 
to the city, and in a few days it was “as tranquil 
and peaceable as in the most quiet times.” But 
the military authorities soon found that they 
had much to do besides the administration of 
martial law. The first thing that pressed upon 
their attention was the short supply of provis- 
ions, and the exorbitant prices (in confederate 
currency, the only one in use) at which they 
were held. The poor were unable to obtain 
sufficient food, the supply of which was rapidly 
diminished, with scarcely any accession. The 
trade of the city with the interior was entirely 
stopped, and the markets were cut off from their 
usual sources of supply. The suffering soon 
became very great, and demanded prompt and 
decisive action. General Butler at once took 
measures to relieve the necessities of the poor, 


ae “*/and to secure, as far as possible, a supply of 
within this department, reflecting in any way upon the United | ; 4 Pply 


| food for the markets, by granting permits and 
| passes, under certain restrictions, for that pur- 


pose. These permits were but too frequently 
abused, by being used for conveying information 
and even supplies to the rebels. Even while the 
poor were starving, provisions were sent out of 
the city to the rebel army. On the other hand, 
to relieve the immediate wants of the poor, 
General Butler gave a thousand dollars from 
his private purse, and from the army supplies, 
which were as yet limited, distributed food to - 
such extent as was expedient; the “invaders,” 
as the northern army was termed by the rebels, 
thus proving themselves more charitable and 


|generous than the wealthy citizens, whose 


means were freely given to aid rebellion, but 
were denied to the suffering poor of the city. 
The means at the command of the general 


-were, however, insufficient to meet the wants 


of the people, and the supplies brought in 
under permits were limited, while the permits 
were abused by faithless rebels. The city 
authorities neglected their duty in respect to 
making provision for the poor, and manifested 
a disposition to thwart rather than aid the 


614 


measures adopted by the commanding general. 
In this state of affairs General Butler issued 


the following order, which showed his demo-_ 


cratic sympathies and his thorough understand- 
ing of the character of the rebellion :— 
‘New Or EAns, May 9, 1862. 

“The deplorable state of destitution and 
hunger of the mechanics and working classes 
of this city has been brought to the knowledge 
of the commanding general. — 

“He has yielded to every suggestion made 
by the city government, and ordered every 
method of furnishing food to the people of 
New Orleans that government desired. No 
relief by those officials has yet been afforded. 
This hunger does not pinch the wealthy and 
influential, the leaders of the rebellion, who 
have gotten up this war, and are now endeavor- 
ing to prosecute it, without regard to the starv- 
ing poor, the workingman, his wife, and child. 
Unmindful of their suffering fellow-citizens at 
home, they have caused or suffered provisions 
to be carried out of the city for confederate 
service since the occupation by the United 
States forces. 

“Lafayette Square, their home of affluence, 


was made the depot of stores and munitions of 


war for the rebel armies, and not of provisions 
for their poor neighbors. 
the vile, the gambler, the idler, and the ruffian, 
they have destroyed the sugar and cotton which 
might have been exchanged for food for the 
industrious and good, and regrated the price of 
that which is left, by discrediting the very cur- 
rency they had furnished, while they eloped 
with the specie; as well that stolen from the 
United States, as from the banks, the property 
of the good people of New Orleans, thus leaving 
them to ruin and starvation. 

“Fugitives from justice, many of them, and 
others, their associates, staying because too 
puerile and insignificant to be objects of pun- 
ishment by the clement government of the 
United States. 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


“They have betrayed their country : 

“They have been false to every trust: 

“They have shown themselves incapable of 
defending the state they had seized upon, 
although they have forced every poor man’s 
child into their service as soldiers for that 
purpose, while they made their sons and neph- 
ews officers: 

“They cannot protect those whom they have 


ruined, but have left them to the mercies and 


assassinations of a chronic mob: 

“They will not feed those whom they are 
starving : 

“Mostly without property themselves, they 
have plundered, stolen, and destroyed the means 
of those who had property, leaving children 
penniless and old age hopeless. 

“Men or LovmsiANA, WORKINGMEN, PRORERTY- 
HOLDERS, MERCHANTS, AND CITIZENS OF THE UNITED 
States, of whatever nation you may have had 
birth, how long will you uphold these flagrant 
wrongs, and, by inaction, suffer yourselves to 


be made the serfs of these leaders ? 


“The United States have sent land and naval 


forces here to fight and subdue rebellious armies 


in array against her authority. We find, sub- 


stantially, only fugitive masses, runaway prop- 


_ erty-burners, a whiskey-drinking mob, and starv- 
Striking hands with 


ing citizens with their wives and children. It 
is our duty to call back the first, to punish the 
second, root out the third, feed and protect the 
last. 

“Ready only for war, we had not prepared 
ourselves to feed the hungry and relieve the 
distressed with provisions. But to the extent 
possible, within the power of the commanding 
general, it shall be done. 

“He has captured a quantity of beef and 
sugar intended for the rebels in the field. A 
thousand barrels of these stores will be distrib- 
uted among the deserving poor of this city, 
from whom the rebels had plundered it; even 
although some of the food will go to supply 
the craving wants of the wives and children of 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


those now herding at ‘Camp Moore’ and else- 
where, in arms against the United States. 

“Captain John Clark, acting chief commis- 
sary of subsistence, will be charged with the 
execution of this order, and will give public 
notice of the place and manner of distribution, 
which will be arranged, as far as possible, so 
that the unworthy and dissolute will not share 
its benefits.” 


Later in the season General Butler issuéd 
another order for the relief of the poor, which 
was characteristic of his administration, and the 
justice of which can hardly be questioned. This 
was an order assessing certain parties who had 
subscribed a large sum for the defence of New 
Orleans against the national forces, or who had 
advised the planters not to send their cotton to 
the city. The order startled those whose names 
were borne upon the subscription roll, but by 
this time it was universally understood that the 
orders of the general were to be obeyed with- 
out question, and with a bad grace the parties 
assessed paid the tax, which yielded more than 
three hundred and forty thousand dollars for 
the benefit of the poor. 

Another of the early measures of importance 
adopted by General Butler was the cleansing 
of the city, and the establishment of stringent 
sanitary regulations. When the troops -first 
arrived in the city, they were greeted with 
prophecies of the ravages of the yellow fever, 
and it was confidently expected that this 
scourge of New Orleans would prevail to an 
alarming extent, and sweep away the northern 
soldiers more fearfully than the bloodiest battle. 
In their hearts the more bitter rebels hoped and 
prayed for this terrible ally, even though the 
inhabitants of the city should furnish the larger 
part of the victims. General Butler and his 
officers knew and appreciated the danger which 
threatened the unacclimated, and they knew, 
also, that the only way to meet and avert it 
was by wholesome and strict sanitary regula- 


615 


tions, and the removal of nuisances and causes 
of sickness, which had accumulated to an unu- 
sual extent. Prompt to act, and experienced 
in the more thorough sanitary systems of 
northern cities, they at once, before the fatal 
epidemic was likely to make its appearance, 
adopted measures to prevent its introduction 
and spread. A large number of men were 
employed in cleaning the streets and unoccu- 
pied lands, dredging canals, filling up pools, and 
removing all refuse matter which would occa- 
sion disease; and all this in a far more thor- 
ough manner than had usually been the prac- 
tice in New Orleans. These laborers were paid 
from the fund raised by the assessment upon 
the disloyal parties above named, which was 
thus most judiciously employed in preserving 
the health of the city and relieving the wants 
of the poor. 

Besides taking these precautionary measures 
in the city, and requiring the strictest observ- 
ance of the sanitary regulations, General But- 
ler enforced a quarantine of all vessels arriving 
from infected ports, of such duration and under 
such regulations in all cases as should insure 
safety from disease. The enforcement of this 
quarantine, which applied only to vessels from 
ports where the yellow fever existed, occasioned 
not a little complaint, and numerous protests 
and claims for damages, in which charges of 
favoritism were freely made. These charges, 
however, were not well substantiated, and the 
wisdom of the measure was abundantly proved 
by the entire absence of the fatal disease from 
the city during the season when it was confi- 
dently expected and predicted that it would 
prevail to an alarming extent. Notwithstand- 
ing the complaints, the quarantine was strictly 
enforced, and the action of the commanding 
general was sustained by the government. 
The entire success of these sanitary measures 
elicited the encomiums of all who desired that 
the city should not be visited by the much 
dreaded scourge, and was acknowledged by 


616 


those who had even hoped that the Union army 
might be swept away by the disease. 

The energetic and thoroughly earnest ad- 
ministration of General Butler, in which he 
showed little leniency towards the aiders and 
abettors of rebellion, created a strong feeling 
among them against him. He was, indeed, met 
by this class upon his arrival with the fiercest 
maledictions, and some of his orders were of a 
nature to increase their hatred. This hostility, 
however, was entertained only by the bitter 
sympathizers with rebellion, for upon these 
only did the hand of martial law weigh heavily. 
Those disposed to be loyal soon discovered 
that the military power was exercised, for the 
most part, for their protection and welfare. 
Among those who at first manifested the great- 
est aversion and the most bitter hostility to- 
wards the officers and men of the federal army, 
were many of the women even among those 
who held a high social position. They indi- 
cated their feelings in the most insulting man- 
ner whenever and wherever they met a federal 
officer or soldier. ‘The latter were under the 
strictest discipline required to avoid all mani- 
festations of resentment, or any acts which 
should lead to disturbance, and they were con- 
sequently obliged to endure the insults and 
taunts with which the female rebels continually 
annoyed them and degraded themselves. But 
it was hardly in human nature to endure with 
patience these constant and ever-increasing 
insults from the inhabitants of a conquered 
city. Officers and men, while observing the 
strict discipline which was required of them, 
chafed under the insolence to which they were 
constantly subjected, and there was danger of 
resentment, collisions, street broils, and the 
rising of the mob which would have deluged 
the city with blood. It was necessary, if pos- 
sible, to put a stop to such action on the part 
of those who, relying upon their sex for safety, 
wholly disregarded the general order which 
required respectful conduct on the part of the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


inhabitants of the city towards the military ; 
and when at length the thing was past endur- 
ance, General Butler issued an order* which 
had the desired effect, but which was wilfully 
misconstrued by the rebels, to arouse anew the 
spirit of hatred among the southern people, 
and to excite the indignation of foreign na- 
tions. ‘The order was undoubtedly intended 
to carry with it a sting which should be felt 
by those at whom it was aimed, but it gave to 
the soldiery no license, and never was con- 
strued by officer or soldier as giving them a 
right to do more than show the contempt which 
such conduct merited, or to subject the guilty 
to the penalty awarded by the local laws to 
the class of persons in which they were thus 
comprehended. On the other hand it was 
only necessary for those rebellious women to 
abstain from their offensive practices, in order 
to avoid the danger which it was pretended 
they had reason to fear. ‘The order had the 
effect to put an end to the more insolent and. 
intolerable demonstrations on the part of the 
female rebels, without a single arrest, but it was 
used throughout the rebel states, and wherever 
the rebels found sympathy, to attach infamy 
to the name of General Butler. Results, how- 
ever, proved the propriety of the order and 
the worthiness of the northern soldiers. 

There were afterwards, however, several in- 
stances of peculiar and aggravated effence on 
the part of females which met with stern pun- 
ishment. One of these was the case of a Mrs. 


* The following is the order referred to : — 


*© HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, 
NEW ORLEANS, May 15, 1862. 


“GENERAL ORDER No. 28. 

“As the officers and soldiers of the United States have been 
subject to repeated insults from the women (calling themselves 
ladies) of New Orleans, in return for the most scrupulous non- 
interference and courtesy on our part, it is ordered that hereafter 
when any female shall, by word, gesture, or movement, insult or 
show contempt for any officer or soldier of the United States, she 
shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as a woman of 
the town plying her avocation. 

“By command of MaJsoR-GENERAL BUTLER. 

“ Gzo. C. Strone, A. A. G., Chief of Staff.” 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


Phillips, who had been previously sent from 
Washington within the rebel lines for treason- 
able sympathies and practices. On the occa- 
sion of the funeral of a brave young federal 
officer, Lieutenant DeKay, some of the rebel- 
lious residents of New Orleans were guilty of 
many of the grossest indecencies to outrage 
the feelings of the Union officers and men and 
to insult the memory of the deceased. Among 
others Mrs. Phillips made herself conspicuous 
in these improprieties and insults, and General 
Butler, in order to make an example which 
should produce a good effect, sent her to Ship 
Island, where she was confined, until released 
at the suggestion of the government. Several 
men who were engaged in the same insulting 
proceedings were punished in a similar manner. 
A prompt and stern exercise of the military 
power was important at this time, for the dis- 
asters to the federal arms in Virginia had ex- 
cited the rebellious inhabitants of New Orleans 
with joy, and the belief that the days of federal 
occupation were numbered, and it was neces- 
sary to nip in the bud any demonstrations 
which would lead to greater troubles. 
Another instance of the stern exercise of 
power, which occurred just previous to the 
issue of the order in relation to women, was 
the execution of Mumford, a person of disso- 
lute character, who boasted himself the hero of 
the act of tearing down the Union flag from 
the Mint when raised thereon by Flag-Officer 
Farragut. The offence under the circumstances 
was of a serious nature, for it endangered the 
lives of all the inhabitants of the city, and it 
was a flagrant insult to the authority of the 
United States, which could not be tolerated 
without affording excuse for its repetition un- 
der still more aggravated circumstances. But 
the course of Mumford, in boasting: of his act 
and his threats of repeating it, in defiance of 
the federal authority, as well as the distinction 
which was awarded him by the rebel sympa- 
thizers, called for prompt punishment. He was 
78 


617 


arrested, tried, and condemned to death by a 
military tribunal, and though the penalty may 
seem severe for the offence, it must be re- 
membered that this was war on the part of 
the offender and on the part of the military 
authorities, and that the safety of the army and 
of Union citizens, as well as the establishment 
of the authority of the government, required 
the sternest exercise of martial law. General 
Butler approved the sentence, and it was car- 
ried into execution.. The execution struck 
terror into the hearts of many who were dis- 
posed to trifle with the federal power, and it is 
quite probable that in its general results it was 
the means of saving life, by repressing the mad 
spirit of rebellion and defiance which might 
have led to outbreaks and resistance. 

This act, and others such as have been named 
above, made General Butler feared by the en- 
emies of the government, and every where 
among them he was execrated, and his name 
branded with the most opprobrious epithets. 
But while he was charged with tyranny, cruel- 
ty, and bloodthirstiness, there is reason to be- 
lieve that the approval of the sentence of 
death cost him a severe struggle, and it was 
acquiesced in because he saw no other course 
for him to pursue with fidelity to the cause in 
which he was so earnestly enlisted. It was 
well for New Orleans and the Union cause that 
in this and other cases. he was not too tender. 
But his severity was not visited wholly upon 
the enemies of the Union, and General Butler 
proved by subsequent acts that he meted out 
the stern justice of martial law to those who 
offended against the stringent regulations which 
he established for the protection alike of friend 
and foe. At a time when searches were being 
made for concealed property of the rebel gov- 
ernment, and for arms and supplies intended 
for the rebel army, several men were arrested, 
charged with making search without authority, 
and appropriating the property of the unfor- 
tunate parties whom they visited. The author- 


618 


ized searches were made under the most strin- 
gent regulations, and by trustworthy officers. 
These parties, who had been connected with 
the transports or with the army, for the sake of 
plunder undertook to visit and search certain 
dwelling houses, conducting themselves in a 
courteous manner, but appropriating, under the 
pretence of seizing in behalf of the United 
States, whatever valuable property they could 
remove. By means of the admirable detective 
police which had been established by the pro- 
vost marshal these plunderers were discovered, 
and after a thorough examination by the com- 
manding general, they were found guilty and 
sentenced to be hung. It is certain that in 
causing this sentence to be executed General 
Butler suffered intense mental agony, but he 
firmly adhered to what he considered his duty 
to the army, to the people of New Orleans, and 
to his country, and the unfortunate parties suf 
fered the extreme penalty to which they were 
condemned. General Butler thus extorted, 
even from his enemies, the admission of his 
impartial justice, and the work of plunderers 
was effectually stopped. 

On the other hand, there were many instances 
of mercy shown to those condemned for the 
violation of martial law. Several rebel soldiers, 
who were paroled prisoners, violated their pa- 
role, and organized for the purpose of passing 
the federal pickets and joiming the rebel army 
again. The punishment for such an offence is 
usually death, and these prisoners having been 
detected in their designs and tried by a milita- 
ry commission, were condemned to suffer that 
penalty. The sentence was approved by the 
commanding general, but there were numerous 
intercessions from Union citizens and his own 
officers in behalf of the unfortunate men, who 
were the dupes of others, and he reprieved 
them and sent them to Ship Island. So ina 
conspiracy against his own life, the proof of 
which was sufficient to lead to the arrest of 
several infamous persons, the general, content 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


with frustrating their scheme, required only 
that they should leave the city.. 

General Butler’s administration was cereals 
stern and uncompromising towards the rebels, 
and all who sympathized with them, and his 
experience and observation taught him that the 
life of the rebellion was in the aristocracy 
based upon slavery and wealth. His demo- 
cratic sympathies led him to protect and favor 
the poor, while he sought to punish and humble 
the proud and rebellious aristocrat. For this he 
had many opportunities, which were improved 
by himself and his subordinates, from furnishing 
food and remunerative employment, to the pro- 
tection of the poor tenant from the extortion 
and wrong of the landlord,or of the unfortunate 
slave from the cruelty of master or mistress. 

One of the greatest and most annoying diffi- 
culties with which General Butler was obliged 
to contend was the action of the foreign consuls, 
who, from the first arrival of the federal forces, 
omitted no opportunity to interfere with and 
oppose the orders issued by the commanding 
general. There was a large foreign population 
in New Orleans, of all classes, and nowhere in 
the United States have the foreign residents 
occupied so influential a position. Some of these 
were naturalized citizens of the United States ; 
others had been long residents in the city, but 
had not been naturalized, though their interests 
were wholly identified with their place of resi- 
dence; and still others were more recent com- 
ers, who were not yet entitled to the privileges 
of citizenship. A large proportion of this for- 
eign population sympathized with the rebellion ; 
many had enlisted in the rebel army, and the 
wealthy had used their influence and contrib- 
uted largely from their means to promote the 
rebel cause. The foreign consuls were no 
exception to the rule which seems to have 
governed the sympathies of their respective 
fellow-countrymen, but were in some instances 
among the ardent supporters of secession and 
the aiders and abettors of treason and rebellion. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION, 


The Prussian consul had raised a military force, 
and had entered the rebel service with it. Other 
consuls, while they had not taken so open and 
bold a step, had favored the rebel cause in more 
or less substantial ways; and when the city 
came to be occupied by the federal troops, they 
were not backward in manifesting their sym- 
pathies, under the plea of maintaining the rights 
of neutrals. 

In the administration of martial law it was 
impossible that many orders for the safety of 
the city, or the maintenance of the federal 
authority, should not bear upon the resident 
foreigner as well as citizen. In a place like 
New Orleans, where a large number of the for- 
eigners had shown their sympathy, or even 
identified themselves, with the rebel cause, it 
was natural and just that general orders aimed 
at rebels, covert and open, should apply to and 
reach them as well as the native traitor. But 
all such orders at once met the indignant pro- 
test of the foreign consuls, who demanded ex- 
emption from them for all who claimed to be 
subjects of their respective governments. And 
the number who claimed to be such subjects 
of foreign powers was very large, and embraced 
many who had, by all the means in their power, 
aided the rebellion. Men whose interests and 
social life had been for years identified with 
New Orleans; native-born members of foreign 
families, which had long ago taken up their 
abode in the city with no idea of returning to 
their country ; men who had enjoyed the privi- 
leges of citizens, and held office in the state 
or city governments; such were those who 
claimed the protection of the consuls to screen 
them from a forfeiture of their rights or prop- 
erty on account of their complicity with treason 
and rebellion. The readiness of most of the 
consuls to take up the cause of these men, and 
the manner in which they entered their protests, 
proved that they too were in sympathy with 
traitors to the government to which they were 
accredited. 


619 


There were numerous orders and regula- 
tions to which the consuls objected, and had 
the objections been made for the purpose of 
protecting the rights of honest neutrals only, 
they would have been just and proper. But 
there were too many instances in which the 
consular interference was invoked and offered 
in behalf of the proved enemies of the United 
States government. A few of the cases may 
be cited, to show the obstacles with which Gen- 
eral Butler had to contend, and the firmness 
with which he maintained the authority of his 
government. 

The British Guard, a part of the European 
Brigade, which had been used to maintain order 
in the city just before the arrival of the federal 
troops, when that brigade was disbanded, voted 
to send their arms and equipments to General 
Beauregard, and carried the vote into effect. 
When this came to the knowledge of General 
Butler, he ordered the members of this com- 
pany to leave New Orleans within twenty-four 
hours. The acting British consul interfered in 
a manner displeasing to the commanding gen- 
eral, and without effect. The violation of neu- 
trality by this open aid to the enemies of the 
power now established in New Orleans could 
not be tolerated, and the order was enforced. 
All but two of the company left the city, and 
those two were promptly sent to Fort Jackson. 
The consul complained to the British minister, 
who presented the case to the government, and 
after some diplomatic correspondence, it was 
recommended to General Butler to release the 
two prisoners, which was done after a detention 
of several weeks. 

The case of Charles Heidsieck, in which the 
French consul interfered, was disposed of with 
similar firmness on the part of General Butler, 
and leniency on the part of the government. 
This person, a native and subject of France, 
being in the southern states on business, had 
espoused the rebel cause, and after the occupa- 
tion of New Orleans, was detected in carrying 


§20 


letters and despatches between the rebels in 
Mobile and New Orleans, disguised as a bar- 
tender on board of a boat carrying, by special 
permit, provisions from the former to the latter 
city. He was arrested as a spy and sent to Fort 
Jackson, and in due time would have been tried. 
The French consul, finding that he could not 
prevail against the determination of General 
Butler, presented the case to the government, 
through the French minister at Washington. 
After several months’ imprisonment, during 
which the matter was the subject of diplomacy, 
Heidsieck was released by order of the govern- 
ment, upon his parole not to visit the rebel 
states. He demanded reparation for his con- 
finement, but this insolent demand was not 
heeded. The leniency shown by the govern- 
ment in these and other cases was perhaps 
wise. The secretary of state was disposed to 
conciliate foreign powers, or at least to have no 
cause of quarrel with them while the rebellion 
continued, if possible to avoid it without humil- 
iation. In this view the action of the govern- 
ment may have been politic, but its effect upon 
the rebels of New Orleans and their alien abet- 
tors was to render the task of the federal gen- 
eral much more difficult. 

The action of General Butler which excited 
the greatest indignation among the foreign 
consuls, was the seizure of eight hundred thou- 
sand dollars in silver, in charge of the consul 
of the Netherlands; the manner of the seizure, 
and the force used against the consul’s person, 
being the alleged chief cause of offence. Gen- 
eral Butler had reason to believe, from evidence 


which had been placed in his possession, that | 


this silver had been secretly removed from the 


Citizens’ Bank to the Dutch consulate, to be 


used for the benefit of the rebel government 


in Europe, in fraud of the creditors of the bank, 
or as the actual property of that government, | 
received for its treasury notes. He sent officers | 


to demand its surrender until the case could be 


|; tile. 
investigated and adjudicated. The consul pro-| 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


tested, with great vehemence, against this vio- 
lation of his consular rights and privileges; but 
the officers obeyed their orders, and after much 
trouble, and forcibly taking the key to the con- 
sular vault from his person, the silver was dis- . 
covered, contained in a large number of boxes, 
marked “Hope & Co.,” the style of a large 
banking house in Amsterdam. Other effects, 
unquestionably the property of the bank, were 
found, which could not have been honestly 
placed under the protection of the Dutch con- 
sul, and plates of “confederate” treasury notes 
were also discovered in the same safe-keeping. 
The property discovered, and all the circum- 
stances connected with the discovery, afforded 
additional evidence of a fraudulent use of the 
consular flag, and justification of the seizure. 
The further investigations of General Butler 
proved that he was right. But the violation 
of the “rights” of the Dutch consul called forth 
a protest from the other consuls, in which they 
complained somewhat bitterly of the indignity 
and ill usage to which he had been subjected. 
To this General Butler made a characteristic 
reply, in which he justified the seizure upon 
the proofs in his possession, and gave the con- 
suls to understand “that in order to be re- 
spected, the consul, his office, and the use of 
his flag, must each and all be respectable.” 
The seizure of the silver in the possession 
of the Dutch consul was followed by the se- 
questration of another large sum which had 
been deposited with the French consul, to be 
used for the payment, on the part of the rebel 
government, for certain clothing and munitions 
imported for it by a French house. A large 
quantity of sugar, which’ was with good reason 
supposed to be pledged to support the credit 
of the rebel government, was also seized, and 
three of the foreign consuls protested against 
the seizure, on the ground that the transactions 
in relation to these sugars were strictly mercan- 
General Butler, however, had evidence 
besides the mere superficial statement and ap- 


PRESIDENT 


pearance of the affair, and held the sugar for 
further investigation. Various other seizures, 
of arms and other supplies, intended for the 
rebel government, or to be sold to it, or of other 
proceeds of cotton run through the blockade, 
in part on account of the rebel government, 
were made from time to time, and called forth 
complaints and protests from the foreign 
consuls, because the parties engaged in the 
transactions were subjects of foreign powers. 
But General Butler, brushing away mere out- 
side appearances and pretences, looked at the 
purpose and result of such transactions, and 
finding these to be aid and comfort to the reb- 
els, he determined to stop them if in his power. 
The enforcement of the confiscation act of Con- 
gress, in anticipation of the operation of which 
much property: was transferred by the rebel 
residents of New Orleans to foreigners or loyal 
citizens, called forth further complaints from 
the consuls, as did also the quarantine regula- 
tions. 

An order requiring that all citizens and for- 
eign born persons who had resided in the coun- 
try five years, and had claimed or received no 
“protection” from their government, should 
take the oath of allegiance to the United States 
before receiving any favor, protection, privilege, 
passport, or other benefit from the United States 
authorities (except protection from personal 
violence, which was extended to all), and re- 
quiring that foreigners, who had protections 
from their governments, before receiving like 
favors should take an oath not to give aid and 
comfort, directly or indirectly, to the enemies 
of the United States, was the cause of another 
joint protest on the part of the consuls. To 
this General Butler replied with caustic severity 
and sound argument; but he modified the oath 
required of all foreigners, by substituting one in 
form like that previously taken by all the offi- 
cers of the foreign legion in support of the 
rebel government. Against that oath no pro- 
tests had been made to the rebel authorities by 


LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


621 


foreign consul or subject, although stronger and 
more direct than that one first required by Gen- 
eral Butler; and when it was adopted by the 
latter, with the simple substitution of United 
States for “ Confederate States,” the outwitted 
consuls and their rebel friends were obliged to 
submit with what grace they were able. Simi- 
lar difficulties arose upon a necessary order 
for disarming the people, which was enforced 
against citizen and foreigner alike, except where 
the parties were of undisputed loyalty. 

These various subjects of complaint were 
duly referred by the consuls to the ministers 
of their respective governments at Washington, 
with such representations as should show the 
strongest possible case of aggression and wrong 
on the part of General Butler. The complaints 
were carried by the ministers to the govern- 
ment through the secretary of state, and volu- 
minous correspondence followed. The govern- 
ment had not yet adopted a firm and decided 
policy with regard to the rebellion. Concilia- 
tion and leniency, which had been spurned by 
the rebels, and proven by experience to be 
unavailing, were not abandoned, even towards 
the most malignant rebel districts. Towards 
foreign powers, the relations with which were 
in the main conducted with great ability by 
Mr. Seward, there was a disposition to preserve 
the most friendly conduct, and to avoid the 
slightest cause of complaint. The wisdom of 
such a general policy with regard to foreign 
powers, in the existing condition of domestic 
affairs, can hardly be disputed, but that it was 
carried to the extreme limit consistent with 
national dignity,is also true. In the case of the 
consul of the Netherlands, after much corre- 
spondence, the course pursued by General But- 
ler was virtually cOndemned, and the consul 
was requested to resume his functions. Other 
cases were disposed of in a similar spirit of con- 
ciliation and deference to the demands of the 
foreign ministers, and in addition to this a 
military governor of Louisiana was appointed, 


622 HISTORY OF THE 


nominally, though not practically, to supersede 
General Butler in the administration of affairs, | 
and Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, promi- 
nent as one of the most “ conservative” sup- 
porters of the government, was sent to New 
Orleans, as a special commissioner, to investi- 
gate the subjects of complaint, and to determine 
the various claims set up by resident foreigners. 

Mr. Johnson, apparently acting under in- 
structions from the state department, entered 
upon his duties with an evident disposition to 
conciliation and leniency. The cases brought 
before him were investigated without reference 
so much to the evidence in the possession of 
the military authorities as to the statements of 
the claimants, and general principles applied to 
the facts, as represented by the parties inter- 
ested. Upon such statements of fact and gen- 
eral principles the decisions of the commissioner 
were correct, but the facts suppressed by the 
claimants, which controlled each particular case 
and showed the complicity of alleged neutrals 
with the rebels, do not appear to have been in- 
vestigated or to have had much weight. Sub- 
sequent events proved, as in the case of the 
silver sequestrated while in the possession of 
the French consul, that the military authorities 
had good reason to doubt the neutrality of 
consuls and the parties whom they represented. 
The silver seized at the Dutch consulate, as 
well as that sequestrated while in the posses- 
sion of the French consul, because there was 
good reason to believe that it was to be used 
for the benefit of the rebel government, was 
restored to the claimants. The sugar seized 
on the reasonable ground that it was to sup- 
port the rebel credit abroad, was also delivered 
to the claimants. The proceeds of cotton ex- 
ported in violation of the~blockade, a part of 
which was for the direct aid of the rebellion, 
was given up on technical grounds. All these 
and similar decisions were made, not with the 
view of punishing traitors and crushing the re- 
bellion, which was the stern purpose of General 


UNITED STATES. 


Butler, but for the purpose of removing all 
causes of complaint which might compromise 
the friendly relations with foreign powers, and 
perhaps of conciliating men who might possi- 
bly, by such a course, abandon their sympathies 
with the rebel cause. The result of Mr. John- 
son’s mission was not favorable to the Union 
cause, or to the strength of the military au- 
thority in New Orleans. The earlier decisions 
induced many, who had otherwise submitted 
to the decrees of martial law, to present their 
claims to Mr. Johnson, who, in many cases, de- 
cided in favor of the claimants, while others 
were reserved to be presented to the govern- 
ment at Washington. 

The natural consequence of all this, without 
intention on the part of the government, was 
to weaken General Butler’s authority and -in- 
fluence, and really to endanger the national 
cause in New Orleans. Rebels, and their foreign 
sympathizers and aiders, believing that the com- 
manding general was not sustained by his gov- 
ernment, were the more unwilling to submit 
to his orders and regulations, and the quicker 
to resent alleged violations of neutral rights, 
and to appeal from him to the government. 
With a man of less firmness and determination 
than General Butler the result might have 
been almost fatal to the national cause. But 
his earnestness was not dampened, nor the 
rigor of his measures abated, and in all matters 
where his military authority could not be dis- 
puted or appealed from, he maintained the 
power of the United States, and held rebels in 
subjection with an iron hand. Meanwhile the 
Union sentiment extended and grew stronger, 
and the general found that he was supported 
by a large number of loyal residents, who, in 
proportion to the strength of their loyalty, 
approved his measures. 

Next to the foreign consuls, the banks were, 
perhaps, for a time the most troublesome parties 
with whom the national authorities had to deal. 
The currency had at the outset demanded the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


attention of General Butler. It was found in 
a deplorable condition. “Confederate” notes 
composing the principal part of it, and these 
depreciated to less than half their nominal val- 
ue, while the smaller currency consisted of 
omnibus tickets and notes or checks issued by 
drinking-house keepers and other individuals, 
ad libitum. General Butler determined to put 
an end to the circulation of the “ confederate” 
notes; but on the representations of Mr. Soulé 
and others, that there being no other sufficient 
currency the poor would be the greatest suffer- 
ers by such a measure, the temporary circula- 
tion of these notes was allowed. The banks had 
profited by the depreciation of the “ confeder- 
ate” notes, both before and after the occupation 
of the city by the federal forces, buying them 
at their depreciated value, and issuing them at 
par in the place of their own notes, which had 
almost entirely disappeared. All the specie of 
the banks, which had not been placed under the 
protection of foreign consuls, had been trans- 
ferred to other places within the rebel lines, 
where it was seized by the rebel government, 
under the pretext of protecting it from falling 
into the hands of the federal forces. An at- 
tempt by the banks to recover it, under the 
promise of protection*given by General Butler, 
failed, the rebel government refusing to restore 
it. The banks were, therefore, compelled to do 
business on the basis of this coin, which was 
beyond their reach, or to suspend operations 
entirely. Under the circumstances the former 
was the smaller evil, and the banks, with two 
or three exceptions, continued their business. 
General Butler found that the temporary 
circulation of the “confederate” notes was op- 
erating more for the advantage of the rebel 
government and its sympathizers than for the 
relief of the people of New Orleans. So long 
as the notes of the rebel government were cir- 
culated, its authority was represented and re- 
spected, and it was no part of General Butler's 
policy to recognize or tolerate in any way the 


623 


rebel authority. He accordingly issued an 
order, prohibiting “all circulation of, or trade 
in, confederate notes or bills,’ on and after the 
27th day of May, and declaring void all trans- 
fers of property, made after that date, in con- 
sideration of such notes or bills. The order 
produced great agitation amony the bankers 
and others who were freely using the rebel 
currency ; but they had come to know that the 
orders of General Butler would be enforced, 
and had not then learned that his government 
would not sustain him in all his measures. 
They immediately prepared to carry out the 
order, with such evasions as they could prac- 
tice. They called upon all those who had 
deposited “confederate” notes to draw their 
money in these notes before the day prescribed, 
or the deposit would be at the risk of the de- 
positor. This action of the banks caused as 
great an excitement among the traders and 
others as General Butler’s order had among the 
bankers, and was designed to transfer, as much 
as possible, all losses or inconveniences from 
the banks to the merchants and traders. The 
effect was bad, and the. conduct of the banks 
unjust and offensive. As soon as this was per- 
ceived, General Butler issued an order, which, 
after reciting the reprehensible course of the 
banks, directed that no more “confederate” 
notes should be paid out to depositors or cred- 
itors, but that all such should be paid in cur- 
rent bills of the city banks, United States notes, 
or in gold and silver. .The order also regulated 
the issue of bank notes, and was designed, gen- 
erally, to restore a safe and convenient cur- 
rency to the community, while it abolished the 
representation of rebel authority, and destroyed 
the baleful influence of rebel financiers. The 
order at once produced a good effect among 
the people, by increasing confidence in the 
national authority; and in its operation, in 
spite of the attempts to evade and thwart it, it 
proved a great benefit to the community. In 
all his orders and correspondence with contu- 


624 


macious bank officers in relation to the cur- 
rency, General Butler manifested great prompt- 
ness and knowledge of business and of human 
nature, as well as a firm and undeviating pur- 
pose to suppress rebellion and punish rebels. 
Another order, which affected the banks as 
well as agents and officers of the rebel govern- 
ment, was one for the surrender of all property 
belonging to the rebel government. In some 
of the banks there were sums of money stand- 
ing to the credit of the rebel government or its 
agents, which were declared now to belong to 
the United States; and though the bank which 
acknowledged the largest deposits of this kind 
endeavored to evade the full force of the order, 
it was enforced like all others, and General 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


Butler thus secured a considerable sum for the 
United States before it could be transferred 
beyond his reach. 

Prompt and vigorous in action, as General 
Butler was, an uncompromising enemy of re- 
bellion, and troubled with no tenderness to- 
wards his enemies and those of his country, it 
could hardly be expected that his administra- 
tion would be conciliatory towards rebel sym- 
pathizers under his almost absolute control, or 
that it could be without fault in some of its 
various departments. It was, undoubtedly, 
sometimes exceedingly harsh and severe upon 
known or suspected rebels, and he resorted, 
perhaps, in some cases, to extreme measures. 
But his whole policy was directed to the main- 
tenance of the national authority and the 
crushing of rebellion. He made the rebels 
fear and obey him, and so sternly was his ad- 
ministration felt by them, that by his acts, and 
those falsely ascribed to him, he seems to have 
inspired an almost universal hatred among the 
people of the rebel states, and secured an im- 
potent proclamation of outlawry from the rebel 
president. While he showed little mercy to 
rebels, especially those of wealth and social 
position, he did much for the benefit of the 
masses of the people and the protection of | 


those disposed to be loyal. By his prompt and 


STATES. — 


vigorous measures he supplied food to the suf 
fering people; he gave employment and sup- 
port to the poor; he restored a sound currency ; 
he secured good order and safety to life and 
property, such as the community had not for 
years enjoyed ; he adopted a system of sanitary 


|measures which preserved the city from pesti- 


lence, and will stand as an example for future 
years » he administered justice to the poor, not 
infrequently retribution to the oppressor or 
swindler, and he afforded protection to the op- 
pressed, both bond and free. In many respects, 
by ability, education, and temperament, Gen- 
eral Butler was peculiarly fitted to deal with 
the southern rebels, and the national cause was 
greatly indebted to him for its successful main- 
tenance in New Orleans. But questions of 
policy, foreign and domestic, which it was 
thought could not be disposed of by the vigor- 
ous measures of. General Butler, prevented the 
full effect even of his unquestioned acts, and 
led eventually to a change in the command of 
the department. 


CHAPTER LXXIV. 


Operations near Corinth. — GeneraleHalleck. — Réenforcements. 
— The Rebel Position and Forces. —- Nature of the Country. 
— Advance of the Federal Army. — Reconnoissances. — 
Rebel Resistance. — Engagement near Farmington. — Cau- 
tious Advance of General Halleck. — Skirmishes. — Cavalry 
Expedition.—-Its Success. — Preparations for Attack. — The 
Advance contested by the Rebels. — Rebel Preparations for 
Evacuation and Retreat. — Entrance into Corinth. — Flight 
of the Rebels.— Destruction of Property.— General Hal- 
leck’s Despatches. — Pursuit of the Rebels. — Skirmishes. — 
Letter of General Granger. — The Result. — Movements of 
General Mitchell.— Advance into Alabama.— Capture of 
Huntsville. — Seizure of the Railroad and Cars. — Occupa- 
tion of Railroad Line from Stevenson to Decatur. — General 
Order of General Mitchell. — His Position. — Concentration 
of Rebel Forces. — Retreat of Federal Forces. — Operations 
towards Chattanooga. — Skirmishes. — Want of Reénforce- 
ments. — Further Operations abandoned. 


As stated in a previous chapter,* after the 
battle of Shiloh, General Halleck assumed the 


* Chapter LXX. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


command of the combined armies of Generals 
Grant and Buell, and at once took the field. 
The army was reorganized to some extent, — 
Generals Grant and Buell retaining command 
of their respective forces,— and, reénforced by 
the division of General Pope, which arrived 
from New Madrid, and added about twenty-five 
thousand men to the federal forces. With 
this and other unimportant reénforcements, the 
army of General Halleck numbered about one 
hundred and eight thousand men. It was 
near the end of April before the preparations 
were completed for an advance, and then it was 
commenced with certainty, but with great de- 
liberation and caution. Day by day some 
slight progress was made by the advance of a 
division a few miles, and the extension of out- 
posts. Bridges, which had been destroyed by 
the rebels, were rebuilt; old roads were re- 
paired and new constructed, and numerous 
obstructions were removed, so as to render the 
movement of artillery and the transportation of 
subsistence more sure and easy. In the mean 
time expeditions were sent out to reconnoitre, 
and to sever the enemy’s communications when 
possible. Occasional skirmishes took place be- 
tween these parties and the rebel forces, whose 
presence in all directions indicated a large rebel 
force at Corinth and in its vicinity, and an ac- 
tivity which was likely to result in severe battle. 

The rebel position at Corinth was a strong 
one for defence, as well as on account of 
railroad communication, the Memphis and 
Charleston railroad running through it from 
east to west, and the Mobile and Ohio railroad 
from north to south. The fortifications ex- 
tended nearly fifteen miles, strong batteries 
being constructed at points commanding every 
road and all possible approaches. A sluggish 
stream flowed along their whole front through 
a ravine mtich below the works, and between 
this and the fortifications a dense timber was 
cut down at all accessible points, so as to form 


an abatis impassable for cavalry or artillery. 


79 


i 


625 


s 


The rebel force was increased after the battle 
of Shiloh by troops from New Orleans and Pen- 
sacola, when those places were occupied by the 
federal forces, and by others called out by the 
governor of Mississippi, so that the army under 
Beauregard was supposed to be fully equal in 
numbers to that under General Halleck. The 
strength of their position and fortifications 
would enable the rebels to repulse a much 
larger attacking army, and they were encour- 
aged by their leaders to believe that in the 
impending battle they would utterly defeat the 
federal forces, and drive them back, at least, 
into Tennessee. 

The country between the rebel position and 
the Tennessee, through which the federal army 
advanced, is broken into long ridges and hills, 
with numerous valleys more or less abrupt, and 
swampy bottoms, and much of it was covered 
with a dense forest, which had been felled in 
many places, to form obstructions to the ad- 
vance of the army. The movement of the 
army over this ground was difficult and neces- 
sarily slow, and the caution with which the 
commanding general advanced, keeping his 
forces well together, and throwing up breast- 
works at each halting-place, rendered the prog: 
ress still more slow. On the 3d of May the 
main body of the army was within eight miles 
of Corinth, but from this point the advance was 
made even more slowly and with still greater 
caution. Movements were now made with the 
| view of cutting off the retreat of the rebels, by 

destroying their railroad communications, and 
then by drawing in the federal lines more 
closely about them, practically to besiege them 
in their fortifications, and, by a vigorous attack, 
compel a surrender. These movements were 
made from the right wing, now commanded by 
General Thomas, and from the left wing, coin- 
;manded by General Pope, who occupied the 
most advanced position in the federal lines. 
The most important of these preliminary 
operations was a reconnoissance to Farming- 


626 


ton, about five miles east of Corinth, by a por- 
tion of General Pope’s command, and at the 
same time an expedition to the Charleston and 
Memphis railroad, for the destruction of bridges 
and interruption of communications. ‘The force 
sent by General Pope to Farmington discovered 
the rebels to the number of four or five thou- 
sand, posted there in a strong position, and 
manifesting at first a determination to resist 
the advance of the federal troops. After sharp 
skirmishing through woods and swamps with 
the enemy’s pickets, a heavy fire of artillery 
was opened upon the main body of his forces, 
and they were soon driven away. The federal 
force took possession of the village and the 
positions previously occupied by the rebels, 
having gained a decided advantage with but 
small loss, while the loss of the enemy, though 
not .large, was comparatively much greater. 
In the mean time the expedition sent farther 
south to the railroad had destroyed two bridges, 
and otherwise interrupted communication. 

The reconnoissances from the federal army 
indicated a determination on the part of the 
rebels to resist, at every point, the farther ad- 
vance of the federal army, and a few days after 
the occupation of Farmington, on the 9th of 
May, they assumed the offensive, by attacking, 
in strong force, the federal brigade which had 
been advanced a little beyond that place, and 
was separated from the remainder of the division 
. by a creek. From the rebel accounts it ap- 
pears that the intention was to flank General 
Pope’s forces, and by getting a large force in 
his rear while the attack was made in front, to 
capture the greater part of his troops posted in 
the vicinity of Farmington. This purpose, how- 
ever, if contemplated, utterly failed of accom- 
plishment. The federal brigade, which was in 
the advance, maintained its position for several 
hours, though the conflict was, for much of that 
time, scarcely more than a skirmish. When 
it began to be pressed by evidently superior 
‘numbers, and General Pope found that he could 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


not sustain it except by crossing the creek with 
his whole force, the brigade was ordered to ne- 
tire, and to fall back to the main position of 
the division a short distance east of Farming- 
ton. To have crossed the creek with his whole 
force might have brought on a general engage- 
ment, which was contrary to the desire and 
orders of General Halleck. The loss of the 
federal force in this affair was about one hun- 
dred and fifty in killed, wounded, and miss- 
ing, and the loss of the enemy was about the 
same. The rebels occupied their former posi- 
tion at Farmington for a few days, as a result 
of their not very decided success, and may 
have gained some knowledge of the strength 
and position of General Pope’s command ; but 
the advantage was not very encouraging, and 
they soon abandoned Farmington, and the 
federal line was again advanced. 

The enemy probably discovered by this 
movement that General Halleck’s army was so 
disposed as to prevent a successful flank attack, 
and he may have learned also that its slow 
progress was not to be attributed to timidity, 
as in their inflated addresses to their soldiers 
the rebel leaders declared, so much as to the 
caution of a general who was determined to 
achieve success by the application of military 
science to all his plans and movements. The 
federal army had been advanced but a few miles 
at a time, and then along its whole front breast- 
works or redoubts of timber and earth were 
constructed, as a protection against an attack 
by the enemy before a farther advance, and as 
a line of safety in case of a reverse on a more 
advanced field. Every thing that was necessary 
to facilitate the movement of artillery and sup- 
plies was attended to at each stage of progress, 
and the heavy guns, as well as the light bat- 
teries, were every where in available position 
for offensive or defensive purposes. 

Whether the character of General Halleck’s 
movements were fully known or not to the 
rebel generals, it appears that soon after the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


movement at Farmington, while they con- 
tinued to strengthen their position by fortifica- 
tions, and to encourage their men by gran- 
diloquent promises of a speedy victory, they 
must have contemplated, if not made prepara- 
tions for, a withdrawal from Corinth, by the 
removal of supplies and ammunition. By the 
21st of May the federal lines had advanced to 
within three miles of Corinth, and the skirmish- 
ing of pickets became almost constant along 
the whole front, and was continued up to the 
time of the final advance, showing that the 
enemy was prepared for an attack, and ready 
to resist at all points. This condition of affairs 
continued a week, while General Halleck was 
deliberately making his dispositions for a final 
advance, and so perfecting his plans and getting 
his forces in hand that success might be in- 
sured. Before making his final advance and 
attack, General Halleck despatched a cavalry 
force to destroy the railroad leading south from 
Corinth, the travel upon which had not yet been 
interrupted. This force proceeded to Boone- 
ville, about twenty-four miles south of Corinth, 
where a large amount of stores, arms, and 
ammunition was found and destroyed, a con- 
siderable number of sick rebel soldiers were 
paroled, and railroad communication was tem- 
porarily interrupted by the destruction of en- 
gines, cars, and depot, and the removal of rails. 

While this cavalry force was absent, and be- 
fore it had accomplished its work, on the 28th 
of May, three strong reconnoitring columns 
were advanced by General Halleck from the 
right, centre, and left of his lines, to feel of the 
enemy and unmask his batteries. The country 
was here very thickly wooded, and the federal 
forces advanced slowly, as it were feeling their 
way. The rebel pickets resisted the advance 
at all points, and sharp skirmishing ensued, 
especially on the left of the federal line. The 
result was an advance of the federal forces with 
their artillery to positions from which fire could 
be opened the next morning upon the rebel 


627 


intrenchments, the position of which had been 
ascertained. The movements were made with 
the same caution and care as before; the ene- 
my’s pickets being driven back, the advance 
parties constructed works on which the siege 
and field guns were mounted, the supports were 
brought up, and assaulting parties were organ- 
ized. These preparations were not completed 
till the 29th, and they were opposed not only by 
the pickets and advanced force of the enemy, 
but by a heavy fire from the rebel batteries. 
This opposition was kept up with much vigor 
by the rebels until nine o’clock on the morning 
of the 29th, when their musketry firing almost 
entirely ceased, though a gradually diminished 
fire from their batteries was kept up till the 
close of that day. During the succeeding night 
a number of heavy explosions were heard in 
the enemy’s works, which were supposed to be 
the destruction of his magazines. In the latter 
part of the night several buildings in the village 
of Corinth were discovered to be in flames by 
those in the front of the federal lines, and it 
was correctly surmised that the rebels were 
evacuating their position. 

On the morning of the 30th of May it was 
apparent that there was no force to resist the 
federal advance, for which preparations were 
made at an early hour. Some of the federal 
officers, seeing that there was no enemy in front, 
and impatient to discover his movement, rode 
forward in advance of the troops, and passing 
through his strong and well constructed works 
without meeting any rebels, entered the town 
at half past six o’clock. Here they discovered 
that the enemy had indeed gone, and had de- 
stroyed vast quantities of supplies and ammu- 
nition which he was unable to remove. One 
large storehouse of provisions remained un- 
damaged, but much larger quantities had been 
destroyed, while others had, without doubt, 
been removed. An examination of the rebel 
works showed that they had succeeded in re- 
| moving all their ordnance, and what ammunition 


628 


had been left was mostly in a damaged and 
useless condition. That the work of evacuation 


had been completed in haste was evident, but. 


it was also certain that the movement had been 
going on for several days, and preparations for 
it had probably commenced more than a week 
previous. As in all such movements, the final 
operations were effected amid much confusion, 
causing a serious loss of material, and a de- 
moralization of men scarcely better than a 
defeat in the field. . 

The following despatches of General Halleck, 
announcing the final movements of the army 
and their result, show how unexpected to him 
was the evacuation :— 

‘¢ HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF MissIssIPPi, 
Came on Corintu Roan, May 28, 1862. f 

“Three strong reconnoitring columns ad- 
vanced this morning on the right, centre, and 
left, to feel the enemy and unmask his batte- 
ries. The enemy hotly contested his ground 
at each point, but was driven back with con- 
siderable loss. The column on the left en- 
countered the strongest opposition. Our loss 
was twenty-five killed and wounded. The ene- 
my left thirty dead on the field. The losses at 
other points are not yet ascertained. Some 
five or six officers and a number of privates 
were captured. The fighting will probably be 
renewed to-morrow morning at daybreak. The 
whole country is so thickly wooded that we 
are compelled to feel our way. 

“H. W. Hatreck, Major-General. 
‘‘Hon. EH. M. Sranron, Secretary of War.” 
‘‘Near CorintH, May 30, 1862. 

“General Pope’s heavy batteries opened upon 
the enemy’s intrenchments yesterday, about 
ten A. M., and soon drove the rebels from their 
advanced battery. 

“ Major-General Sherman established another 
battery yesterday afternoon within one thou- 
sand yards of their works, and skirmishing 
parties advanced at daybreak this morning. 

“Three of our divisions are already in the 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


enemy’s advanced works, about three quarters 
of a mile from Corinth, which is in flames. 
“The enemy has fallen back of the Mobile 


railroad. 
“H. W. Hatreck, Major-General. 


‘‘Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War,” 


‘Near Corintu, May 30, 1862. 
“Our advanced guard are in Corinth. There 
are conflicting accounts as to the enemy’s 
movements. They are believed to be in strong 
force on our left flank, some four or five miles 
south of Corinth, near the Mobile and Ohio 
railroad. 


“HAH. W. Hatieck, Major-General. 


‘‘Hon. E. M. Sranron, Secretary of War.” 


‘*HEADQUARTERS CAMP NEAR CorinTH, May 30, 1862. 

“The enemy’s position and works in front of 
Corinth were unexpectedly strong. He can- 
not occupy a stronger position in his flight. 

“This morning he destroyed an immense 
amount of public and private property, stores, 
provisions, wagons, tents, &c. 

“For miles out of town the roads are filled 
with arms, haversacks, &c., thrown away by his 
flying troops. 

“ A large number of prisoners and deserters 
have been captured, and are estimated by 
General Pope at two thousand. 

“General Beauregard evidently distrusts his 
army, or he would have defended so strong a 
position. His troops are generally much dis- 
couraged and demoralized. In all their engage- 
ments for the last few days their resistance has 


been weak. 
“HH. W. Hatieck, Major-General. 


“Hon. E. M. Sranton, Secretary of War.” 


The advance of General Pope’s forces entered 
the town shortly before seven o’clock, just as 
the last of the rebel cavalry, detailed for some 
work of destruction, galloped out on the other 
side. One company of cavalry, General Pope’s 
escort, pushed after the retreating rebels, and 
had a brisk skirmish, in which several were 


\ 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


killed and captured ; but a few miles out, further 
pursuit was stopped by the burning of a bridge 
over a swampy creek, which it was difficult to 
cross otherwise. There seems to have been some 
unexplained delay in sending forward a suffi- 
cient force of cavalry and light artillery in pur- 
suit of the retreating rebels. As other bodies 
of the federal army were advanced, however, 
a considerable number of stragglers were cap- 
tured in the woods and along the roads, many 
of them having been on picket duty, and not 
informed of the proposed evacuation. Later in 


the day, a brigade of cavalry and a battery of 


artillery, under General Granger, were sent 


out by General Pope from Farmington, to pur- 


- a show of resistance. 


sue the enemy and to annoy and cut off his 
rear guard. This force, just at night, came up 


with the rebel rear guard at Tuscumbia Creek, | 


eight miles south of Corinth, and on the fol- 
lowing day drove them from their position. 
The pursuit was afterwards resumed, and near 
Booneville, the advance of General Granger’s 
force came in sight of the rebels, and pursued 
them closely to within one mile of that town. 
This was two days after the cavalry force sent 
by General Halleck to cut the railroad’ had 
visited this place, as previously mentioned. 
That force had reached Booneville before the 
main body of the rebel army, and its operations 
had created great alarm among the rebels, and 
had so disconcerted their generals that a part 
of their army was moved in another direction. 
General Granger’s whole force having come up, 
he entered Booneville, and thence pursued the 
rebel forces on several roads, skirmishing sharp- 
ly most of the day, and capturing a few prison- 
ers. The pursuit was continued, though not 
very sharply, till the 10th of June, when it 
terminated in the occupation of Baldwin and 
Guntown, the rebels having been driven from 
two or three positions, where they had made 
The pursuit resulted 
in the capture of not a very large number of 
prisoners, but revealed the loss of supplies 


629 


and baggage, and a considerable number of 
small arms and equipments thrown away by 
the demoralized stragglers of the retreating 
army. The main body of the rebel army fell 
back to Tupello, and the campaign in this sec- 
tion was ended for the season. 

The following letter from General Granger, 
called forth by a statement of Beauregard, 
denying certain reports of the federal success 
which had been officially announced, gives a 
report of the operations of the cavalry force 
under his command : — 


#¢ HEADQUARTERS, CavALRY Division, 
Army oF THE Mississippi, July 4, 1862. 


“T have read, with mingled feelings of sur- 
prise and regret, a communication signed by G. 
T. Beauregard, addressed to the Mobile News of 
the 19th ultimo; surprise, that facts so patent, 
and so easily susceptible of proof, should be 
denied by him; and regret, that so weak, 
wicked, and unholy a cause as is this cursed re- 
bellion should have rendered utterly false and 
unscrupulous a man whom, for fifteen years, I 
have always associated with all that was chiv- 
alric, high-minded, and honorable. 

“The pursuit from Corinth I led with one 
brigade of my cavalry and a battery, leaving 
Farmington at noon on the 30th day of May. 
On the evening of the same day I came upon 
the rear guard of the enemy, whom I found 
strongly posted in the bottom of Tuscumbia 
Creek, eight miles south of Corinth. The next 
day this rear guard was driven out, and on 
Sunday, the lst June, the pursuit recommenced. 
We passed Rienzi only two hours behind the 
retreating army, and found the bridges between 
Rienzi and Booneville so recently fired that the 
timbers were nearly all saved. My advanced 
guard came up with the enemy late in the 
afternoon of the Ist June, about four miles from 
Booneville, and chased them within one mile 
of the town, when it was halted by my order, 
on account of the lateness of the hour. At five 
o’clock on the morning of the 2d June I en- 


630 


tered Booneville, and during all of that day my 
cavalry was constantly skirmishing with the ene- 
my on every road leading southward and west- 
ward from Booneville to Twenty-mile Creek. 

“On the next day I made a reconnoissance 
in force towards Baldwin, driving the enemy 
across T'wenty-mile Creek; and on the 4th 
another reconnoissance was made by Colonel 
Elliott, via Blackland, with similar results. On 
the LOth, Baldwin and Guntown were occupied 
by my troops, which was as far as the pursuit 
has been carried. 

“ Booneville is twenty-four miles by the rail- 
road from Corinth, and Twenty-mile Creek is 
eleven miles farther. By the highway the dis- 
tance from Corinth to Twenty-mile Creek is 
reckoned by the inhabitants at thirty-nine 
miles. 

“The facts of the ‘ farmer’s story’ are these. 
I met at Rienzi, on Sunday, the Ist June, the 
citizen whose house Beauregard occupied while 
there, and his statement to me was that Beau- 
regard was much excited and utterly surprised 
at the explosion of the ordnance in the burning 
ears, fired by Colonel Elliott at Booneville, that 
he pronounced it to be at Corinth, and that he 
violently swore at a report that reached him, 
that the explosions were at Booneville. That 
he sent all over town to ascertain the author 
of the rumor, and while engaged in this search 
a messenger arrived direct from Booneville con- 
firming the report that ‘the Yankees were 
there’? Whereat, Beauregard altered his route 
and galloped away immediately, taking the 
roundabout way of Blackland to Baldwin. This 
statement was made in the presence of several 
officers, and was entirely voluntary and un- 
asked for. 

“ Colonel Elliott arrived at Booneville on the 
30th of May, at two o’clock A.M. He remained 
secreted in the woods east of the railroad until 
daylight, when he moved down upon the town, 
and was met by a body of about two hundred 


rebel cavalry, who incontinently fled at a volley | 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


from Captain Campbell’s second Michigan re- 
volving rifles. This was the only resistance 
Colonel Elliott encountered. He found in the 
town about eight hundred well soldiers and two 
thousand sick and convalescent ; but none were 
inclined to oppose him. On the contrary, at 
least five hundred wished to go back with him 
as prisoners, but it was impossible for him to 
take them. 

“The two thousand sick and convalescent, 
found by Colonel Elliott were in the most 
shocking condition. The living and the putrid 
dead were lying side by side together, festering 
in the sun, on platforms, on the track, and on 
the ground, just where they had been driven 
off the cars by their inhuman and savage com- 
rades. No surgeon, no nurses were attending 
them. They had had no water or food for one 
or two days, and a more horrible scene could 
scarcely be imagined. 

“Colonel Elliott set his own men to remov- 
ing them to places of safety, and they were all 
so removed before he set fire to the depot and 
cars, as can be proved by hundreds. 

“General Beauregard states that the burning 
of two or more cars is not enough to make him 
frantic. The exact number of the cars de- 
stroyed by Colonel Elliott is as follows : — 

“ FWive cars loaded with small arms. 

“Five cars loaded with loose ammunition. 

“ Five cars loaded with fixed ammunition. 

“Six cars loaded with officers’ baggage. 

“ Five cars loaded with clothing, subsistence, 
stores, harness, saddles, &c. 

“Making a total of twenty-six cars, besides 
three pieces of artillery and one locomotive. 

“This, of course, does not include the depot 
and platform, which were filled with provisions 
and stores of every description. 

“The nine men of Colonel Elliott’s command 
taken prisoners were a party who had taken a 
hand-car and gone up the track a mile or two 
to destroy a water-tank. It is presumed they 
were surprised by some skulkers who were 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


afraid to approach Booneville while Colonel 
Elliott was there. 

“The charge of burning up five sick men in 
the depot and handing down Colonel Elliott’s 
name to infamy, I must confess is only in char- 
acter with General Beauregard’s previous state- 
ments. He knows better. He knows it is 
false. The rebellion, in which he is a promi- 
nent leader, must have imbued him with more 
credulity than reason; a spirit of malicious 
exaggeration has taken the place of truth. To 
convict himself of inhumanity, treachery, and 
deception in almost every word, act, and deed, 
he has only to take the combined and concur- 
rent testimony of thousands of his own sub- 
alterns and men, especially those who have 
fallen into our hands as prisoners and the large 
numbers who have deserted his sinking cause. 

“G. Grancer, Brigadier-General. 
‘‘Hon. E. M. Sranton, Secretary of War.” 


The result of the movement against the rebel 
army at Corinth hardly answered the hopes and 
expectations of the government and the coun- 
try. It was hoped that with so large and well- 
appointed an army, and under a commander 
who was reported to be a master of military 
science, and was aided by generals of known 
ability and bravery, the rebel army might be 
wholly defeated, a large part of it captured, and 
the prestige of its general destroyed among 
his own followers. On the other hand, it was 
anticipated, or feared by many, that the slow 
and cautious movements of General Halleck 
would result in finding the enemy gone when 
the time for the final attack should come. The 
latter were not wrong in their conjectures. 
The slowness but certainty with which the fed- 
eral army advanced, and the completeness of 
all its movements, seem to have convinced the 
rebel leaders that its final success would be 
certain, and at the same time afforded them 
opportunity to escape. So far as they were 
compelled to abandon a chosen position, im- 


631 


portant as a strategic point in that campaign, 
before the capture of Memphis, it was virtually 
a defeat to them and a gratifying success for 
the federal general. So far as the rebel army 
was demoralized by a hasty evacuation of a 
carefully and laboriously fortified position, a 
wholesale destruction of supplies, and a sudden 
retreat before the very presence of its oppo- 
nents, and all in the face of the vainglorious 
orders and promises of its leaders, it was a ruin- 
ous defeat to the rebels and a great advantage 
to the Union cause. But notwithstanding these 
disadvantages, the rebel army had escaped with 
comparatively little loss, and could be used for 
other movements, while on the other hand the 
federal army could not make a farther advance 
until the Mississippi should be opened and its 
base of supplies changed. The balance of ad- 
vantages was, however, decidedly on the side of 
the federal cause, and was so felt to be by 
the enemy. 

When General Buell’s army left Nashville, 
one division, under General O. M. Mitchell, 
moved in the direction of Murfreesboro’ in 
stead of towards the Tennessee River. The 
rebel troops which had retreated in this direc- 
tion retired before the advance of General 
Mitchell’s division, and went to join the forces 
of Beauregard at Corinth. Accordingly, there 
was no considerable body of troops to oppose 
the federal advance, and apparently a move- 
ment in this direction was not anticipated by 
the rebel leaders. General Mitchell was not 
slow in availing himself of this condition of 
affairs, and moved from Murfreesboro’ on the 
4th of April, towards Alabama, crossing the 
state line on the 8th, and reaching that night 
the vicinity of Huntsville, through which passes 


'the Memphis and Charleston railroad, connect- 
‘ing the Mississippi with the east. 


About ten miles from Huntsville the van- 
guard of the division bivouacked, awaiting the 
coming up of the artillery and main body of 
the infantry. Before morning the forces were 


632 HISTORY OF THE 


concentrated and moved towards the town, fully 
prepared to attack any force which might resist 
their progress. A few miles from the town the 
shrill whistle of a locomotive announced the 
approach of a railroad train, which was prompt- 
ly brought to a stand by one or two shots from 
the light artillery. Capturing the train and a 
number of prisoners, the forces moved rapidly 
forward to Huntsville, which they entered be- 
fore the people had left their beds. ‘The clatter 
of troops and rattle of artillery soon startled 
the residents from their slumbers, and great 
was their consternation when they learned that 
the federal forces had reached their town so far 
inland, and protected, as they supposed, by the 
strategic positions of the rebel troops. Any 
fears which they might have entertained of ill 
treatment and plunder by the federal soldiers 
were soon quieted by the good order and dis- 
cipline which characterized the troops, and the 
stringent orders of the officers. 

Troops were at once despatched to take pos- 
session of the railroad and all public or military 
property ; and it was soon found that the occu- 
pation of the place, though not at the cost of a 
battle, or even a skirmish, was a most important 
advantage gained, and a corresponding damage 
to the rebels. At the railroad depot were found 
seventeen locomotives, and a large number of 
cars, some of which contained supplies for the 
rebel army; and at a foundery were several 
cannon and some small arms. These, with other 
sunilar property, were seized, and the railroad 
was promptly used to extend the advantage 
already gained. Trains of cars with troops 
were despatched east and west, and before night 
General Mitchell had possession of one hundred 
miles of the railroad, extending from Steven- 
son on the east to Decatur on the west, and 
had captured, besides other engines and cars, 
the entire camp equipage of aregiment. From 
Decatur a force was advanced to Tuscumbia, 
and communication opened with, the combined 
armies of Generals Grant auu Buell, soon after 


UNITED STATES. 


the battle of Shiloh. The rebel communica- 
tions were thus completely interrupted in this 
direction, and the capture of so large a number 
of locomotives and cars was a serious loss to 
the means of transportation possessed by the 
rebels, though a considerable number, both of 
engines and cars, had been run down from the 
railroads in Tennessee and Kentucky, as the 
rebel forces retired. All this work was accom- 
plished, and the advantages gained, without the 
loss of a man. The success was announced by 
General Mitchell in the following orders, ex- 
pressing his thanks to his soldiers : — 


‘HEADQUARTERS TuIRD Drvyision, 
Camp Tayuor, Huntsvities, April 16, 1862. } 
‘GENERAL ORDER No. 93. 

“Sorprers: Your march upon Bowling Green 
won the thanks and confidence of our com- 
manding general. With engines and cars cap- 
tured from the enemy, our advance guard pre- 
cipitated itself upon Nashville. It was now 
made your duty to seize and destroy the Mem- 
phis and Charleston Railway, the great military 
road of the enemy. With a supply-train only 
sufficient to feed you at a distance of two days’ 
march from your depot, you undertook the 
herculean task of rebuilding twelve hundred 
feet of heavy bridging, which by your untiring 
energy was accomplished in ten days. 

“Thus, by a railway of your own construc- 
tion, your depot of supplies was removed from 
Nashville to Shelbyville, nearly sixty miles, in 
the direction of the object of your attack. The 
blow now became practicable. Marching with 
a celerity such as to outstrip any messenger 
who might have attempted to announce your 
coming, you fell upon Huntsville, taking your 
enemy completely by surprise, and capturing | 
not only his great military road, but all his ma- 
chine shops, engines, and rolling stock. 

“Thus providing yourselves with ample trans- 
portation, you have struck blow after blow with 
a rapidity unparalleled. Stevenson fell, sixty 
miles to the east of Huntsville. Decatur and 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION, 


Tuscumbia have been in like manner seized, and 
are now occupied. In three days you have 
extended your front of operations more than 
one hundred and twenty miles, and your morn- 
ing gun at Tuscumbia may now be heard by 
your comrades on the battle-field made glori- 
ous by their victory before Corinth. 

“A commiunication of these facts to head- 
quarters has not only won the thanks of our 
commanding general, but those of the depart- 
ment of war, which I announce to you with 
proud satisfaction. 

“ Accept the thanks of your commander, and 
let your future deeds demonstrate that you can 
surpass yourselves. By order of 

“QO. M. Mrrcuett, 
“ Brigadier-General commanding. 

ssW. P. Prentice, A. A. G.” 


General Mitchell, in consequence of his suc- 
cess, was raised to the rank of major-general, 
and his division was constituted an independ- 
ent command. But to hold this great extent 
of railroad his force was not sufficient, and the 
extension of his lines rendered his situation 
far from safe should the rebels concentrate any 
force upon one point. The importance of this 
line of communication was too great for them 
to permit him to hold it without opposition, 
and they soon began to gather in some force, 
and to threaten him. At this time, however, 
it was impossible to send him reénforcements 
without weakening some other point perhaps 
as important as this. General Mitchell was, 
therefore, obliged to concentrate his forces be- 
fore the threatened movements of the rebels, 
who collected in the vicinity of Tuscumbia, and 
kept up a constant skirmishing, and interrupted 
the transportation of supplies. On the 24th 
of April, his force abandoned Tuscumbia, and 
fell back to Decatur, where a fine bridge across 
the Tennessee was destroyed, to prevent pur- 
suit by the rebels, who pressed forward as 
they discovered the retreat. The bridge was 

80 


633 


scarcely destroyed when a rebel cavalry force 
appeared on the other side, but their pursuit 
was here effectually interrupted. From De- 
catur the federal troops were also withdrawn, 
and concentrated at Huntsville, and operations 
were now directed to the places east of that 
point. An expedition to Bridgeport secured 
control of the bridge at that place, and there 
being no bridge across the Tennessee below 
that since the destruction of the one at De- 
catur, with the river in his front and between 
him and any force of the enemy which he had 
to fear, General Mitchell’s position was now 
safe. Moreover, the communication between 
the extremes of his lines was by railroad, 
which was in his possession, and he could the 
more readily concentrate his force if occasion 


|| required. 


Had Gen. Mitchell’s force been larger, he 
might have accomplished more important re- 
sults by penetrating farther into Alabama and 
into Georgia, destroying the rebel communica- 
tion by railroad, and seizing some important 
points, as well as capturing much war material 
very essential to the enemy. Whether he 
would have been able to have held the ground 
thus occupied, without a very large army after 
the evacuation of Corinth, is a question not so 
easily decided. 

Subsequently to the operations recorded 
above, General Mitchell advanced upon Chat- 
tanooga, and compelled the rebel forces in East 
Tennessee to retire. Considerable heavy skir- 


| mishing ensued upon this movement, and on 


the 6th of June General Negley with a part of 
the division attacked the rebels in Chattanooga 
with artillery across the river. The rebels in 
considerable force the next day made an attack, 
but were repulsed. The difficulty of procuring 
supplies, and the want of a larger force, however, 
compelled the federal general to abandon any 
further attempt in this direction; and soon 
after, when General Buell’s army moved from 
Corinth to the line of the Tennessee, this divis- 


634 HISTORY OF 


THE UNITED 


STATES. 


ion was again incorporated into his army, and || without their reduction being still more diffi- 


General Mitchell was ordered to take command 
of the department of the south. 


CHAPTER LXXV. 


The Mississippi Flotilla. — Progress down the River. — Fort 
Pillow. — Bombardment.— Withdrawal of Federal Land 
forces. — Continued Bombardment. — Rebel Gunboats. — At- 
tack upon the Federal Flotilla. — Naval Engagement. — Rebel 
Rams. — The Cincinnati. — Rebel Vessels damaged and com- 
pelled to retire. — Official Despatch of Captain Davis. — Fed- 
eral Rams. — Evacuation of Fort Pillow. — Strength and con- 
dition of the Fort. — Fort Randolph. — Official Despatch of 
Colonel Ellett. —Movement towards Memphis. — Capture of a 
Steamer. — Arrival above Memphis. — Rebel Fleet. — The 
Battle. — Operations of Federal Rams. — Destruction of 
Rebel Gunboats. — Fight at close Quarters. — Retreat of 
Rebel Vessels. — Pursuit and Capture. — The Result. — The 
American Flag in Memphis. — Occupation of the City. 
— Official Reports. — Expedition up White River. — Gen- | 
eral Curtis’s Movements. — Short Supplies and critical Con- | 
dition. — Object of the Gunboat Expedition. — Rebel Bat-. 
teries at St. Charles. — Attack by Gunboats, and Battle. — | 
Disaster to the Mound City. — Loss of Life by Scalding. — 
Rebel Barbarity. — Assault on the Batteries by the Military 
Force.— Capture of Batteries and total Defeat of Rebels. — 
Official Reports. — Failure of the Expedition. — Movements | 
of General Curtis. — March to Helena. 


On the 12th of April, a few days after the | 
capture of Island Number Ten,* the flotilla of 
gunboats under Commodore Foote, with the 
mortar boats and a number of transports carry- 
ing a large part of General Pope’s forces, moved 
down the Mississippi for operations against the 
next rebel stronghold, which was Fort Wright 
or Pillow, on the first Chickasaw Bluffs, about 
seventy miles above Memphis, and relied upon 
as a defence to that place. A few miles below 
Fort Pillow was Fort Randolph; and both of 
these works were so advantageously located 
and so well constructed that they were confi- 
dently relied upon by the rebels to resist suc- 
cessfully the federal progress down the river,and 


were believed by the federal officers to be very | 


difficult to reduce, the passage down the river 


* See Chapter LXIX. 


cult. The gunboats moved in line of battle and 
prepared to encounter the rebel gunboats, of 
which there were supposed to be several quite 
formidable, or batteries posted on shore. As 
the fleet descended the river, three or four 
steamboats, supposed to be armed, were seen in 
the distance; but they retired as the federal 
boats advanced, without offering any resistance. 
Two days after leaving New Madrid the fleet 
came to anchor at Plum Point, about three and 
a half miles from Fort Pillow, and operations 
were at once commenced against that strong- 
hold. The mortar boats were moored to the 
Arkansas shore at a distance of about three 
quarters of a mile from the fort in a direct line, 
and on the 17th of April opened fire upon the 
batteries and gunboats of the enemy. The 
rebel batteries replied vigorously, but without 
much effect, and the shells from the mortars, 
though soon ae thrown, promised no 
speedy result. 

The height of the river,and the nature of 
the ground below the bluffs on which the rebel 
works were constructed, prevented any codper- 
ation of the land forces; and it only remained 
for the mortars to keep up a constant fire, which 
must cause more or less damage to the enemy, 
until a lower stage of the water should permit 
the commencement of military operations, or 
the rebel forces should at length be wearied 
out. The land forces, however, were destined 
to take no part in the reduction or capture of 
the fort, for after the battle of Shiloh, General 
Pope, with his force of nearly twenty-five thous- 
and men, which had been destined for operations 
on the Mississippi, was ordered to join the army 
under General Halleck, then moving against 
Corinth. The departure of the land forces ap- 
peared to put an end to the operations which 
were expected to open the mighty river to New 
Orleans ; but the naval part of the expedition 
remained to prevent any hostile movements by 
the rebel gunboats, or any attempt to reoccupy 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


points farther up the river; and a slow bombard- 
ment of the fort was continued, though with 
but little hope of accomplishing any favorable 
results. Soon after the withdrawal of the land 
forces, Commodore Foote, anticipating no im- 
mediate movement of importance, obtained 
leave of absence, and was succeeded in the 
command of the flotilla by Captain Charles H. 
Davis. 

Up to the 10th of May there was little to 
vary the monotony of the slow bombardment 
of the fort. The rebel gunboats occasionally 
made their appearance at a distance, but made 
no demonstration within range of the guns of 
the federal vessels. The rebels, however, were 
in the mean time increasing their naval strength, 
or awaiting a favorable opportunity for attacking 
the federal boats at a disadvantage. On the 
day above named, their preparations being com- 
pleted, or the desired opportunity, as they be- 
lieved, having arrived, the rebel flotilla moved 
up the river for an attack upon the federal vessels. 
This flotilla consisted of eight boats, several of 
which were partially iron-clad and fitted with 
sharp iron bows, or “rams.” The federal gun- 
boats were seven in number, and were moored 
on each side of the river, three on the eastern 
side and four on the western side. The mortar 
boats, which were simply flat-boats, depended 
upon the gunboats both for locomotion and pro- 
tection, and were a source of weakness rather 
than of strengthin case of an attack at close quar- 
ters. Four of the federal vessels were partially 
iron-clad ; the others had no armor, but.the en- 
gines and boilers were protected by bales of 
cotton and heavy timbers. Some of the mortar 
boats had been moored for their daily work of 
bombarding the fort, and the foremost of the 
rebel gunboats apparently aimed at first cap- 
turing these persistent annoyers. As the rebel 
boats approached, and were yet at a distance, 


one of the mortar boats opened the conflict | 


with its heavy mortar, the elevation of the 
piece and the charge being reduced to meet 


;}In vain against the iron armor of the ram. 


635 


the circumstances. Though the shot did not 
appear to take effect, the gallantry of the com- 
mander and crew of this boat, which was the 
most exposed to attack, in thus defending it 
with such a ponderous and unwieldy piece of 
ordnance, received the commendation of the 
flag officer and all who saw it. 

The rebel flotilla was led by an iron-clad 
ram, which, as it approached the position of the 
federal vessels, made for the Cincinnati, which 
was the most advanced of the gunboats. It 
was some time before the Cincinnati was cut 


‘loose and got under headway into the stream, 


and the rebel ram had by that time approached 
to within a comparatively short distance, the 
stern guns of the former having been discharged 
As 
soon as the Cincinnati was fairly under way 
she discharged her broadside guns, but with no 
better result. The ram kept on, and, making 
for the federal vessel under all steam, struck 
her on the quarter with great force, and did 
considerable damage, though it did not disable 
her. In return, the Cincinnati discharged a full 
broadside at the ram at short range, but appar- 
ently without inflicting any serious damage ; 
for the latter immediately prepared for another 
attack. Both vessels were now manceuvred 
with skill, the one attempting to strike with its 
iron prow, and the other to avoid the blow, while 
at the same time firing rapidly upon her an- 
tagonist. Finally, as the ram approached, Com- 
mander Stembel, of the Cincinnati, ordered out 
the: small arms, cutlasses, and boarding pikes, 
with the determination of joining in a desperate 
hand-to-hand encounter, should the ram again 
strike and seriously injure his vessel. These 
preparations were scarcely made, when the ves- 
sels struck, and at the same moment the broad- 
side of the Cincinnati was discharged directly 
into her antagonist. Amid the uproar and con- 
fusion of the moment, Commander Stembel shot 
the rebel pilot, and was himself immediately 
after wounded. The rebel vessel was evidently 


636 


damaged, and drifted down the stream without 
“any attempt to renew the conflict. The Cin- 
einnati, though much damaged and leaking fast, 
was not disabled, and for a time continued in 
the fight, discharging her guns at the other 
rebel vessels within range, and placing one hors 
du combat, until, becoming partially nnmanage- 
able in consequence of settling in the water, 
she was run upon a shoal, where she soon 
sunk.* 

In the mean time the other federal gunboats 
became engaged with other rebel vessels, and a 
general battle raged. The Mound City was 
struck by aram, but not seriously damaged, and 
continued to throw her heavy shot and shell at 
her antagonist, which was soon forced to retire. 
In the general conflict three of the enemy’s 


vessels were disabled, two by the explosion of 


boilers, or steam-chests, which were struck by 
shot from the federal vessels. The engage- 
ment lasted rather more than half an hour, and 
for a part of that time it appeared to be a 
severe contest, which must necessarily cause a 
great loss of life. The result, however, was, 
that none were killed on board the federal ves- 
sels, and but three were wounded, one of whom 
was Commander Stembel. The official state- 
ment of the rebel loss was two killed and one 
wounded. The Cincinnati was the only federal 
boat that was seriously damaged. On the part 
of the rebels it was evident that several of their 
boats were more or less disabled, as they floated 
helplessly down the stream ; and the result was 


* It was related at the time by newspaper correspondents who’ 


were with the federal flotilla, that after the retirement of the first 
rebel ram from the engagement with the Cincinnati, the latter was 
attacked by the “ Mallory,” another ram of slower and more 
clumsy movement, and for some time by skilful manceuvres 
evaded a collision. But as the ram was about to be more suc- 
cessful in the attempt to strike the Cincinnati, the St. Louis bore 
down rapidly upon the rebel vessel, and striking her amidships, 
cut into her so that she sunk at once, carrying down most of the 


crew, a few only escaping by jumping on board the St. Louis. | 
No mention of this, however, is made in the official despatches | 


either of Captain Davis, the federal flag officer, or of the rebel com- 
mander. 
by the explosion of shells in their magazines appears equally 
unsupported by the official despatches. 


The report of the blowing up of two of the rebel boats | 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED 


| 
' 


STATES. 


certainly such as not to encourage them to seek 
again an engagement with the federal gunboats. 
The rebel commander, however, reported that 
the boats were recalled by him because the 
federal vessels were taking positions where the 
water was too shallow for his own to reach 
them, while they also carried a greater number 
of guns, and of much heavier calibre. His 
somewhat inconsistent statement at least proves 
that he felt that his vessels were not a match 
for their antagonists, notwithstanding he re- 
ported serious damage to the latter. 

The following is the official despatch of 
Captain Davis, announcing the engagement 
and its results : — 


OFFICIAL REPORT OF CAPTAIN DAVIS. 


‘‘Unitep States Frac-STEAMER BENTON, 
Orr Fort Pritow, May 11, 1862. 


“Sir: I have the honor to inform the depart- 
ment that yesterday morning, a little after seven 
o’clock, the rebel squadron, consisting of eight 
iron-clad steamers, —four of them, I believe, fit- 
ted as rams,— came round the point at the bend 
above Fort Pillow, and steamed gallantly up 
the river, fully prepared for a regular engage- 
ment. 

“The vessels of this squadron were lying at 
the time tied up to the bank of the river, — 
three on the eastern and four on the western 


side, — and (as they were transferred to me by 
Flag-officer Foote) ready for action. Most of 
the vessels were prompt in obeying the signal to 
follow the motions of the commander-in-chief. 

“The leading vessels of the rebel squadron 
made directly for mortar-boat No. 16, which 
was fora moment unprotected. Acting Master, 
Gregory and his crew behaved with great spirit 
during the action; he fired his mortar eleven 
times at the enemy, reducing the charge and 
diminishing the elevation. 

“Commander Stembel, in the gunboat Cin- 
cinnati, which was the leading vessel in the 
line on that side of the river, followed immedi- 
ately by Commander Kilty, in the Mound City, 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


hastened to the support of the mortar-boats, 
and both were repeatedly struck by the enemy’s 
rams, at the same time that they disabled the 
enemy and drove him away. The two leading 
vessels of the enemy’s line were successively 
encountered by this ship. The boiler or steam- 
chest of one of them was exploded by our shot, 
and both of them were disabled. They, as well 
as the first vessel encountered by the Cincin- 
nati, drifted down the river. 

“Commander Walke informs me that he 
fired a fifty-pound rifle-shot through the boilers 
of the third of the enemy’s gunboats, of the 
western line, and rendered her for the time be- 
ing helpless. 

“The action lasted during the better part of 
an hour, and took place at the closest quarters. 
The enemy finally retreated with haste below 
the guns of Fort Pillow. 

“| have to call the especial attention of the 
department to the gallantry and good conduct 
exhibited by Commanders Stembel and Kilty, 
and Lieutenant-commanding 8. L. Phelps. I 
regret to say that Commander Stembel, Fourth 
Master Reynolds, and one of the seamen of the 
Cincinnati, and one of the Mound City, were 
severely wounded. The other accidents of the 
day were slight. 

“T have the honor to be, 
“Your most obedient servant, 


“©. H. Davis, 
“ Captain commanding Mississippi Flotilla, pro tem. 


‘¢Hon. Gipnon WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.” 


After this engagement affairs remained quiet 
until early in June, except that an occasional 
bombardment of the fort was kept up from the 
mortar-boats. No further demonstration was 
made by the rebel gunboats, and the Union 
flotilla could not hope to make any progress 
without the codperation of a large land force. 
In the mean time, however, the naval part of 
the expedition was kept prepared for any active 
operations, and a fleet of several “rams,” fitted 


637 


out by the war department, and under the com- 
mand of a military officer, Colonel Ellett, had 
arrived, and was ready to codperate. These 
“rams” were swift, stern-wheel river steamers, 
fitted with sharp iron prows, and protected 
about the machinery with iron or cotton bales; 
the sides were pierced with loopholes for rifles, 
which, in the hands of sharpshooters, were the 
only armament. They were lighter and swifter 
than the rebel rams, and were expected to 
prove useful for rapid movements, should such 
be required, as well as effective in the peculiar 
use for which they were intended. The com- 
mander of this fleet, Colonel Ellett, was a brave 
and dashing officer, and was supported with 
like spirit by his brother, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Ellett, and son, as well as by those who had 
charge of the management of the boats. The 
arrival of these rams under the command of an 
army officer, and independent of the naval au- 
thorities, caused some jealousy between them; 
but, fortunately, it assumed the form of rivalry, 
and did not interfere with the activity or suc- 
cess of either. 

The tenure of Fort Pillow and Memphis by 
the rebels depended upon the issue of the op- 
erations at Corinth; and when Beauregard was 
compelled to retreat from that position, the 
evacuation of these places followed as a matter 
of course. The transfer, therefore, of General 
Pope’s forces to the main army before Corinth 
did not deprive the naval expedition of all 
military co6peration, and may not, in view of 
the slow progress made by General Halleck, 
have seriously retarded the progress of the 
expedition. Fort Pillow and Fort Randolph, 
about twelve miles below, were evacuated on 
the night of the 4th of June, a few days after 
the retreat from Corinth, and as soon as the 
preparations could be completed. The greater 
part of the forces which had for some time oc- 
cupied Fort Pillow, after the abandonment of 
Columbus, had been called to reénforce Beau- 
regard at Corinth, when General Pope went to 


638 


the Tennessee, and the garrison had, for some 
days previous to the evacuation, been only 
sufficient to keep up a show of occupation by 
responding to the federal fire. Although such 
a movement might have been suspected by the 
Union officers, whose reconnoissances had been 
more frequent for a few days, and preparations 
were made for a military movement under 
certain contingencies, it did not appear that 
their suspicions were confirmed until the move- 
ment was accomplished. arly in the evening 
of the 4th of June there were indications of 
extensive conflagrations in the direction of the 
fort and beyond, and it became quite certain 
that the rebels were burning their barracks 
and storehouses preparatory to an entire aban- 
doument of the position. At the same time 
the discharge of some of their heavy guns, 
which sent shot and shell in the direction of 
the federal vessels, seemed to indicate that the 
garrison was still ready to resist the advance 
of the Union flotilla. It appeared afterwards, 
however, thatthe rebels had loaded and pointed 
these guns, and had then set the carriages on 
fire, by which means they were discharged 
when the garrison had already left. An ad- 
vance of the flotilla, or any detachment, was 
not considered expedient until the next morn- 
ing; but early on that day the whole fleet 
got under way, preceded by the rams, and 
moved down the river to a point opposite the 
fort. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett, with a few men in 
a yawl, inmediately landed, and were followed 
by Colonel Fitch, commanding an Indiana brig- 
ade, and a part of his force. An examination 
of the rebel works showed that by position 
and natural advantages, as well as great en- 
gineering skill and labor, they were exceed- 
ingly strong, and could for a long time have 
resisted any attempt to take them. They con- 
sisted of an immense system of earthworks, 
extending several miles, and prepared for nu- 
merous guns, a large number of which, com- 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


manding all the land approaches as well as the 
river, appeared to have been mounted. The 
rebels, however, had removed the greater part 
of the guns, and had attempted to render others 
useless by bursting or spiking them, and burn- 
ing the carriages. All the barracks and other 
buildmgs had been burned, and there were 
evidences of the destruction of other property 
which could not be removed. Some very large 
guns and mortars were found, a portion of 
which were not seriously damaged; but beyond 
these there was little left that could be of value 
to the captors. The works themselves were 
of little use to the federal forces, the rebels 
having now almost entirely abandoned West 
Tennessee. The Union flag was raised over 
the deserted and useless fort, and, a small force 
being left to guard it, the fleet proceeded down 
the river to Fort Randolph, a less important 
work, twelve miles below, which was also evac- 
uated at the same time as Fort Pillow. 

The following is the official despatch of Colo- 


‘nel Ellett, whose activity seems to have placed 


him in advance of the naval flotilla: — 


COLONEL ELLETT’S REPORT. 


‘¢Oppositr RANDOLPH, BELOW Fort Pittow, 
June 5, 1862. 


“To my mortification the enemy evacuated 
Fort Pillow last night. They carried away or 
destroyed every thing valuable. Early this 
morning Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett and a few 
men in a yawl went ashore, followed immedi- 
ately by Colonel Fitch and a party of his com- 
mand. The gunboats then came down and 
anchored across the channel. 

“JT proceeded with three rams twelve miles 
below the fort to a point opposite Randolph, 
and sent Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett ashore with 
a flag of truce to demand the surrender of the 
place. Their forces had all left in two of their 
gunboats only an hour or two before we ap- 
proached. The people seemed to respect the 
flag which Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett planted. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


The guns had been dismantled, and some piles 
of cotton were burning. 

“JT shall leave Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett here 
in the advance, and return immediately to Fort 
Pillow to bring on my entire force. The peo- 
ple attribute the suddenness of the evacuation 
to the attempt made night before last to sink 
one of their gunboats at Fort Pillow. Ran- 
dolph, like Pillow, is weak, and could not have 
held out long against a vigorous attack. The 
people express a desire for the restoration of 
the old order of things, though still professing 
to be secessionists. 

“CHartes Hxert, Jr., 
“ Colonel commanding Ram Flotilla. 
‘‘ Hon. E. M. Sranron, Secretary of War.” 

From Randolph the combined forces moved 
at once towards Memphis, which was now pro- 
tected by no work of importance, and the only 
obstacle anticipated was the rebel flotilla of 
gunboats. On the passage down, a large rebel 
transport was captured by one of the tug ten- 
ders of the gunboats, this being the only im- 
portant event which transpired on the way. 
On the 5th of June the fleet arrived within 
two miles of Memphis without meeting any 
opposition, and anchored for the night. Dur- 
ing the night a rebel tug approached the an- 
chorage, as was supposed on a reconnoitring 
expedition, and getting aground so that she 
could not be got off, was set on fire by her 
crew and destroyed. Early on the morning of 
the 6th, the gunboats were signalized to pre- 
pare for action, and to drop down the river. 
The Mound City having been left at Port Pil- 
low to convoy the transports, the fleet consisted 
of only five vessels, the Benton (flag-ship), the 
Louisville, the Carondelet, the Cairo, and the 
St. Louis. 

The arrival of the fleet above the city was 
evidently. known in Memphis, for sthe bluffs 
were covered with the people who had come 
out to witness its coming and the naval battle 
which was about to take place between it and 


639 


the rebel gunboats. The latter, eight in num- 
ber, were opposite the city, and as the federal 
boats came slowly down were formed in line 
of battle to meet them, the rebel officers appar- 
ently being determined that the engagement 
should, for some reason, take place in front of 
the city. The rebel flag-ship, the “ Little Reb- 
el,” fired the first gun, to which the Benton 
soon replied; and very shortly the other vessels 
on both sides followed, and the engagement 
became general, though not yet at close quar- 
ters. The federal boats, though fewer in num- 
ber, carried more guns, and of heavier metal, 
and soon showed that they were not engaged 
in an unequal conflict. Before their shot, how- 
ever, began to take effect upon their antago- 
nists, which were yet at a distance, four rams, 
commanded by Colonel Ellett, came down the 
river at full speed, and two of them, passing the 
gunboats, steamed directly for the enemy. The 
gunboats continued their fire, avoiding the 
range of the rams, and the rebels replied vig- 
orously. Hidden partially by the smoke of the 
battle, the rams dashed on, and were near the 
enemy’s vessels before they were discovered. 
The ram Queen of the West was in the advance, 
followed closely by the Monarch. As the for- 
mer approached the rebel vessels she received 
a shot, which caused but little damage, and did 
not deter her bold commander from his work. 
Dashing at the rebel gunboat Beauregard, she 
struck her a blow which would have proved 
very damaging but for the skilful movement 
of the latter. Pressing on, the Queen next 
struck with full force the General Lovell, as the 
latter was turning, and cut through in such 
a manner as to be for a few moments firmly 
fixed in her side. As soon as the ram _ be- 
came disengaged, the rebel gunboat sunk in 
deep water, and a part of her crew were carried 
down. This assault, however, so damaged the 
Queen, that she was obliged to retire from the 
contest, Colonel Ellett having also been wound- 


ed by a splinter. The Monarch had pushed 


640 HISTORY OF THE 


on with such force and speed that she passed 
through the rebel fleet, striking one of them a 
damaging blow. Then promptly returning to 
the conflict, she was in turn attacked by the 
Beauregard; but her pilot skilfully evaded the 
blow, and the Beauregard went crashing into 
the side of one of .her own consorts, the Gen- 
eral Price, and inflicted so severe an injury that 
the disabled boat was run upon the Arkansas 
shore and abandoned. Again attacking the 
Beauregard, before she was free from the Gen- 
eral Price, the Monarch cut through her sides. 
At the same moment a shot from one of the 
gunboats exploded the boiler of the Beaure- 
gard, and the double injury caused her soon to 
- sink. Many of the rebel crew were scalded, 
and others were thrown violently into the wa- 
ter; but in this case, as in that of the General 
Lovell, boats were promptly sent from the fed- 
eral vessels to rescue the suffermg and drown- 
ing men. The ram Switzerland, through a 
misapprehension of the signals, remained in the 
rear, and failed to participate in the engage- 
ment. The Lancaster was accidentally backed 
ashore and disabled, so that she also was pre- 
vented from joining in the battle and doing 
the service which was expected. 

In the mean time the federal gunboats had 
also come down, and were engaging the enemy 
at close quarters, their heavy shot taking effect 
in spite of the iron armor of the rebel boats. 
The loss of two of their boats had already 
caused the rebel officers to turn their vessels 
down the river, though they still kept up their 
fire. The battle had thus passed along the 
whole front of the city, and the result was no 
longer doubtful to the thousands who witnessed 
the exciting spectacle. Success was wholly on 
the side of the Union fleet. The rebel flag- 
ship was soon so badly damaged by shot, that 
she also was run upon the Arkansas shore, and 
the oificers and crew escaped, although one of 
the rams had closely followed her. Four of the 
rebel gunboats being thus disposed of, includ- 


UNITED STATES. 


ing the flag-ship, the others sought safety in 
flight. But they were pursued by the federal 
gunboats and rams, and three of them were 
badly damaged, and being run ashore, were 
abandoned by their crews. One only, the Van 
Dorn, which was laden with a large quantity 
of property belonging to the rebel government, 
escaped. She was pursued by two of the rams 
for many miles, but they did not succeed in 
| capturing or destroying her. 

The battle lasted but little more than an 
hour, and the victory thus speedily achieved 
by the federal fleet was won without the loss 
of a single life, or the cost of even any serious 
wound. ‘The vessels were scarcely injured, 
jexcept the rams, as already mentioned, and the 
fleet at the close of the action was ready to 
meet another even stronger force of the enemy. 
The rebel defeat was complete. Seven of their 
eight gunboats were destroyed or captured, and 
their loss of officers and men was estimated at 
one hundred and fifty killed by shot, scalded, 
or drowned, and about one hundred prisoners. 
It was a fatal blow to the naval operations of 
the rebels on the Mississippi, and, with the pre- 
vious victory of Flag-officer Farragut below 
New Orleans, swept away the greater part of 
the navy which they had organized for the de- 
fence and control of the river. In addition to 
the gunboats, five steamers were captured as 
prizes at the landing in Memphis; but the 
greater part of the enemy’s ordnance stores 
and supplies had already been removed. 

While the battle was yet in progress below 
the city, Colonel Ellett, who had been obliged 
to withdraw his ram, the Queen, from the con- 
test, and was in the rear of the fleet, was in- 
formed that a white flag had been raised in 
the city. He accordingly sent his son, with an 
army officer and a small guard on shore, under 
a flag of truce, bearing a note to the mayor, 
to the effect that, understanding that the city 
had surrendered, he sent the party to raise the 
United States flag upon the Custom House and 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


the Court House. The mayor replied that the 
civil authorities of the city were not advised 
of its surrender, but that they had no forces to 
oppose the raising of the flags. Upon receiv- 
ing this reply the small party proceeded to 
raise the flags as directed, and accomplished 
their purpose, although they were several times 
fired upon and stoned by the mob. The better 
portion of the people, however, reprobated this 
conduct of the mob, and the party returned in 
safety, notwithstanding the violent threats of 
the populace. 

The gunboats having returned from the pur- 
suit of the rebel vessels, Flag-officer Davis sent 
a small party ashore with a note to the mayor, 
requesting the surrender of the city. To this 
the mayor replied, that the civil authorities had 
no means of defence, and by the force of cir- 
cumstances the city was in the hands of Captain 
Davis and his forces. The rebel general, Jeff. 
Thompson, with the rear guard of his forces, 
had left the city by railroad during the bat- 
tle, and neither military force nor arms ap- 
peared to have been left. Subsequently, the 
transports having brought down the brigade 
of Colonel Fitch, that officer took military pos- 
session of the city, and at once put it under 
martial law, receiving the codperation of the 
mayor in closing drinking houses and _pre- 
serving peace and quiet. No resistance was 
made or threatened to the movements of the 
federal troops, and though strong indignation 
and hatred was expressed by the more intense 
rebels, there was evidently a pretty strong 
Union sentiment among a portion of the people, 
and but little disinclination to a change of 
military rule on the part of a large number. 
Military discipline and martial law were strict- 
ly enforced, and the people of Memphis were 
obliged to admit, that under the rule of the 
federal forces the city was far more orderly 
and quiet than it had been during the pres- 
ence of the rebel troops. 

81 


641 


The following are the official reports of 
Captain Davis and Colonel Ellett :— 


REPORT OF COMMANDER DAVIS. 


‘¢Unitep States Frac-STEaAMER BENTON, 
Mempuis, June 6, 1862. 


“Sm: In my despatch of yesterday, dated 
at Fort Pillow, I had the honor to inform the 
department that I was about moving to this 
place with the men-of-war and transports. I 
got under way from Fort Pillow at noon, leav- 
ing the Pittsburg, Lieutenant-commanding Ee- 
bert Thompson, to codperate with a detach- 
ment of Colonel Fitch’s command, in holding 
possession of Fort Pillow and securing public 
property at that place; and also the Mound 
City, Commander A. H. Kilty, to convoy the 
transports containing the troops, not then ready 
to move. 

“On the way down, I came suddenly, at a 
bend of the river, upon the rebel transport- 
steamer Sovereign, which turned immediately 
to escape from us. I sent forward Lieutenant 
Joshua Bishop, with a body of small-armed 
men in a light tug, by whorh she was captured. 
She is a valuable prize. 

“The gunboats anchored at eight o’clock 
P. M, at the lower end of Island Number 45, 
about a mile and a half above the city of Mem- 
phis; the mortar-boats, tow-boats, ordnance, 
commissary, and other vessels of the fleet tied 
up at Island Number 44 for the night. 

“ At daylight this morning the enemy’s fleet, 
consisting of the rebel rams and gunboats, now 
numbering eight vessels, were discovered lying 
at the levee. They dropped below Railroad 
Point, and returning again, arranged themselves 
in front of the city. 

“At twenty minutes past four the flotilla, 
consisting of the following five vessels,— the 
flag-ship Benton, Lieutenant-commanding S. L. 
Phelps ; the Louisville, Commander B. M. Dove; 
the Carondelet, Commander Henry Walke ; the 


642 


Cairo, Lieutenant-commanding N. C. Bryant; 
and the St. Louis, Lieutenant-commanding Wil- 
son McGunnegle, got under way by signal, and 
dropped down the river. 

“The rebels, still lying in front of the town, 
opened fire, with the intention of exposing the 
city to injury from our shot. The fire was re- 
turned on our part, with due care in this re- 
gard. While the engagement was going on 
in this manner, two vessels of the ram fleet, 
under command of Colonel Ellett, the Queen of 
the West and Monarch, steamed rapidly by us, 
and ran boldly into the enemy’s line. Several 
conflicts had taken place between the rams be- 
fore the flotilla, led by the Benton, moving at 
a slower rate, could arrive at the closest quar- 
ters. In the mean time, however, the firing 
from our gunboats was continuous and exceed- 
ingly well directed. The General Beauregard 
and the Little Rebel were struck in the boilers 
and blown up. 

“The ram Queen of the West, which Colonel 
Ellett commanded in person, encountered, with 
full power, the rebel steamer General Lovell 
and sunk her, but.in doing so sustained some 
serious damage. 

“Up to this time the rebel fleet had main- 
tained its position and used its guns with great 
spirit; these disasters, however, compelled the 
remaining vessels to resort to their superiority 
in speed as the only means of safety. <A run- 
ning fight took place, which lasted nearly an 
hour, and carried us ten miles below the city. 
It ended in the capture or destruction of four 
or five of the remaining vessels of the enemy ; 
one only, supposed to be the Van Dorn, having 
escaped. Two of the rams, the Monarch and 
Lancaster Number 8, pursued her, without suc- 
cess; they brought back, however, another 
prize. 

«I have se esos such Toca as 
will enable me to make an approximate state- 
ment of the number of killed, wounded, and 
prisoners on the part of the enemy. One of the 


HISTORY. OF -THE UNITED STATES... 


vessels going down in deep water, carried a part 
of her crew with her; another, the General 
Beauregard, having been blown up with steam, 
many of her crew were frightfully scalded. I 
doubt whether it will ever be in my power to 
furnish an accurate statement of these results 
of the engagement. 

“The attack made by the two rams under 
Colonel Ellett, which took place before the 
flotilla closed in with the enemy, was bold and 
successful. 

“ Captain Maynardier, commanding the mor- 
tar-fleet, accompanied the squadron in a tug, 
and took possession of the Beauregard, and 
made her crew prisoners. He captured also 
other prisoners during the action, and received 
many persons of the rebel fleet, who returned 
and delivered themselves up after their vessels 
had been deserted. It is with pleasure that I 
call the attention of the department to his 
personal zeal and: activity, the more conspicu- 
ous because displayed while the mortar-boats 
under his command could take no part in the 
action. 

“The officers and men of the flotilla per- 
formed their duty, Three men only of the 
flotilla were wounded, and those slightly ; but 
one ship was struck by shot. | 

“JT transmit herewith copies of my corre- 
spondence with the mayor of Memphis, leading 
to the surrender of the city. 

“ At eleven o’clock A. M. Colonel Fitch, com- 
manding the Indiana brigade, arrived and took 
military possession of the place. 

“There are several prizes here, among thes 
four large river-steamers, which will be hairaiy 
at once into the service of the government. 

“JT have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
your most obedient servant, 

“C. H. Davis, Flag- Officer, : 
“Commanding Western Elotilla, - 
“Mississippi River, pro tem. 
“s Hon, GipEoN WELLES, Segretary of the Navy.” 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


DESPATCHES FROM COLONEL ELLETT. 
‘‘Opposit—E Mempuis, June 6, 1862. 

“The rebel gunboats made a stand early 
this morning opposite Memphis, and opened a 
vigorous fire upon our gunboats, which was 
returned with equal spirit. 

“T ordered the Queen, my flag-ship, to pass 
between the gunboats, and run down ahead of 
them upon the two rams of the enemy, which 
first boldly stood their ground. Colonel Ellett, 
in the Monarch, of which Captain Dryden is 
First Master, followed gallantly. The rebel 
rams endeavored to back down-stream, and 
then to turn and run, but the movement was 
fatal to them. The Queen struck one of them 
fairly, and for a few minutes was fast to the 
wreck. After separating, the rebel steamer 
sunk. My steamer, the Queen, was then her- 
self struck by another rebel steamer, and dis- 
abled, but though damaged, can be saved. A 
pistol-shot wound in the leg deprived me of the 
power to witness the remainder of the fight. 
The Monarch also passed ahead of our gun- 
boats, and went most gallantly into action. 
She first struck the rebel boat that struck my 
flag-ship, and sunk the rebel. She was then 
struck by one of the rebel rams, but not 
injured. She then pushed on, and struck the 
Beauregard, and burst in her side. Simul- 
taneously the Beauregard was struck in the 
boiler, by a shot from one of our gunboats. 
The Monarch then pushed at the gunboat 
Little Rebel, the rebel flag-ship, and having 
but little headway, pushed her before her, the 
rebel commodore and crew escaping. The Mon- 
arch then, finding the Beauregard sinking, took 
her in tow until she sunk in shoal water. 
Then, in compliance with the request of Colo- 
nel Davis, Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett despatched 
the Monarch and the Switzerland in pursuit 
of the remaining gunboat and some transports 
which had escaped the gunboats, and two of 
my rams have gone below. 

“I cannot too much praise the conduct of 


643 


| 


the pilots and engineers and military guard 
of the Monarch and the Queen, the brave con- 
duct of Captain Dryden, or the heroic conduct 
of Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett. I will name all 
parties in special report. 

“T am myself the only person in my fleet 
who was disabled. 

“Cuartes Exwert, JR., 
“ Colonel commanding Ram-Fleet. 
‘‘Hon. E. M. Sranton, Secretary of War.” 
‘‘Opposit—e Mrmpurs, June 6, 1862. 

“Tt is proper and due to the brave men on 
the Queen and the Monarch to say to you 
briefly, that two of the rebel steamers were 
sunk outright and immediately by the shock 
of my two rams. One, with a large amount 
of cotton on board, was disabled by an acci- 
dental collision with the Queen, and secured 
by her crew. After I was personally disabled, 
another rebel boat, which was also hit by a 
shot from the gunboats, was sunk by the Mon- 
arch, and towed into shoal water by that boat. 
Still another, also injured by the fire of our 
gunboats, was pushed into shore and secured 
by the Monarch. Of the gunboats, I can only 
say that they bore themselves, as our navy 
always does, bravely and well. 

“Crartes ELert, JR, 
“ Colonel commanding Ram-Fleet. 
‘‘Hon. E. M. Sranron, Secretary of War.” 
‘¢Opposit—E Mempuis, June 10, 1862. 

“There are several facts touching the naval 
engagement of the 6th instant, at this place, 
which I wish to place on record. Approaching 
Memphis, the gunboats were in advance. I had 
received no. notice that a fight was expected, 
but was informed on landing within sight of 
Memphis, that the enemy’s gunboats had re- 
treated down the river. 

“ My first intimation of the presence of the 
enemy was a shot which passed over my boat. 
I had four of my most powerful rams in ad- 
vance and ready for any emergency. 

“The others were towing the barges. On 


644 HISTORY OF THE 


advancing to the attack, I expected, of course, 
to be followed by the Monarch, the Lancaster, 
and the Switzerland. 

“The Monarch came in gallantly. Some of 
the officers of the Lancaster, which now held 
the next place in line, became excited and con- 
fused, but the engineers behaved well. 

“The pilot erred in the signals, and backed 
the boat ashore and disabled her rudder. 

“The captain of the Switzerland construed 
the general signal order to keep half a mile in 
the rear of the Lancaster to mean that he was 
to keep half a mile behind her in the engage- 
ment, and therefore failed to participate. 

“Hence the whole brunt of the fight fell 
upon the Queen and Monarch. Had either the 


Lancaster or Switzerland followed me as the | 
Monarch did, the rebel gunboat Van Dorn} 


would not have escaped, and my flag-ship 
would not have been disabled. 
“Three of the rebel rams and gunboats, 


which were struck by my two rams, sunk out-| 


right, and were lost. 


“ Another, called the General Price, was but | 


slightly injured, and I am now raising her, and 
purpose to send her to my fleet. 
“ Respectfully, 
“ (Signed) Cuas. Extert, Jr., 
“ Colonel commanding Ram-Fleet. 
‘‘Hon. E. M. Sranron, Secretary of War.” 


A few days after the occupation of Mem- 
phis, four gunboats and three transports, carry- 
ing a regiment of troops, were sent on an 
expedition to White River, to open communi- 
cation with General Curtis, whose forces were 
in the vicinity of Batesville,in Arkansas. After 
the battle of Pea Ridge, General Curtis had 
remained in north-western Arkansas, waiting 
for reénforcements, and watching the move- 
ments of the rebel army, which was supposed 
to be concentrating, under Price, for a new 
invasion of Missouri. To meet such a move- 
ment, General Curtis moved towards Spring- 


UNITED STATES. — 


| field, against which it was reported that the 


rebels were already advancing. The rebel in- 
vasion did not take place, however, and Gen- 
eral Curtis again moved into Arkansas, at a 
more easterly point, and marched, by way of 
Salem, to Batesville, on White River, and the 
most important town in north-eastern Arkan- 
sas. From Batesville General Curtis was ad- 
vancing upon Little Rock, the capital of the 
state, and had arrived within fifty miles of that 
place, when an order was received from Gen- 
eral Halleck (who made every other movement 
in his department subordinate to his own op- 
erations) to send ten regiments, by a forced 
march, to Cape Girardeau, and thence to Cor- 
inth. This reduction of his forces rendered it 
inexpedient for General Curtis to continue his 
movement towards Little Rock, and he accord- 
ingly fell back to Batesville. Here the want 


of transportation and the scarcity of supplies 


in the vicinity, caused not a little suffering 
among the troops; while the distance from his 
base, and his position in a hostile country, with 
his communications cut, and the rebel forces 
concentrating to oppose him, rendered the situ- 
ation of his army critical, and excited much 
apprehension. | 

Lo open communication with, and relieve 
General Curtis, by way of White River, was 
the object of the expedition, and it was thought 
to be of sufficient strength to meet and over- 
come any force or obstructions which would 
be found on the river. The expedition pro- 
ceeded without meeting any opposition, till it 
arrived in the vicinity of St. Charles. At this 
point a reconnoissance revealed the fact that 
the enemy had erected batteries, and were 
apparently disposed to dispute the further prog- 
ress of the Union boats. The woods were so 
dense, however, that the position of the rebel 
batteries could not be discovered, and the gun- 
boats advanced cautiously, shelling the banks 
on either side of the river. This fire elicited 
a response from the batteries, and as the 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


boats turned a bend in the river, the position | 
of the batteries was revealed, the first being 
but about five hundred yards distant. This 
battery, mounted four twelve-pounder Parrott 
guns, and another a little higher up and nearer 
the river, mounted three forty-two pounders. 
As the gunboats came in view of the batteries, 
a sharp cannonade opened on both sides, the 
Mound City passing on towards the upper bat-| 
tery. The engagement had lasted about half 
an hour, without any injury to the federal) 
vessels, but with some effect upon the lower 
battery, which was nearly silenced, when a 
forty-two pound shot struck the Mound City, 
killing several men, and piercing the steam- 
drum. Instantly the hot steam rushed out and 
filled the whole vessel, scalding a large number 
of men, who were confined at the guns between | 
the decks, and whose shrieks of agony are 
described as being heart-rending. Many were | 
suffocated at once, but others succeeded in 
throwing themselves through the ports into 
the river. Fifty or sixty men were soon strug- | 
gling in the water, many of them more or less 
severely scalded. 

As soon as the misfortune was seen on board 
the other boats, assistance was immediately 
sent; but before the suffering men in the river | 
could be rescued, they were fired upon by the 
rebels with small arms, and several of them 
were killed or wounded. The guns of the low-| 
er battery were also fired upon the boats which 
went to the rescue. This barbarous act, worthy 
of the execration of mankind, and in such 
contrast with the humane action of the federal 
officers and crews at Memphis, when a similar 
affair occurred on board one of the rebel boats, 
it appeared was perpetrated by the orders of 
the officer commanding the rebel forces, a Cap- 
tain Fry, formerly a lieutenant in the United 
States navy. Of one hundred and seventy-five 
men, composing the officers and crew of the 
Mound City, but twenty-five escaped without 
injury; upwards of eighty were killed instant- 


645 


ly, or subsequently died by being scalded, and 
about thirty were killed in the river by the 
enemy’s shots, or were drowned. 

This calamity might have proved fatal to 
the expedition, or at least resulted in a com- 
plete repulse, but for the movement of the 
military force under Colonel Fitch, which had 
previously been landed about two and-a half 
miles below the batteries. This force had ad- 
vanced towards the batteries, and had driven 
in the rebel pickets, when the fatal shot struck 
the Mound City. Having disposed his forces 
for an attack, Colonel Fitch signalled his move- 


‘ment to the gunboats, and before the rebels 


had ceased their barbarous fire upon the help- 
less men in the river, he charged upon the 
batteries, delivering a deadly fire as he ad- 
vanced, and driving the gunners from their 
pieces at the point of the bayonet. From the 
batteries a part of the troops proceeded to the 
low land, where the rebel infantry were firing 
upon the crew of the Mound City, and drove 
them quickly away, scattering in all directions. 
The federal soldiers were exasperated by the 
barbarity of the rebels, and gave no quarter. 
Many of the enemy were killed or wounded, 
and about thirty were taken prisoners, includ- 
ing Captain Fry. The number of the rebel 
force was not known, but it was not large, and 
consisted of the crew of a rebel gunboat, com- 
manded by Captain Fry, and a small force of 
infantry which he had brought together to 
aid him. 

The following are the official reports of 
Captain Davis and Colonel Fitch concerning 
this engagement : — 


REPORT OF CAPTAIN DAVIS. 


‘Unitep States Frac-SrEamMeR BENTON, 
Mempuis, June 19, 1862. 


“Sm: The Conestoga, Lieutenant-command- 
ing G. W. Blodgett, arrived here to-day from 
White River. 

“She brings information of the capture of 


two batteries at St. Charles, eighty miles from 


646 


the mouth; the first of which mounted four 
Parrott guns, and the second three forty-two- 
pounder rifled guns. 

“Three guns, it is understood, were taken 
from the gunboat Mariposa, which, after being 
dismounted, was sunk. 

“There is now but one gunboat remaining 
in White River, the Pontchartrain, mounting 
three or five guns, and having her machinery 
protected by iron and cotton. 


“The enemy has attempted to block up the) 


river by driving piles and by sinking boats, 
but no serious obstructions have yet been dis- 
covered. 

“The Conestoga will return to White River 
to-night with reénforcements, accompanied by 
an additional transport laden with commissary 
stores. 

“The victory at St. Charles, which has prob- 
ably given us the command of White River, 
and secured our communication with General 
Curtis, would be unalloyed with regret but for 
the fatal accident to the steam-drum and heater 
of the Mound City, mentioned in my telegraph 
despatch. 

“Of the crew, consisting of one hundred and 
seventy-five officers and men, eighty-two have 


already died, forty-three were killed ‘in the) 


water or drowned, twenty-five are severely 


wounded, and are now on board the hospital | 


boat. Among the latter is Captain Kilty. 
They promise to do well. Three officers and 
twenty-two men escaped uninjured. 

« After the explosion took place the wounded 
men were shot by the enemy while in the wa- 
ter, and the boats of the Conestoga, Lexington, 


and St. Louis, which went to the assistance of | 


the scalded and drowning men of the Mound 
City, were fired into both with great guns and 
muskets, and were disabled — one of them 
forced on shore to prevent sinking. 

“The forts were commanded by Lieutenant 
Joseph Fry, late of the United States shee 
who is now a prisoner and wounded. 


on their batteries. 


|Mound City, disabling, 


HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


“The department and the country will con- 
trast these barbarities of a savage enemy with 
the humane efforts made by our own people to 
rescue the wounded and disabled under similar 
circumstances in the engagement of the 6th 
instant. 

“Several poor fellows, who expired shortly 
after the engagement, expressed their willing- 
ness to die when they were told that the 
victory was ours. 

“T have the honor to be, very respectfully, 


your obedient servant, 
OC. di Daviss 


“ Flag-Officer commanding Western Flotilla. 


‘Hon. Grpron WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.” 


REPORT OF COLONEL FITCH. 
«Sr, Cuartes, Wuite River, Ark., June 17, 1862. 

“On arriving eight miles below here last 
evening, we ascertained that the enemy had 
two batteries here, supported by a force — 
number unknown — of infantry. 

“A combined attack was made at seven 
o’clock A. M. to-day. The regiment under my 
command (forty-sixth Indiana) landed two and. 
a half miles below the battery, and skirmishers 
were thrown out, who drove in the enemy’s 


| pickets. 


“The gunboats then moved up and opened’ 
A rifled shot from one of 
the batteries penetrated the steam-drum of the 
by scalding, most of her 
crew. 

“ Apprehensive that some similar accident 
might happen to the other gunboats, and thus 
leave my small force without their support, I 
signalled the gunboats to cease firing, and we 
would storm the battery. They ceased at ex- 
actly the right moment, and my men carried 
the battery gallantly. The infantry were driven 
from the support of the guns, the gunners shot 
at their posts, their commanding officer Fry 
(formerly of the United States navy) wounded 
and captured, and eight brass and iron’ “guns, 
with ammunition, captured. 


PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 


“The enemy’s loss is unknown. We have 
buried seven or eight of their dead, and other 
dead and wounded are being brought in. 

“The casualties among my own command 
are small, the only real loss being from the 
escaping steam in the Mound City. She will 
probably be repaired and ready to proceed 
with us up the river to-morrow. 

“A full report will be made as early as 
possible. Very respectfully, 

“G. N. Frrca, 


“Colonel commanding Forty-sixth Indiana Vols. 
‘‘Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War.” 


The disaster to the Mound City delayed the 
further progress of the expedition, but did not 
wholly defeat it. One of the gunboats and a 
transport were sent back to Memphis with 
the wounded, and to procure a new crew for 
the unfortunate vessel and additional supplies. 
The Mound City was not so seriously injured 
but that a few days sufficed to repair the 
damages, and upon the return of the boats 
from Memphis, the expedition was soon ready 
to proceed. It was found, however, from the 
low stage of the water, that the boats could 
not reach Batesville, and the expedition failed 
to open communication with General Curtis. 

Subsequently, supplies were sent to General 
Curtis from Missouri, much to the relief of his 


army. The advance upon Little Rock was’! 


abandoned for the time, and on the 24th of 
June the entire army of General Curtis, with 
rations for twenty days, left Batesville, and 
marched to Helena, on the Mississippi River, a 
distance of one hundred and seventy-five miles. 
The long and difficult march through a wild 
and unsettled country, was rendered more 


difficult and fatiguing by a comparatively | 
small force of rebels, who obstructed the roads | 


by felling trees, attacking exposed trains, and 
in every possible way annoying the federal 
troops. Several skirmishes took place with 
this rebel force,in which it was driven off 
with loss) The advance of General Curtis’s 


647 


force arrived at Helena on the 12th of July, 
and the entire army soon followed. Here it 
remained for some months, except that a part 
of the force made a reconnoissance towards 
the Arkansas River, it being reported that 
Price was moving in that quarter, to cross the 
Mississippi. Upon this expedition a large num- 
ber of ferry-boats and others were destroyed, 
and the enemy’s means of crossing the river in 
force seriously crippled. 


CHAPTER LXXVI. 


Brief Review of the Results of the Campaign in the West. 


Wr have now narrated the principal events 
and operations of the spring campaign in 1862, 
at the west. Before resuming the account of 
the war in Virginia, which absorbed the in- 
terest and hopes of the nation more than the 
broader fields and more extended operations 
at the west, we may briefly review this cam- 
paign and its results. 

In the far west there had been several 
skirmishes and battles, which have not been 
recorded in detail, because they were so dis- 
connected from the other fields of operations, 
and were comparatively unimportant in their 
effect upon the general course of the war. 
The federal troops on the frontiers of Texas, 
who had not followed their traitorous officers 
in joining the rebellion, had fallen back to New 
Mexico, and the scattered companies had been 
concentrated to resist a force of Texans who 


_had invaded New Mexico, with the determina- 


tion of holding it as a territory of the “ Con- 
federate States.” These troops, under Colonel 
Canby, with some volunteers from the loyal 
people of the territory, numbering all together 
some fifteen hundred, had several spirited en- 
gagements with the Texans, with various but 
not very decisive results. The federal troops 
gradually fell back to Fort Craig and Fort 


648 HISTORY OF 


Union, the two most important military posts 
in New Mexico, and the latter containing a 
large amount of public property. These po- 
sitions were held until reénforced by troops 
from Colorado and Kansas, some of whom had 
moved with remarkable celerity through the 
intervening wilderness and desert. The pur- 
poses of the Texans were thus foiled, and New 
Mexico was not conquered or betrayed into 
the hands of the rebels. 

In Missouri, the federal army, under General 
Curtis, had advanced to the south-west, driving 
out the rebel forces of Price and his associates, 
and freeing the state of rebels, except guerilla 
bands, and small bodies of the state troops 
organized by the rebel governor, Jackson. 
Following the retiring rebels into Arkansas, 
General Curtis had defeated them at the battle 
of Pea Ridge so severely, that for a time all 
thought of again invading Missouri must have 
been abandoned. Then moving again into 
Arkansas, General Curtis was about to advance 
upon Little Rock, the capital of the state, and 


would probably have succeeded in his purpose, | 


but for the necessity of diminishing his force. 
But Missouri had been cleared of the rebel 
army, and its territory as well as its govern- 
ment was now secured to the Union. The 
successful movement of General Curtis from 
Northern Arkansas to the Mississippi, was a 
disappointment to the rebels scarcely less dis- 
piriting than his previous operations. 

In Kentucky, the armies of Grant and Buell, 


THE UNITED STATES. 


|| with repeated victories, had driven out the 


rebel forces, which had extended from the 
Mississippi to the Alleghanies, and had given 
the loyal sentiment of the state an opportunity 
to control its destinies. Advancing into Ten- 
nessee, victories had been won at Fort Henry, 
Fort Donelson, and Shiloh, and the rebel army 
forced back into Mississippi. Middle and West 
Tennessee were rid of the rebel army, and 
another state was substantially wrested from 
the rebel confederacy. 

The Mississippi River had been effectually 
opened from above as far as Vicksburg, and 
already there was a fair prospect that its entire 
course would, before long, be once more free 
to the commerce of the great North-west. 
From the Gulf to New Orleans it was also 
again under the national flag, and the federal 
gunboats had passed up towards Vicksburg. 
New Orleans, by far the most important city of 
the rebellious states, was occupied by Union 
troops; the federal power was firmly reéstab- 
lished there, and a base secured for important 
future operations. 

All these important advantages had been 
gained since the order of the President for a 
general advance of the Union armies. The 
success which had thus far attended the move- 
ments of the armies in the west justified the 
order; and had like success followed the move- 
ments of the army in the east, well might the 
loyal people hope for the suppression of the 


'}rebellion at no very distant day. 


UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 


AIT 


3 0112 004194061 


